Anti-Corruption

This Court should not follow the Panel’s suggestion that Petersons’ challenge to personal jurisdiction be waived because no party made this argument to either this Court or the Court of Appeals. Under our system of government, the role of courts is not to advance arguments in
support of any of the adverse parties. United States v. Sineneng-Smith, 140 S. Ct. 1575 (2020)(“In our adversarial system of adjudication, . . . in both civil and criminal cases, in the first instance and on appeal . . ., we rely on the parties to frame the issues for decision and assign to courts the role of neutral arbiter of matters the parties present.” Id. at 140 S. Ct at 1579 (quotation marks omitted).) Cf. English v. Buss, supra., at **11-14 (unpublished) (Held one judge could review the order of another judge where lack of procedural due process was apparent.) See also RAP 2.5.
Had Division One panel’s waiver argument been made by the opposing party and its counsel the Petersons, through their counsel, would have been able to demonstrate this position should be rejected because the record reflects the Petersons never agreed to waive their right to adequate, non-fraudulent service of process, which includes being “duly cited to appear.” As to this right, see e.g., Hovey v. Elliott, 167 U.S. 409, 418 (1897); Garrison v. Cheeney, 1 Wash. Terr, 489, 503 (1875); Galpin v. Page, 85 U.S. (18 Wall.) 350, 368-69 (1873) (“It is a rule, old as the law, . . . , that no one shall be personally bound until he has had his day in court, by which is meant, until he has been duly cited to appear, and has been afforded an opportunity to be heard.”)

As to the law that waiver of constitutional rights must be knowing, intelligent, and voluntary, see State v. Herron, 183 Wn.2d 737, 743-45, 356 P.3d 709, 712-13 (2015). In fact, a court must “indulge every reasonable presumption against waiver of fundamental rights.” State v. Frawley, 181 Wn.2d 452, 461, 334 P.3d 1022 (2014). Under these constitutional principles there was no waiver of the Petersons’ right, asserted in their answer and other pleadings, not to be hailed into
a court that had no personal jurisdiction over them.

Another reason that failure to file a specific motion to dismiss for a lack of personal jurisdiction pursuant to KCLR 7(b)(5) was not required is because CR 12(h)(1) specifically provides “A defense of lack of jurisdiction over the person, improper venue, insufficiency of process, or insufficiency of service of process is waived . . . (B) if it is neither made by motion under this rule nor included in a responsive pleading or an amendment thereof permitted by rule 15(a) to be made as a matter of course.” Here, these personal jurisdiction defenses were clearly asserted in the Petersons’ Answer, Affirmative Defenses, and Response to the Bank’s motion for summary judgment. And even if it was the intent of this superior court to require persons to file motions to dismiss under these circumstances, a superior court does not have the authority to
compel this result as local rules cannot alter the Washington Rules of Civil Procedure. See Parry v. Windermere Real Estate/East, 102 Wn. App. 920, 928-29 (2000)(Local Rule cannot waive right under CR 12(h) to assert personal jurisdiction defenses in answer); See also Harbor Enters. v. Gudjonsson, 116 Wn.2d 283, 293 (1991); State v. Chavez, 111 Wn.2d 548, 554 (1988)(Local court rules are subordinate to state rules of civil procedure).

In summary, and with such respect as is due the Panel’s suggestion that the Bank’s motion to amend should be granted, it is Petersons’ contention that judges must respect citizens constitutional rights and not waive them without a factual basis for doing so. Similarly, with
respect, the Panel had no constitutional authority—and violated the Petersons’ right to due process of law—when it invented an argument to help the Bank, which was inconsistent with the Civil Rues and cases interpreting them. Thus, this Court should also not waive the Petersons’ right to adequate service of process before granting a motion to amend because such a result would be futile under existing law, notwithstanding anything the Court of Appeals panel has said. Colvin v. Inslee, 195 Wn.2d 879, 899-901 (2020)
                                      *                                  *                                  *

Not since the United States Supreme Court’s constitutionally and morally bankrupt decision in Sanford v. Scott, 60 U.S. 393 (1857)2 has the integrity of America’s judicial system been more in doubt than it is now. See e.g., The Wall Street Journal, “131 Federal Judges Broke the Law
by Hearing Cases Where They Had a Financial Interest” (September 28, 2021); House Judiciary Committee, Nadler & Johnson Statement on Reports Federal Judges Broke the Law by Hearing Cases
Where They Had a Financial Interest (September 29, 2021)4. The problem an economically biased judiciary poses for our democratic republic is that it undercuts the basic premises upon which this
nation was founded, i.e., separation of powers, checks and balances, federalism, and due process of law. Unfortunately, for us, the People, these constitutional structures are not self enforcing, but must be enforced by those who have been economically incentivized to promote the interests of government workers—and their creditor allies—against this nation’s citizens.

