Adem Koç
Folklore
Phone: +902222393750 Dahili:2354
Address: Eskisehir Osmangazi University,
Faculty of Science and Letters,
Department of Turkish Language and Literature
TR-26040 Eskisehir, Turkey
Phone: +902222393750 Dahili:2354
Address: Eskisehir Osmangazi University,
Faculty of Science and Letters,
Department of Turkish Language and Literature
TR-26040 Eskisehir, Turkey
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Books by Adem Koç
Yazarlar
Özkul ÇOBANOĞLU (Ünite 1-4)
Nimet YILDIRIM (Ünite 5)
Dursun Ali TOKEL (Ünite 6)
Gönül TEKİN (Ünite 7-9)
Mehmet Can DOĞAN (Ünite 10)
Papers by Adem Koç
Sacred places, namely the Center, have always attracted the attention of humanity. Here, the aspirants seek the solution of the problem they cannot overcome in real life, sometimes with full faith and sometimes with half faith. While some of the holy places are included in the worship principles of the official religion, some places can be seen as folk religion or superstition. Sometimes, some practices in places accepted by the
official religion are rejected. However, the aspirant who wants to experience the transformative power of the holy place also finds a solution: syncretism. These syncretic practices can sometimes be performed even by aspirants belonging to two different religions. The important point is that the holy place has enough fame. Many
holy places are still visited, but with the acceleration of migration from rural to urban, it is a matter of curiosity how and how long they will maintain their past fame and protection due to urban life and technology. Turkmen Baba cult can be accepted as a part of cultural continuity in Eskişehir with similar examples from the Turkish world to Anatolia as a reflection of the unity of the ancestral culture with the belief in Islam. The "Türkmen Baba" on the mountain peak between the Dağküplü and Tandır villages in Eskişehir was made a sacred site for Hacet holiday and rain prayer by thirteen villages people and a number of rituals were developed around it.
Rituals, in terms of both religiously and socially, have the power to regulate people's behavior among themselves and the relationship between human beings and supernatural beings. The places where the rituals take place also carry the "central symbolism" feature, especially as M. Eliade describes. An important means of
linking ritual dimension to the relationships which we can divide as human-god, human-supernatural, humanhuman is "food". From first time to the present, from the primitive to the modern, food has multi-dimensional functions. "Zomata", a part of ritual in terms of arranging the social relations of those gathering for the Hacet /
rain prayer around Türkmen Baba, has a versatile function. Those who prepare and eat Zomata do not know who contributes. The aim is to ensure that people from every economic level "come together" by social function.
Thus, crowded group of people is very important in terms of ritualization for especially hacet (wish, need) / rain prayer. The secret power lies here in terms of the food of function of gathering. Those who live abroad but cannot come to the holiday also make an economical contribution to ritual life. Zomata is remarkable both in terms of preparation and presentation. Two meals, pre-ceremony and pray and post-visit accompanied by practices. The villagers who come together not only pray for rain, but also talk about the situation of villages, animals and fields, and look for solutions to their problems. Thus ends the ceremony. This ceremony is considered both
as a prayer for rain, a prayer of gratitude, and a feast of hacet (need). Zomata culture seems to be adaptable to the new city in terms of redesigning the cultural heritage in urban life and ensuring unity and solidarity in the context of sustainability, intergenerational communication and solidarity by getting rid of the feeling of loneliness. Raising awareness can be achieved by taking more place in Turkey's rain prayer, visiting culture and charitable practices in the local inventories of the provinces and the Turkish National Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage; it may also be considered to be submitted as a nomination file to the UNESCO Representative
List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. In this study, rituals such as Hıdırellez/hacet/rain prayer formed around Turkmen Baba, where the thirteen Yörük villages of Eskişehir came together as a sacred place of visit, and the food culture which is a part of these rituals were evaluated within the framework of UNESCO
ICH and examined with structural-functional theory in the context of folklore. Data that were collected from fieldwork by observation and obtained from interviews with informants were supported by visuals.
Keywords
ICH, folk beliefs, ancestor cult, tomb, somat.
