History of Kosovo and Metohija

Насиље над својином, као краљицом свих (стварних) права, компле-ментарно је одсуству владавине права на просторима Косова и Ме-тохије, које се несметано остварује у условима „постконфликтног мира“, кроз делатност квазидржавних институција и праксу која игно-рише општеприхваћене правне и цивилизацијске норме у сваком иоле уређеном друштву. Имајући то у виду, на дугом путу заштите и рести-туције права својине, Манастир Високи Дечани, Српску православну цркву на Косову и Метохији, као и грађане (пре свега српске нацио-налности), очекују бројна и непредвидива искушења.
Violence against property, as queen of all (real) rights, buddy-mia is the absence of the rule of law in the territory of Kosovo-Metohija and Me, which is freely exercised in a "post-conflict peace", through industry quasi-institutions and practices that ignoring one-draws generally accepted legal and civilized norms in any remotely organized society. With that in mind, on the long road to protect and restore-tion of property rights, Visoki Decani Serbian Orthodox Church in Kosovo and Metohija, as well as citizens (primarily Serbian national uselessness), expect numerous and unpredictable challenges.

The importance of an orderly and reliable register of real estateis particularly emphasized in post-conflict societies, where the legal culture and awareness of the importance of respect for the rule of law are low. The United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo and Metohija (UNMIK) has recognized the importance of this issue, however, the way it has tried to reconstruct the public real estate register is far below the standards of the legal profession, both methodologically and substantively and nomotechnically. An attempt to overcome the dualism of record keeping and the right to real estate in Kosovo and Metohija by concluding a "Technical Cadastre Agreement" between the authorities of the Republic of Serbia and the de facto authorities in Kosovo and Metohija, has resulted in the failure or unilateral adoption of the ''Law on the Kosovo Comparison and Property Verification Agency (KCPVA)'', which is prima facie, in breach of the agreement.This gives rise to additional confusion and legal uncertainty in this extremely important area, especially as regards the right of access to justice and the right to peaceful enjoyment.s assets of forcibly displaced persons from Kosovo and Metohija.
Keywords: Kosovo and Metohija, real estate register, "Technical Cadastre Agreement", ''Law on KCPVA".

Први системски напори у организовању заштите на територији Србије, учињени су непосредно након Другог светског рата када је створен правни оквир за јединствени систем заштите и бриге о наслеђу у Федеративној Народној Републици Југославији (ФНРЈ). Као део овог система 1947. године основан је Завод за заштиту и научно проучавање споменика културе Народне Републике Србије (НРС) у Београду. По предлогу и мишљењу Савета стручњака Завод је доносио решења о заштити споменика, а потом и решења о првим мерама заштите и методама презентације наслеђа. Поред стручњака-конзерватора, у оквиру новонасталог система били су ангажовани и добровољни представници Завода на терену –  тзв. повереници службе заштите. Иако је недовољно истражено њихово деловање, богато искуство повереника на подручју Косова и Метохије сачувано је у препискама које су вођене између повереника и званичника Завода. Део ове документације чува Републички завод за заштиту споменика културе – Београд (РЗЗСК) као правни наследник Завода за заштиту и научно проучавање НРС. У овом раду се пронађена документација анализира као драгоцен извор за познавање историје националне службе заштите.  / The first systematic efforts in organizing the protection of heritage in Yugoslavia and in Serbia, were made immediately after the Second World War when the legal framework for a unified system of protection and care of heritage in the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY) was actually created. As part of this system the Institute for the Protection and Research of Cultural Monuments of the People's Republic of Serbia (PRS) was founded in 1947 in Belgrade. According to the proposal and the opinion of the Council of experts, the Institute brought acts for the protection of monuments, afterwards the acts dealing with the first conservation measures and methods of presentation of heritage. Apart from experts conservators, voluntary representatives of the Institute in the field - so called trustees of
the protection service within the newly founded system were also employed. Although their engagement has been insufficiently explored, the rich experience of the trustees in Kosovo and Metohija province has been preserved due to the correspondence conducted between the trustees and the Institute officials. Part of this documentation is now kept in Belgrade Republic Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments being the legal successor of the Institute for the Protection and Research of Cultural Monuments of the People's Republic of Serbia. The paper focuses on the analyses of the mentioned documentation recognized as a valuable source for understanding the history of the national heritage protection services.