In the Matter of: Credit Suisse Securities (USA) LLC; DLJ Mortgage Capital, Inc.; Credit Suisse First Boston Mortgage Acceptance Corp.; Credit Suisse First Boston Mortgage Securities Corp.; and Asset Backed Securities Corporation Respondents.

ORDER INSTITUTING CEASE AND DESIST PROCEEDINGS PURSUANT TO SECTION 8A OF THE SECURITIES ACT OF 1933 AND SECTION 21C OF
THE SECURITIES EXCHANGE ACT OF 1934, MAKING FINDINGS, AND
IMPOSING A CEASE-AND-DESIST ORDER

The beginning of Vladimir Putin’s third term was characterised by the politicisation of corruption. Opposition forces focused on corruption and criticised the regime for tolerating it. This article explores how the regime reacted to opposition criticism. The regime encountered a dilemma: it could not ignore the opposition but promoting anti-corruption reforms was risky for the regime. This study focuses on the regime’s use of the All-Russia People’s Front (Obshcherossiiskii Narodnyi Front—ONF) and concludes that it functioned as a ‘parastatal’ anti-corruption movement, enabling the regime to deflect the blame without directly involving itself in the process.

The present volume focuses on the relationship between office-holders and local communities in premodern Europe. It aims to further our understanding of popular political participation in practices of controlling officers by shifting the emphasis from bureaucratic expansion and state-building to the agency of the people. The underlying assumption is that communities played a central role in holding office-holders to account and thereby contributed fundamentally to shaping premodern rule and authority.
The essays in the volume address different mechanisms of accountability in various geographical and chronological contexts. Yet none offers a traditional study of office-holders using institutional and prosopographical approaches. Instead, they all focus on the people in their various communities and their interactions with representatives of central authority taking a bottom-up perspective and highlighting these communities as key actors who exerted tangible and visible control over the officers’ behaviour, their self-image, and their individual scope for action. This article serves as an introductory essay to the historiographical context in which the volume operates, before developing its methodological and thematic approach. A last section will introduce the individual contributions connecting them to the themes and the main questions of the volume.

Law, as a set of sources including legislation, administrative regulations, custom, and judicial decisions, is one of the causes of systemic corruption, intended as the generalised practice of various forms of abuse of entrusted power for private gain as part of the culture and the institutional system of a country. This paper assesses the validity of the outcomes of the most significant research conducted in Europe on the unintended criminogenic effects of legislation and the viability of the mechanism of legislative crime proofing developed for EU law in the particular legal context of Commonwealth countries. The first objective is to offer some original theoretical perspectives and practical solutions, and, particularly, to develop a comprehensive, principled strategy capable of suiting the most disparate legal systems. A secondary objective of this paper is to stimulate further discussion and research on the crime and corruption risks of the law, as a necessary step towards the elimination of systemic corruption.

Відповідно до публічних відомостей, наданих міжнародною громадською організацією Transparency International, Україна посідає 130 місце зі 180 за рівнем корумпованості бюрократичного апарату влади.
Відтак, метою державної політики протидії корупції є виявлення та подолання її соціальних передумов і наслідків корупційних дій.

Одним із чинників боротьби з корупцією став Закон України від 07.04.2011 р. № 3207‑VI «Про внесення змін до деяких законодавчих актів України щодо відповідальності за корупційні правопорушення», яким встановлена кримінальна відповідальність за незаконне збагачення. Кримінальний кодекс України було доповнено ст. 368-2 «Незаконне збагачення». Чи є наведений склад ефективним засобом протидії корупційним явищам в Україні — питання сьогоднішньої дискусії.
Чинна редакція цієї статті передбачає кримінальну відповідальність за незаконне збагачення, що визначається як «набуття особою, уповноваженою на виконання функцій держави або місцевого самоврядування, у власність активів у значному розмірі, законність підстав набуття яких не підтверджено доказами, а так само передача нею таких активів будь-якій іншій особі». Отже, диспозиція цієї статті встановлює презумпцію винуватості особи у вчиненні нею злочину.