Bu çalışmanın konusunu dünyanın farklı bölgelerinde çıkış noktası olarak tavuk tanrısına dayandırılan ve Türk kültür ekolojisinde de rastlanan delikli taşlar ve etrafında oluşan inanış ve uygulamalar oluşturmaktadır. Bu bağlamda dünyanın bazı bölgelerinde ve Türkiye’de görülen delikli taştan geçme ritüelleri örneklerle arketipsel olarak incelenecektir. Arketipsel incelemenin çatısını C. G. Jung tarafından tanımlanan “yeniden doğuş arketipi” oluşturmaktadır. Yeniden doğuş arketipinin temel prensibine bağlı olarak taliplerin delikli taşlardan geçerek arınma ritüelini gerçekleştirmeye çalıştıkları tespit edilmiştir.
Bu çalışma, alan araştırmasında görüşme ve gözlem teknikleriyle elde edilen veriler, literatür araştırması ve etnofotoğrafi yöntemiyle çekilen fotoğraflarla desteklenmiştir.
An Archetypal Approach to the Ritual of Passing Through Hole Stone in Sacred Places
: It is seen that in various regions of the world and beliefs, rituals performed for various reasons
such as healing, changing luck, self-testing by passing through objects such as hollow stones, rocks, trees are used. It is also a common belief that the aspirants keep the hollow stones on themselves or in the places
where they live, sometimes after experience or in order to maintain the protection power obtained directly. In addition to the rituals performed by passing through large-holed stones, natural stones with holes in them collected from stream sides and stringed on a rope are also used for healing or protection from evil. The subject of this study is the perforated stones, which are based on the chicken god as a starting point in different parts of the world and are also found in Turkish cultural ecology, and the beliefs and practices around it. In this context, the rituals of passing through perforated stones seen in some parts of the world and in Turkey will be examined archetypically with examples. The “archetype of rebirth” defined by C. G. Jung constitutes the framework of archetypal analysis. Depending on the basic principle of the rebirth archetype, it has been determined that the aspirants try to perform the purification ritual by passing through the perforated stones.
This study was supported by the data obtained by interview and observation techniques in the field research, literature research, and photographs taken by the ethnophotographic method.
koruma, eğitim, aktarım ve kültür ekonomisine katkı işlevleriyle SOKÜM Sözleşmesi-2003 bağlamında değerlendirilecektir. Çalışma, doküman araştırması ve alanda elde edilen görsel verilerle desteklenecektir.
Yazarlar
Özkul ÇOBANOĞLU (Ünite 1-4)
Nimet YILDIRIM (Ünite 5)
Dursun Ali TOKEL (Ünite 6)
Gönül TEKİN (Ünite 7-9)
Mehmet Can DOĞAN (Ünite 10)
Sacred places, namely the Center, have always attracted the attention of humanity. Here, the aspirants seek the solution of the problem they cannot overcome in real life, sometimes with full faith and sometimes with half faith. While some of the holy places are included in the worship principles of the official religion, some places can be seen as folk religion or superstition. Sometimes, some practices in places accepted by the
official religion are rejected. However, the aspirant who wants to experience the transformative power of the holy place also finds a solution: syncretism. These syncretic practices can sometimes be performed even by aspirants belonging to two different religions. The important point is that the holy place has enough fame. Many
holy places are still visited, but with the acceleration of migration from rural to urban, it is a matter of curiosity how and how long they will maintain their past fame and protection due to urban life and technology. Turkmen Baba cult can be accepted as a part of cultural continuity in Eskişehir with similar examples from the Turkish world to Anatolia as a reflection of the unity of the ancestral culture with the belief in Islam. The "Türkmen Baba" on the mountain peak between the Dağküplü and Tandır villages in Eskişehir was made a sacred site for Hacet holiday and rain prayer by thirteen villages people and a number of rituals were developed around it.
Rituals, in terms of both religiously and socially, have the power to regulate people's behavior among themselves and the relationship between human beings and supernatural beings. The places where the rituals take place also carry the "central symbolism" feature, especially as M. Eliade describes. An important means of
linking ritual dimension to the relationships which we can divide as human-god, human-supernatural, humanhuman is "food". From first time to the present, from the primitive to the modern, food has multi-dimensional functions. "Zomata", a part of ritual in terms of arranging the social relations of those gathering for the Hacet /
rain prayer around Türkmen Baba, has a versatile function. Those who prepare and eat Zomata do not know who contributes. The aim is to ensure that people from every economic level "come together" by social function.