Годишњак за истраживање геноцида, св. 9, 2017. 75 Бо­јан­ Ђо­кић,­ исто­ри­чар­–­струч­ни­ са­рад­ник Музеј жртава геноцида, Београд БАЛИСТИ КАО СИНОНИМ ЗА АЛБАНСКЕ ЗЛОЧИНЕ НА КОСОВУ И МЕТОХИЈИ 1941–1945. ГОДИНЕ: ПРИЛОГ СТРАДАЊУ СРПСКОГ СТАНОВНИШТВА
Bojan Djokic, Balisti kao sinonim za albanske zločine na Kosovu i Metohiji 1941-1945. godine: prilog stradanju srpskog stanovništva

Ап­стракт: У раду је указано на проблематику истражи вања злочина против српског становништва током Другог светског рата кроз базу података "Жртве рата 1941–1945 " Музеја жртава геноцида. Представљен је списак особа које су припадници балистичког покрета убили на територији тзв. Велике Албаније, а евидентиране су у поменутој бази података Музеја жртава геноцида. Списак јасно показује да су балисти постали синоним за све албанске злочине над српским становништвом почињене од разних појединаца, група и формација током Другог светског раtа. Kључне­ ре­чи: Косово и Метохија, Велика Албанија, злочини, балисти.

მონოგრაფიაში წარმოდგენილია კოსოვოს, აფხაზეთისა და ცხინვალის
რეგიონის ისტორიულ-შედარებითი ანალიზის კვლევის მცდელობა.
აღნიშნული საკითხი, დღეისათვის, რუსეთ-საქართველოს 2008 წლის
ომიდან 13 წლის შემდეგ კვლავაც აქტუალურია, როგორც ქართულ, ასევე უცხოურ სამეცნიერო ლიტერატურაში. ამასთან, თვალში საცემია საკვლევი თემის ირგვლივ ქართულენოვანი სამეცნიერო პუბლიკაციების დეფიციტი, უცხოური გამოცემების ხარვეზად კი, ქართული დოკუმენტური და სამეცნიერო მასალების წვდომის პრობლემურობა რჩება.
იმავე ტენდენცია იჩენს თავს კოსოვოს კონფლიქტთან მიმართებით ქართულ სამეცნიერო სივრცეში, სადაც კოსოვოს ისტორიული წარსულის შესახებ ძალზე მცირე რამაა ცნობილი კონფლიქტის შესახებ არსებული დოკუმენტური თუ სამეცნიერო მასალების მიმართ წვდომის ნაკლებობის გამო. მონოგრაფიის ერთ-ერთი მთავარი ამოცანა სწორედ ამ ხარვეზის ნაწილობრივი აღმოფხვრაა. წიგნი განკუთვნილია როგორც სპეციალისტებისთვის, ასევე საკითხით
დაინტერესებული, მკითხველთა ფართო წრისათვის.

The monograph presents an attempt to study the historical-comparative
analysis of Kosovo, Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali region. This issue is still relevant
today - 13 years after the Russo-Georgian war of 2008 - in both Georgian and
foreign scholarship. There is a shortage of Georgian-language scholarly
publications on the research topic, as for the foreign publications, the lack of
access to Georgian materials remains to be the main limitation of these works.
The same issue is also evident in the Georgian scholarship in relation to the
Kosovo conflict, where very little is known about Kosovo's historical past due to
the lack of the access to the historical documents and scholarly material related
to the topic. One of the goals of the monograph is to deal with this issue to a
certain extent.
The book is intended for both specialists and a wide range of readers interested
in the subject.

The end of the Soviet era gave birth to various conflicts throughout the world. Each of these conflicts has its own peculiarities, but also shares certain similarities. The interpretation of each conflict in the post-Soviet space – as well as throughout the history of mankind – has always been dependent on the particular political viewpoints and vectors of various belligerent, or non-belligerent, parties. The case of Kosovo and that of the Georgian breakaway regions, also have their similarities and differences, also rooted in the political interests of each belligerent party. These conflicts, as well as most post-Soviet era conflicts, are characterised by third party involvement derived from the Cold War period, when the world was divided into the two political camps of East and West.

САДРЖАЈ

1) ЈУЧЕ:
- 1968-1998, Исток
- Пролог
- Увод
- Историјски осврт
- Сеобе и Терор
- Слободан Милошевић
- крај лета 1998... Метохија
- Манипулације
- Бинел и други
- Злочин је злочин: Подујево, Сува Река, Дубрава...
- ОВК/УЋК
- Осиромашени уранијум
- Жута кућа
- ноћ, 24-ог марта, 99'... Метохија

2) ДАНАС:
- пролеће-лето 1999... Метохија
- Локал-шовинизам
- Страх
- „Национална елита“
- Метафизички исцрпљено тло Запада
- Погубна политика
- О Издаји и Бриселском (не)споразуму

3) СУТРА:
- 1999... (УЖА)Србија
- у Њујорку, 2006/7
- Отворена поглавља
- Сила невидљива
- Преговори и остале фарсе
- Зашто неће успети Бриселски споразум!?
- До последње речи
- Зашто нас плаше ратом?
- Куда и шта даље?