Розширене тлумачення поняття «будь-якій іншій особі», яке міститься в абз. 1 ч. 1 ст. 368-2 Кримінального кодексу України, є нетиповим для кримінального права України в контексті вимог ст. 19 Конституції України та створює передумови для протиправного втручання в особисте життя, право на яке гарантовано ст. 32 Конституції України за формальними ознаками.

В статье рассматриваются некоторые проблемы освобождения от
уголовной ответственности посредника во взяточничестве на основании добровольного сообщения о совершенном преступлении, проводится сравнительно-правовое исследование законодательного закрепления данной поощрительной нормы в уголовном законодательстве РА и РФ.

This contribution is part of a festschrift in honour of emeritus professor, Nico Adam Botha, who laboured tirelessly for the concretisation of justice to all citizens in the boundaries of South Africa and beyond. His academic treatise offers volumes to matters of justice/injustice, in most cases particularly related to those with economic power, abusing the resources that cripple the economy and result in the most vulnerable (the poorest of the poor!) suffering. This contribution also reflects critically on the unequal representation of media reports on government corruption, as opposed to corruption in corporate South Africa. Moreover, it transposes beyond such media reporting. The author argues in this contribution that the academic corpus of Nico Botha provides a theoretical framework that can be used as a diagnostic analysis and probe, but also to re-imagine the causes and eradication of corruption in South Africa.

Using a new more expansive conception of "corruption," this anthology explores the variety of causes of corruption as well as a variety of weapons to combat it, and calls for a whole-of-society approach to reducing the level of extant corruption, whether in the developed or developing world. The book addresses both corporate (commercial) and governmental corruption, including such problems and issues as lobbying, money in politics (in general), and state/regulatory capture.

Afghans' Perceptions and Experiences of Corruption Acknowledgement Integrity Watch would like to express its appreciation and gratitude to the team responsible for the production of this Seventh biennial National Corruption Survey. Our appreciation could extend to many people but in particular to the report authors, Andrew McDevitt, whose decade of experience in research and anti-corruption enabled him to bring clarity to the issues on which this survey is focused; to Ezatullah ADIB, Head of Research, of Integrity Watch who is the lead researcher responsible for the design and implementation of the extensive nationwide survey, data collection exercise, and undertaking the statistical analysis of the survey. We would like to acknowledge the Afghan government authorities in Kabul and in all 34 provinces for their cooperation during our weeks of data collection and add our appreciation to Zubaida Karim, Sayed Kamal, and Mahdi Najafi for the administrative and data management support, and the Field Coordinators, Provincial Supervisors, and Enumerators, who were responsible for the critical task of interviewing, recording responses from, more than 8,000 individuals in all 34 provinces of Afghanistan. We would also like to thank Sayed Ikram Afzali, Norville Connolly, Mohammad Naser Timory, Dr. Teena Singh and all other reviewers who preferred to stay anonymous for taking their time to review and comment on the initial drafts of this report. Finally, we would like to acknowledge the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) for their financial support, without which the production of this report would not have been possible. Afghans' Perceptions and Experiences of Corruption Legends Central region East North South West Southeast Central highlands Northeast Map 2: Regions and provinces' distribution

La loi Sapin 2 a introduit un nouveau dispositif anticorruption qui, à l’instar d’autres législations étrangères, valorise la dimension institutionnelle et normative des entreprises afin de garantir une plus efficace prévention et détection des faits de corruption, notamment internationale. L’article analyse les différents volets de ce dispositif en vue d’identifier, au prisme aussi de l’analyse comparée, les garde-fous institutionnels et matériels qui permettraient de garantir un « juste » équilibre entre l’intérêt général de la prévention et de la punition des faits de corruption et les intérêts particuliers qui peuvent être à cette fin stratégiquement sollicités par les pouvoirs publics.