Thus, crowded group of people is very important in terms of ritualization for especially hacet (wish, need) / rain prayer. The secret power lies here in terms of the food of function of gathering. Those who live abroad but cannot come to the holiday also make an economical contribution to ritual life. Zomata is remarkable both in terms of preparation and presentation. Two meals, pre-ceremony and pray and post-visit accompanied by practices. The villagers who come together not only pray for rain, but also talk about the situation of villages, animals and fields, and look for solutions to their problems. Thus ends the ceremony. This ceremony is considered both
as a prayer for rain, a prayer of gratitude, and a feast of hacet (need). Zomata culture seems to be adaptable to the new city in terms of redesigning the cultural heritage in urban life and ensuring unity and solidarity in the context of sustainability, intergenerational communication and solidarity by getting rid of the feeling of loneliness. Raising awareness can be achieved by taking more place in Turkey's rain prayer, visiting culture and charitable practices in the local inventories of the provinces and the Turkish National Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage; it may also be considered to be submitted as a nomination file to the UNESCO Representative
List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. In this study, rituals such as Hıdırellez/hacet/rain prayer formed around Turkmen Baba, where the thirteen Yörük villages of Eskişehir came together as a sacred place of visit, and the food culture which is a part of these rituals were evaluated within the framework of UNESCO
ICH and examined with structural-functional theory in the context of folklore. Data that were collected from fieldwork by observation and obtained from interviews with informants were supported by visuals.
Keywords
ICH, folk beliefs, ancestor cult, tomb, somat.
Bu çalışmanın konusunu dünyanın farklı bölgelerinde çıkış noktası olarak tavuk tanrısına dayandırılan ve Türk kültür ekolojisinde de rastlanan delikli taşlar ve etrafında oluşan inanış ve uygulamalar oluşturmaktadır. Bu bağlamda dünyanın bazı bölgelerinde ve Türkiye’de görülen delikli taştan geçme ritüelleri örneklerle arketipsel olarak incelenecektir. Arketipsel incelemenin çatısını C. G. Jung tarafından tanımlanan “yeniden doğuş arketipi” oluşturmaktadır. Yeniden doğuş arketipinin temel prensibine bağlı olarak taliplerin delikli taşlardan geçerek arınma ritüelini gerçekleştirmeye çalıştıkları tespit edilmiştir.
Bu çalışma, alan araştırmasında görüşme ve gözlem teknikleriyle elde edilen veriler, literatür araştırması ve etnofotoğrafi yöntemiyle çekilen fotoğraflarla desteklenmiştir.
An Archetypal Approach to the Ritual of Passing Through Hole Stone in Sacred Places
: It is seen that in various regions of the world and beliefs, rituals performed for various reasons
such as healing, changing luck, self-testing by passing through objects such as hollow stones, rocks, trees are used. It is also a common belief that the aspirants keep the hollow stones on themselves or in the places
where they live, sometimes after experience or in order to maintain the protection power obtained directly. In addition to the rituals performed by passing through large-holed stones, natural stones with holes in them collected from stream sides and stringed on a rope are also used for healing or protection from evil. The subject of this study is the perforated stones, which are based on the chicken god as a starting point in different parts of the world and are also found in Turkish cultural ecology, and the beliefs and practices around it. In this context, the rituals of passing through perforated stones seen in some parts of the world and in Turkey will be examined archetypically with examples. The “archetype of rebirth” defined by C. G. Jung constitutes the framework of archetypal analysis. Depending on the basic principle of the rebirth archetype, it has been determined that the aspirants try to perform the purification ritual by passing through the perforated stones.
This study was supported by the data obtained by interview and observation techniques in the field research, literature research, and photographs taken by the ethnophotographic method.
koruma, eğitim, aktarım ve kültür ekonomisine katkı işlevleriyle SOKÜM Sözleşmesi-2003 bağlamında değerlendirilecektir. Çalışma, doküman araştırması ve alanda elde edilen görsel verilerle desteklenecektir.
Seasonal, calendar or religious celebrations have important functions for
people to come together and to socialize. In order to remove, bless and share the taboo over the New Year or the product, these meetings are carried out with some rituals. In recent years, it is possible to say that the cultural places are not designed for the continuation of cultural sharing and that new buildings are erected instead of the existing ones and people are left without a place in the city life. However Mihalgazi district of Eskişehir is among the centers where the festivities have been performed splendidly in a cultural place. Whole family members participate in holidays and cultural heritage continues to be transferred to new generations today. This study consists of data collected in the field by interview and observation technique and accessed by document method. The data was analyzed by folklore method and technique and supported by the images.