Сажетак: Рад представља покушај да се на основу доступне грађе анализира страдање српског становништва у метохијским селима Ретимљу и Оптеруши, током јула месеца 1998. године. Отимање и убиство мештана ових села један је од најтежих злочина припадника тзв. Ослободилачке војске Косова. Поред отмице и убиства срп-ског становништва Метохије, рад се бави и масовном гробницом пронађеном у пећини код села Волујак, у којој су нађени посмртни остаци лица које су припадници тзв. Ослободилачке војске Косова јула 1998. године отели из њихових кућа у селима Опте-руша и Ретимље. Злогласна гробница " Волујак " је оличење монструозног страдања српског становништва на Косову и Метохији.

The paper aims to investigate how Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović and Bishop Atanasije Jevtić understand the Kosovo Covenant and how this understanding inspires their active role in creating the policy of the Serbian Church towards Kosovo. The way these two scholars understand the Kosovo Covenant may help to answer the question whether the Kosovo Covenant is only a temporary obstacle to the political realization of Kosovo's independence from Serbia, or whether it is a permanent category in the Serbian self-understanding. The paper examines first the sources of Amfilohije's and Atanasije's understanding of the Kosovo Covenant, which include the folkloric and liturgical tradition connected to the Kosovo battle, as well as the writings of Petar II Petrović Njegoš, Nikolaj Velimirović, and Justin Popović. The paper analyses further the works, articles, sermons and public speeches of both clerics related to the Kosovo Covenant from the 1980s to the present.

ИГОР М. ЂУРИЋ
Источке приче и песме
Сентиментална историја једне вароши
Треће, допуњено издање
Исток (алб. Istog, Istogu, Burimi) је град и средиште истоимене општине у Србији, који се налази у западном делу Косова и Метохије и припада Пећком управном округу. Према попису из 2011. године било је 5.115 становника.[a]
Овде се налази црква Светих апостола Петра и Павла.
Од ослобођења од турске вековне окупације 1912. године Исток био је у саставу Краљевине Црне Горе, до уједињења са Краљевином Србијом 1918. године. Помиње се у Светоарханђелској хрисовуљи цара Душана 1348. године као Исток и суседна села.
Познате личности:
Ибрахим Ругова, албански сепаратиста и политичар
Радош Љушић, српски историчар
Давид Перовић, епископ крушевачки
Игор Ђурић, српски књижевник

Analizirajući tekstove rezolucija kongresa, konferencija i
proglasa Komunističke partije Jugoslavije nastojali smo da prikažemo
osnovne tendencije u nacionalnoj politici jugoslovenskih komunista prema
srpskom narodu i šiptarskoj nacionalnoj manjini na Kosovu i Metohiji
u periodu od obnove partijskih struktura u Srbiji 1937. do početka
Drugog svetskog rata u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji 1941. Istraživanje je
zasnovano na dokumentima pohranjenim u Arhivu Jugoslavije, objavljenim
izvorima partijske provenijencije, tekstovima vodećih jugoslovenskih
komunista i literaturi.

Универзитет у Приштини са привременим седиштем у Косовској Митровици Факултет уметности у Приштини са привременим седиштем у Звечану За издавача: Естер Милентијевић Главни и одговорни уредник: Естер Милентијевић Рецензенти: проф. др Драган Булатовић, Филозофски факултет у Београду проф. др Драган Војводић, Филозофски факултет у Београду, дописни члан САНУ проф. др Милан Попадић, Филозофски факултет у Београду Књига је резултат истраживања у оквиру пројекта Министарства просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије Традиција и трансформација: историјско наслеђе и национални идентитет у Србији у 20. веку (III 47019). Наставно-уметничко-научно веће Факултета уметности Универзитета у Приштини са привременим седиштем у Косовској Митровици својом одлуком бр. 641 од 11. 6. 2021. прихватило је позитивне рецензије ове монографије и одобрило њено издавање. Издање ове књиге помогнуто је од стране Министарства просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије. Аутор и издавач задржавају сва права, те није дозвољено копирање и умножавање.