The Sapin 2 law has introduced a new anti-corruption mechanism which, like other foreign legislations, enhances the institutional and normative dimension of companies in order to guarantee a more effective prevention and detection of corruption, especially international corruption. The article analyses the different features of this mechanism in order to identify the institutional and material safeguards that would ensure a "fair" balance between the general interest of prevention and the punishment of corruption and the idiosyncratic interests that may be strategically solicited for this purpose by the public authorities.

Corruption in the form of bribery continues to be a major societal challenge around the world. The current lab-in-the-field study tested whether descriptive norms messages on posters can help to reduce bribery. Before, during and after placing posters throughout a medium sized South African town, incentivized measures of social norms and bribery were assessed in a mobile lab. A total of 311 participants stemming from the general population took part. In line with the preregistered predictions, the results reveal (a) that people perceive bribery to be less common and (b) engage in bribery in a corruption game less frequently when the posters were displayed. The discussion outlines how social norms nudging campaigns can be leveraged to spur collective action against corruption.

Primeiro: Como ele soube? A competência da Ouvidoria em denúncias é receber, triar, responder e encaminhar à apuração, em sigilo, e proteger os dados do denunciante, conforme Lei 13460/2017. (Jamais pedir informações ao denunciado.) Segundo: A ouvidoria jamais pode passar conteúdo, tampouco os dados do denunciante, que devem ser protegidos por 100 anos, conforme Lei 12527/2011 (LAI). (Se necessário, tarjar ou reescrever o conteúdo para passar adiante.) Terceiro: Em denúncias, a Ouvidoria apenas: (1) arquiva se não houver elementos mínimos; ou (2) passa às áreas de apuração. (Auditoria, se for problema de gestão, ou Corregedoria, se disciplinar.) Quarto: Na apuração, primeiro se fará uma verificação preliminar sigilosa. Se houver indícios, se abrirá processo formal pra investigar. Quinto: Se for sobre gestão, a Auditoria ou TCE será sigilosa até sua conclusão, baseada em fatos e dados, não em depoimentos. (O denunciado saberá quando sair o relatório e for notificado a justificar-se sobre os achados.) Sexto: Em caso de Sindicância ou PAD, o servidor saberá quando for notificado no processo, quando passa a ter direito a contraditório e ampla defesa. (Antes disso nunca, pois não existe processo.) Sétimo: Se o processo (auditoria, TCE, Pad, Sindicância) concluir que não houve nada, sendo auditoria, o servidor nem precisava mesmo ficar sabendo, só iria se incomodar à toa. Sendo Sindicância ou PAD, e se não der em nada, ele já estará se defendendo. Oitavo: Quando tomar ciência e, ao final, se sentir-se ofendido pela denúncia, pode processar o denunciante, mas ele deve pedir na justiça a abertura dos dados. (Que por serem pessoais, a Administração deve proteger por 100 anos.) PORTANTO: A denúncia é sempre sigilosa, até sua apuração final (auditoria) ou abertura de Sindicância/ PAD. ASSIM: Na via administrativa, jamais a Ouvidoria, Auditoria ou Corregedoria pode passar dados de denunciantes, mesmo que suspeito de ma-fé. FINALMENTE: Identificada má-fé no início, a denúncia será arquivada e o denunciado nem precisava ficar sabendo.

Corruption remains one of the key obstacles to emocratization and good governance. Given the nature of the subject, corruption is notoriously difficult to study. International comparisons and rankings of good governance such as the World Bank World Governance Indicators, the Bertelsmann Sustainable Governance Index, or Transparency International’s Global Corruption Index are very useful for providing the big picture on corruption. To understand trends and mechanisms of corruption, however, it is necessary to conduct case studies on both successful and failed cases of anti-corruption policies. This paper investigates the successes and challenges of the
fight against corruption in South Korea since the beginning of democratization in 1987. The investigation shows that Korea has generally been successful in controlling corruption. The paper argues that the remaining problems can be largely explained by the legacy of authoritarian rule and the undermining of state autonomy through the concentration of economic power.

Transparency International BIH published a flagship paper which analyses the link between gender and corruption. Partially based on a general population survey as well as the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centre’s (ALAC) database of applied corruption, the study reveals differences among women, men and corruption.