Eskişehir ili Odunpazarı ilçe sınırları içinde yer alan Yörükkırka, Alevi-Bektaşi inanç sisteminin yaşandığı bir köydür. Köyde Pir Ahmet, Şücaeddin Veli ve Seyyit Cemal Sultan taliplileri yaşamaktadır. Yörükkırka köyünde Kayıp Erenler Türbesi, Arap Tekke, Ali İhsan Tekke gibi kutsal mekanlar bulunmakta ve bu yerler köylüler tarafından ziyaret edilmektedir. Eskişehir'de sadece Yörükkırka halkı, Evsim Baba ziyaretini yapmaktadır. Bu ziyaret, her yıl haziran ayının son haftasında gerçekleştirilmektedir. Kutsal zor mekan olarak tanımlanabilecek olan Evsim Baba, bir yerin kült olabilmesi için gerekli şartlara sahiptir.
Bu çalışmada Yörükkırka köyü ve Evsim Baba ziyaretinde alan yapılan çalışması, görüşme ve gözlem teknikleriyle elde edilen veriler, literatür araştırmasıyla ve etnofotoğrafi yöntemiyle çekilen fotoğraflarla desteklenmiştir. Ayrıca bu veriler, Türk kültüründe atalar ve dağ kültü bağlamında oluşan ziyaret fenomeni ile karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz edilmiş, morfolojik ve tipolojik olarak tasnif edilmiştir. Evsim Baba, veli kültü oluşumu ve kutsal zor mekân tasarımı bağlamında da incelenmiştir.
The description of the sacred place becomes myth and ritual, the unexplained places die. The narrative of the place is bidirectional: Menakıb, miraculous, legend, memorat or personal memories constitute myth; visit, sacrifice, tawaf, wish and concretisation, food sharing, etc. behaviors constitute rituals. Expression and motion feed each other and ensure the continuity of the sacred space. It is a sacred space design that a grave is under a juniper, a place near the fountain, a place of worship, sacrifice and food. Rituals have a psychological function on the aspirant. Psychologically, rituals can help identify the identity of a group or section and form a group or segment. But the more basic function of the ritual is to give the world an order that will remain meaningless if it is not rituals.
In this study, it will be considered as “concretisation" the action of the tales by drawing, writing, making paper or other material in the form of a sample, depending on the expertise of the tombs and deposits, to the action. The ritual seen in sacred places will be classified. This classification will be made according to the means and functions in the rituals. In this context, the sympathetic magic left from James Frazer will be discussed in the context of concretisation. The data compiled with fieldwork will be evaluated with functional theory in the context of concretisation and will be supported with visuals.
konusunda F. Barlett, Halbwachs, M. Douglas, J. Assmann, P. Connerton, J. V. Wertsch’in görüşleri dikkat
çekicidir. Farklı tanımlamalar olsa da “toplumsal bellek, sosyal bellek, kültürel bellek, bedensel bellek, tarihi bilinç
ve hatırlatıcı savaşlar” gibi tanımlar kolektif bellekle ilgilidir. Son yıllarda yapılan çalışmalarda kolektif bellekten
ziyade kolektif hatırlamanın tercih edildiği görüş hâkimdir. Kolektif hatırlamayla ilgili birçok görüşte, hikâyeler
ve diğer sözel formlar temel araçlar olarak kabul edilmektedir. Halbwachs ve Connerton bellekle ilgili görüşlerini
E. Durkheim’in toplum kuramından alarak, törenlere ve törensel uygulamalara yöneltmişler ve toplumsal bellek
için anma törenleri, gelenek ve göreneklere bağlı bir edimsellikten bahsetmişlerdir. İşte bu bağlamda Gurzuf’tan
ayrılan Cengiz Dağcı’nın sürekli geçmişe giderek kurguladığı romanlarında Kırım Tatar Türklerine ait kolektif
belleği folklor ürünlerinde aramak gerekmektedir. Kırım’dan sürgün edilen halkın trajedisini ve yaşadıkları
travmayı Cengiz Dağcı’nın romanlarından takip etmek mümkündür. Geriye bir daha dönemeyeceği topraklarına
bağlılığını ve oraya ait olduğunu gösteren tüm belleğini yazar, yaşadığı acı olayların arasına serpiştirerek
romanlarını kurgulamıştır. Bu aidiyeti Kırım Türklerine ait atasözü, deyim, türkü, mani, yer adları, efsane vb.
folklor ürünleriyle romanlarında bir kilimin ilmekleri gibi düğümleyerek vurgulamaya çalışmıştır.
Bu bağlamda, bu çalışmada Cengiz Dağcı’nın özellikle “Onlar da İnsandı” romanı örnekleminde yer
verdiği folklor ürünlerinin topraklarından sürgün edilen Kırım Tatar Türklerinin kolektif belleğini oluşturma süreci
tartışılacaktır.
The field studies made in Ankara (Çubuk), Eskişehir (Alpu), Kütahya, İzmit (Kocaeli) and Tekirdağ in Turkey and in Karcag, Kisújszállás, Jászberény, Jászfényszaru and Budapest in Hungary and a scanning of the literature gave direction to the study.
Bu çalışmanın konusu, yemeğin bilinen biyolojik (karın doyurma) işlevi dışında sosyokültürel ve kültürel ifade çeşitliliği bağlamlarında “kimlik vurgusu” işlevi üzerinedir.
Türkiye’de Ankara (Çubuk), Eskişehir (Alpu), Kütahya, İzmit (Kocaeli), Tekirdağ;
Macaristan’da Karcag, Kisújszállás, Jászberény, Jászfényszaru, Budapeşte’de yapılan alan araştırmaları ve literatür taraması çalışmaya yön vermiştir.
Bu çalışmanın konusunu Dede Korkut Kitabı’nın söz eylem kuramı bağlamında çözümleme denemesi oluşturmaktadır. Kitaptaki anlatılar, katmanlardan oluşmaktadır. Müstensihlerin de nüshalara (Dresden ve Vatikan) müdahaleleri saptanmıştır. Müstensihlerin müdahalelerinde dönemin geleneksel dünya görüşünün etkili olduğu söylenebilir. Sözlü geleneğin yapısı, yazılı gelenekten farklıdır. Sözlü gelenekte (anlatıcı-dinleyici) iletişim aktif iken yazılı gelenekte (yazar-okuyucu) pasiftir. Dolayısıyla sözlü gelenekte ses, sesli söz ve bellek ilişkisi ön plana çıkmaktadır. Söz eylem kuramında bir söz, aynı zamanda bir eylem anlamı kodlamaktadır. Yani, "bir şey söylemek" aynı zamanda "bir şey yapmaktır". Dede Korkut Kitabı'nda söz eylem kuramı bağlamında sözün kullanımına örnekler bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Oğuz Türklerinin geleneksel dünya görüşünden ve söz eylem kuramından faydalanılarak gelecekteki çalışmalara kılavuz olması için Dede Korkut Kitabı'ndaki sözel yapının bir sınıflandırması denenmiştir.
başarı veya sadakate bağlı olarak ya da çeşitli sebeplerle işledikleri suça verilen cezaların da yine suçun oranına göre gerçekleştiği, hatta bu cezaların ölümle bile sonuçlandığı görülmektedir. Bu durum da “adalet” kavramıyla karşılanabilir.
Bu çalışmada “denge” ve “adalet” kavramları Dede Korkut boyları arasından tespit edilen örnekler üzerinden okunacaktır. Dirse Han, Begil, Aruz, Bamsı Beyrek’in cezalandırılması ve Yalancıoğlu Yaltacuk’un affedilmesi “adalet”; Kanturalı ve Bamsı Beyrek’in evlilik biçimleri; Salur Kazan, Bamsı Beyrek, Begil oğlu Emren’in savaşlarda rakipleriyle eşleşmeleri “denge” kavramlarıyla ilişkilendirilecektir. Bu nedenle seçilen örnekler; kahramanların evlilikleri, rakipleriyle olan mücadeleleri, düşmanlarla karşılaşmaları, kahramanların işledikleri suçlar ve onlara verilen cezaların nitelikleri bağlamında değerlendirilecektir.