While acknowledging the corporate governance concept of “no one size fits all”, Corporate Governance codes continue to highlight board composition as an important factor. Even corporate law in different jurisdictions recognises the composition of the board of directors and highlights board structure. Despite the increasing interest in Corporate Governance by Nigerian directors and members of governing bodies, a “check-box” or regulatory compliance mindset remains, that can be addressed only through a proper understanding of and commitment to Corporate Governance principles and recommended practices, and their intrinsic purpose and value.

This article highlights the impact of cultural nuances on board composition and the cultural challenges surrounding keyboard functions such as Chair, and Executive Director and how these affect corporate governance practice in Nigeria and Africa and makes a case for a deliberate approach to addressing them if proper Corporate Governance is to be attained and its benefits enjoyed by Nigerian and African companies and their stakeholders.

Il volume offre una ricostruzione completa del sistema di potere accademico, un sistema di interessi clientelari, famigliari, maschilisti e talvolta mafiosi. Una mappa impressionante di casi e di storie. Come scrive nella sua Prefazione il giudice Piercamillo Davigo: "Si tratta quindi di una patologia grave e pervasiva che sta cagionando seri danni all'Italia, spingendo le migliori eccellenze e le persone di carattere a emigrare all'estero".

LINK PER ACCEDERE ALLA SALA ZOOM E PARTECIPARE:
https://us02web.zoom.us/j/87095871758

IN ALTERNATIVA, DIRETTA FACEBOOK ALLA PAGINA:
https://www.facebook.com/Parresia2021

After the introduction of Law no. 24 year 2011 regarding Executive Assembly for Social Protection, Indonesia is on the verge of running a universal social protection, starting in 2014. The author describes the current condition of Indonesian social protection, covering both social security and social assistance. The process of constructing social protection structures in Indonesia is interesting not only because it tries to cover the entire Indonesian population of 240 million, but also because it involves a lot of political struggle between the central government, state-owned enterprise and political parties, and the role of foreign and multilateral donors in trying to provide funds and implant ideas. The author also examines social protection programmes that can bring Indonesians out of poverty. Finally, given the definition of economic justice (egalitarian, Rawlsian, utilitarian, and market-orientation), he describes necessary steps for Indonesia to reach a just and sustainable social protection.

Recent corruption scandals suggest that the legal structures developed to responsibilize corporations might paradoxically enable the systematization of corruption across entire industry sectors. This study uses grounded theory methodology to develop a preliminary theoretical model of the correlations between the law, responsibilization, and the causes of systemic corruption. Through a qualitative examination of documental evidence from the case study of the recent Australian banking scandal, this article conceptualizes a two-way process of ‘legal deresponsibilization’. On the one hand, legal dysfunctions fail to effectively support the situational and cultural goals of responsibilization. On the other hand, the pursuit of such goals transforms the law in ways that can lead to the deresponsibilization of both corporations and the state. The article suggests that structural reforms are needed to correct this process and the underlying systemic imbalances between the legal promotion of financial interests and that of countervailing values of integrity and accountability.

Polski dyskurs medialny co najmniej raz na kwartał dominowany jest przez kolejne afery korupcyjne.Uwaga opinii publicznej kierowana jest zazwyczaj na nadużycia władzy centralnej, podczas gdy problem dotyka również niższych szczebli administracji państwowej. Z tego punktu widzenia istotne są takie zjawiska, jak: korupcja urzędnicza (człowiek jako najsłabsze ogniwo systemu), nadużycia przy wykorzystaniu środków unijnych, defraudacje przy projektach infrastrukturalnych, nadużycia związane z informatyzacją administracji oraz zagrożenia płynące z nieoficjalnych porozumień między podmiotami biorącymi udział w przetargach publicznych.

Threats of the corruption in Polish local government

At least once a quarter Polish media discourse is dominated by successive corruption scandals. Media and scholars are mainly interested in public power abuse on government level, whereasproblem of corruption afflicts lower levels of authority, as well. Therefore, the author is going to analyze corruption threats which occur in Polish local government. The author will examine phenomena such as: officials’ corruption (man as the weakest part of the system), maladministration of European Union funds, embezzlement in infrastructural projects, machinations in the implementation of IT solutions and threats coming from unofficial arrangements between subjects participating in public auctions.

Den strafrechtlichen Kern der Korruption bilden die klassischen Bestechungsdelikte. Um Korruption durch das Strafrechtsinstrumentarium angemessen bekämpfen zu können, ist ein gerechtes, klar und deutlich strukturiertes Bestechungsstrafrechtssystem nötig. Zu diesem Zweck sind die Bestechungsstraftaten vom Gesetzgeber allgemeinverständlich und gerecht zu konzipieren. Die vorliegende Publikation – die zunächst das Fachwissen der Strafrechtswissenschaft und die kriminalpolitischen Ansätze in Bezug auf die Bestechungsdelikte systematisiert sowie Schwächen und Defizite des Bestechungsstrafrechts zum Thema Korruptionsbekämpfung vorstellt – wird für die Lehre und die künftige Gesetzgebungsarbeit einen hoffentlich nützlichen Beitrag leisten können.

The ugliness of kleptocracy is often easy to see; in fact, it is inescapable. Those who have visited Libya report that for an oil state it has very unimpressive infrastructure. Indeed, it is littered with half or less finished construction projects. A good example is the 28th of March stadium in Benghazi: 232 million dinars in contracts given between 2008 and 2011, millions disbursed to the contractor, and the work is still unfinished. Many of these were undertaken by Turkish companies whose contracts were terminated for corruption after the February 2011 revolution when Libyans began to investigate the money spent in their name. While it is well known in the West that Gaddafi was massively corrupt, the corruption of Erdogan is less well known. https://investigativejournal.org/erdogans-sinister-game-in-libya-construction-corruption/

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/348418954_Erdogan's_Sinister_Game_in_Libya_Construction_Corruption

50 MM Americans Against Foreclosures ( AAF ) get involved as he FHFA is attempting to steal homes while the SISTI case which is ongoing...

The Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation (FHLMC), commonly known as Freddie Mac, is a publicly traded, government-sponsored enterprise (GSE), headquartered in Tysons Corner, Virginia. The FHLMC was created in 1970 to expand the secondary market for mortgages in the US. Along with the Federal National Mortgage Association (Fannie Mae), Freddie Mac buys mortgages, pools them, and sells them as a mortgage-backed security (MBS) to private investors on the open market. This secondary mortgage market increases the supply of money available for mortgage lending and increases the money available for new home purchases. The name "Freddie Mac" is a variant of the FHLMC initialism of the company's full name that was adopted officially for ease of identification.

On September 7, 2008, Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA) director James B. Lockhart III announced he had put Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac under the conservatorship of the FHFA (see Federal takeover of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac). The action has been described as "one of the most sweeping government interventions in private financial markets in decades". As of the start of the conservatorship, the United States Department of the Treasury had contracted to acquire US$1 billion in Freddie Mac senior preferred stock, paying at a rate of 10% per year, and the total investment may subsequently rise to as much as US$100 billion. Shares of Freddie Mac stock, however, plummeted to about one U.S. dollar on September 8, 2008, and dropped a further 50% on June 16, 2010, when the Federal Housing Finance Agency ordered the stocks delisted. In 2008, the yield on U.S Treasury securities rose in anticipation of increased U.S. federal debt. The housing market and economy eventually recovered, making Freddie Mac profitable once again.
Freddie Mac is ranked No. 41 on the 2020 Fortune 500 list of the largest United States corporations by total revenue, and has $2.063 trillion in assets under management.

#Wikileaks just dumped all of their files online. Everything from Hillary Clinton's emails, McCain's being guilty, Vegas shooting done by an FBI sniper, Steve Jobs HIV letter, PedoPodesta, Afghanistan, Syria, Iran, Bilderberg, CIA agents arrested for rape, WHO pandemic. Happy Digging! Here you go, please read and pass it on..... These are Clinton’s emails: https://file.wikileaks.org/file/clinton-emails/

Index file!  https://file.wikileaks.org/file/?fbclid=IwAR2U_Evqah_Qy2wxNY12FMqFC5dAFUcZL5Kl4FIfQuMFMp8ssbM46oHXWMI

Send to everyone you can as fast as you can!

CONFERENCE: Beyond Transition? New Directions in Eastern and Central European Studies.
VENUE: 2-4 October 2013, Lund University, Sweden

Economic Corruption and Nepotism in Russia Chair: Mi Lennhag
* Yuly Nisnevich (Higher School of Economics, Moscow) / Peter Rožič (Santa Clara
U): Why Lustration Works: A Radical Approach to the Problem of Corruption
* Mi Lennhag (Lund U): Blaming the State. Citizens and post-Soviet Informal Economy
* Steven Sampson (Lund U): From Botswana to Ukraine: fighting corruption in the developing and postsocialist countries

Much can be learned from a comparative analysis of the different corporate governance practices of Canada and the People’s Republic of China, specifically with respect to the duties of directors in overseeing registered corporations. This paper examines the fiduciary duties of directors expressed in statutory instruments in Canada and China. Analyses herein incorporate statutes and corporate law, secondary literature, newspaper commentary, and select jurisprudence, to help elucidate the similarities and differences between the two countries’ regulatory frameworks, from the perspective of corporate governance and responsible business decision-making.

мавзусидаги халқаро онлайн илмий-амалий конференция материаллари тўплами ТОШКЕНТ ДАВЛАТ ЮРИДИК УНИВЕРСИТЕТИ "КОРРУПЦИЯГА ҚАРШИ КУРАШИШ ВА КОМПЛАЕНС НАЗОРАТ ТИЗИМИНИ ЖОРИЙ ЭТИШ ИСТИҚБОЛЛАРИ" мавзусидаги халқаро онлайн илмий-амалий конференция материаллари тўплами Сборник материалов международной онлайн научно-практической конференции на тему: «ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ ПРОТИВОДЕЙСТВИЯ КОРРУПЦИИ И ВНЕДРЕНИЯ СИСТЕМЫ КОМПЛАЕНС-КОНТРОЛЯ » Тошкент -2021 УЎК 343.37(092) КБК 57.410

It’s our turn to eat is much more than the story of John Githongo, a portly upper-class man in his mid-40s which dreamed of changing a country’s history of sleaze, state-capturing and ethnic identification. Githongo’s story is the personification of a change of mentality in a new generation of Kenyans which want to modernize its institutions and forget the times when your luck and wealth depended on if you shared ethnicity with the president.

The article assesses the current state of corruption literature and
conducts relevant empirical tests. It explores the validity of the
corruption indicators regarded as having high explanatory power
and juxtaposes them with empirical facts from several Eastern
European countries. The article points out the existing problems
with corruption indicators and the oversimplification of the term
corruption as well as calls for a more comprehensive approach to
studying corruption.

Quizás debido al relativo éxito de las medidas anticorrupción o al crecimiento de regímenes autoritarios que capturan el poder para sí mismos durante largos períodos de tiempo, la cleptocracia está emergiendo como un nuevo fenómeno en la lucha contra la corrupción. La cleptocracia es un sistema de gobierno donde líderes corruptos usan el poder político para apropiarse de la riqueza de su nación, típicamente desfalcando o malversando fondos públicos a expensas del bien público. La cleptocracia tiene dimensiones y consecuencias globales, nacionales y locales, y ha sido perjudicial para la gobernabilidad democrática en muchos países del mundo. Como tal, su dinámica convierte a la cleptocracia en un fenómeno transnacional. Pero la dimensión nacional de la cleptocracia es donde se hacen algunos de los mayores daños contra la gobernabilidad democrática. Los cleptócratas una vez en el poder apuntan a mantener el control a través de la corrupción y capturando todas las instituciones de control y manteniendo pequeños los círculos de poder con parientes y amigos leales. Su intención es egoísta por naturaleza y se centra en desestabilizar cualquier equilibrio de poder, corroer el estado de derecho y mantener su poder destruyendo las instituciones democráticas y poniendo en duda la prensa libre, las elecciones y el poder judicial. Los cleptócratas tratan el erario de su país como si fuera su propia cuenta bancaria personal. Analicemos este nuevo desafío.

Schedule 17 of the Crime and Courts Act 2013 introduced Deferred Prosecution Agreements (DPAs) into the English legal system. On the 30th of November 2015 the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China Limited entered into the first-ever deferred prosecution agreement in the U.K. with the Serious Fraud Office. It represents a historic turning point for the English legal system as well as an innovation that has the potential to revolutionise the approach to corporate criminal liability traditionally adopted in the United Kingdom. This paper analyses the legislative provisions under Schedule 17 of the 2013 Act dealing with its most problematic aspects and drawing comparisons with the corresponding legal instruments developed in the U.S. It also investigates the reasons behind the DPA implementation in England and Wales focusing on the growing pressure that was exerted on the authorities to carry out successful investigations against corporations involved in criminal activities. Finally, the paper offers an analysis of the first-ever DPA concluded in the U.K. highlighting the most controversial legal issues arising from such an agreement. This can be considered a landmark decision not only because the SFO's first application for a DPA was approved by the judiciary, but also because it was the first time in which a legal entity was charged in England and Wales with the offence of "failure of commercial organisations to prevent bribery" as provided by section 7 of the Bribery Act 2010.

Книга присвячена дослідженню проблеми корупції та пошуку шляхів протидії їй. Розглянуто вплив корупції на соціально-політичні процеси та проаналізовано психологічні аспекти цього феномену.

«Корупція: роздуми після Майдану» - це погляд автора на проблему корупції у контексті важливості ролі громадянського суспільства для демократизації та суспільного розвитку. Чи зможе Україна подолати корупцію? Які реформи необхідні для викорінення цього явища? Яка рушійна сила здатна вивести країну в нове перспективне русло розвитку?

Дієвою зброєю проти корупції є соціальна енергія єдності, яку відкрив в українцях Майдан – енергія, яку українці повинні зберегти і спрямувати на вирішення нагальних поточних завдань розвитку держави.

Книгу можна придбати за  адресою: https://duh-i-litera.com/koruptsiya-rozdumy-pislya-majdanu/

In May 2008 legislation was tabled in Parliament providing for the dissolution of the Directorate of Special Operations (known as the ‘Scorpions’), an investigative unit based in the National Prosecuting Authority. The draft legislation provides that Scorpions members will selectively be incorporated into a new investigative unit located within the SAPS. These developments followed a resolution passed at the African National Congress
National Conference in Polokwane in December 2007, calling for the unit to be disbanded. Since December the ANC has been forced to defend its decision in the face of widespread support for the Scorpions. One of the accusations made by the ANC was that the Scorpions were involved in politically motivated targeting of
ANC members. This article examines the issue of political manipulation of criminal investigations and argues that doing away with the Scorpions will in fact increase the potential for such manipulation thereby undermining the principle of equality before the law.

repere conceptuale, instituționale şi jurisprudenţiale I. Corupţia între moralitate şi normativitate Din cele mai vechi timpuri şi până în prezent, cercetători din mai toate domeniile ştiinţelor sociale (filosofi, politologi, economişti, jurişti, sociologi, psihologi etc.) au analizat ce este corupţia, cum afectează aceasta existenţa indivizilor, a grupurilor şi a societăţilor şi cum poate fi combătută. În ciuda multitudinii definiţiilor date fenomenului, precum şi a metodologiilor de cercetare utilizate, nu există la ora actuală nici o teorie unitară a corupţiei, nici un set de măsuri general valabile, aplicabile oricând şi oriunde, care să controleze acest fenomen 1 . De altfel, uneori, în regimuri politice represive, totalitare, corupţia poate fi o strategie de supravieţuire 2 . Sau, aşa cum a încercat să arate Samuel P. Huntington, din perspectiva creşterii economice, existența unir fapte de corupţie este un semnal pozitiv, care arată că o societate se află pe calea modernizării. 3 1 Alina Mungiu Pippidi, În căutarea bunei guvernări. Cum au scăpat alte state de corupţie?

This is a daring and essential work from one of the discipline's shining lights. Going against type and tradition, the author examines how important more indirect and gradual approaches to battling corruption are, even though such measures tend to be the least appetizing, to both government officials and scholars alike. It is a brave maneuver to attempt to turn a discipline on its head by admitting the well-intentioned desire to see quick and immediate ends to corruption may in fact only exacerbate the situation and cause more harm. More importantly, this book explains how that is and why it is important to pay closer attention and give greater stock to concepts like deep democratization and how to build societies that go beyond the anti-corruption window dressing of electoral or constitutional checks. The book is also a joy to read, sending a reader across the world, from unevenly developing countries to some of the most economically developed and politically advanced states. Additionally, it is not just a volume of fascinating case studies, but research that is firmly grounded by theory and the bigger picture. A major addition to the field.