Tokom poslednjeg rata na Kosovu i Metohiji uništavana su mnoga svedočanstva minulog vremena jer nisu bila deo poželjne slike prošlosti niti željene slike sadašnjosti. Jedan od istorijsko-umetničkih spomenika koji je delimično stradao tokom rata je i Crkva Bogorodice Ljeviške u Prizrenu, reprezentativan primer umetničkih dostignuća srednjovekovne Srbije i svedok različitih društvenih stvarnosti grada Prizrena kroz dug period trajanja. Kako je hram tokom rata pretrpeo evidentne promene u materijalnom smislu, postavlja se pitanje neophodnosti ukazivanja i na nastale promene i štetu u semantičkom smislu. U radu će se predstaviti geneza procesa obnove Bogorodice Ljeviške nakon rata 1999. godine, analizirati njena savremena percepcija u albanskoj zajednici na Kosovu i Metohiji, ali i razmatrati pitanje celovite zaštite ovog spomenika, odnosno očuvanja njegovog svedočanstva.

OBLIVION AND MODELS OF CARE AND PROTECTION:
CHURCH OF THE HOLY VIRGIN OF LJEVISA IN PRIZREN
Summary
During and after the war in Kosovo in 1999, Serbian medieval monuments were recognized as symbols
and bearers of Serbian identity. This led to the fact that among the Albanian population in Kosovo,
they were seen as an undesirable legacy - a reflection of centuries of existence of the Serbs in Kosovo. One
of the historical monument which was partially destroyed during the war in 1999. and later in 2004. was the
Church of the Holy Virgin of Ljeviš in Prizren, a representative example of artistic achievements of medieval
Serbia and witness of different social realities of the city of Prizren through a long period of its duration. As
the church during the war suffered evident changes in the material sense, we emphasize the need to point out
the changes and damage made in semantic terms. Although the scientific truth about this monument is not
disputed in the Albanian society in Kosovo and Metohia, the popular publications allow baseless debate and
are used in order to forget historical identity of place and promote it in their distorted interpretation. The
monument, being on the UNESCO List of World Heritage in Danger, haven‘t had its own curator since 1999,
so local Albanian tourist guides, printed and internet touristic publications have the primary role in informing
tourists. Through them, this monument is often pushed into oblivion, wrongly interpreted, construed
and used to create a desirable image of the newly-established state and its new, ‘pure’ identity. In this paper
we present the genesis of the reconstruction process of this monument after the 1999, analyze its contemporary
perception in the Albanian community in Kosovo and Metohija, but also consider the issue of comprehensive protection of monuments, preserving its testimony potential.

Kosovo’s history has not been broadly studied and researched in Georgian scholarly. Especially little has been done in terms of the comparative studies of Kosovo, Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions’ conflicts. Generally, the interest about this topic throughout the Georgian society has been rising after February 2008, when the independence of Kosovo was declared by the United Nations. This event significantly reflected on the political situation in the Georgian breakaway regions.
The main goal of this work is the comparative analysis of Kosovo, Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region’s conflicts. To achieve this goal, the article will focus on the historical period of 1920-40s. During which, the main political, cultural, ethnic and demographic processes took place in Kosovo as well as in Abkhazia and Georgian – Shida Kartli – region: post-war political developments on the Balkans by that time, had their strong influence on the Kosovo affairs. As for the Georgian breakaway regions’ conflicts, the Soviet occupation of Georgia in 1921 created the new circumstances for the separatist movements to thrive both, in Abkhazian ASSR as well as in the South Ossetian autonomous district.
These factors, finally defined the nature of the conflicts on the Balkans as well as in the Caucasus, which were to arise in the end of the 20th century.
Using various sources and scholarly literature, this paper attempts to examine the main common and distinctive aspects and characteristics of these conflicts. It aims to construct a broader scientific picture of the main peculiarities these modern conflict regions might share in the given historical period. It will focus on the political and geo-political factors surrounding these regions and examine to what extent the political circumstances in these regions were actually determined by the changing nature of the global and regional circumstances by that time.

The Incident at the Field of Blackbirds on 28 June 1389 was merely a coup d‘état (not a battle between armies) that the son of Sultan Murad I, Bayezid I co-organized with Serbian lord Vuk Brankoviç. Just after "the Battle", the new Sultan Bayezid I married the daughter Mileva of late Prince Lazar. Stefan Lazareviç, the brother of Mileva, joined the army of Sultan Bayezid I for the sake of his imperial conquests.

Roman o ratu na Kosovu ispričan kroz priču o pojedincu, njegovim unutrašnjim lomovima i tragediji koja ga je zadesila u vreme kada je stradao njegov narod. Ovo je poptuno novi pripovedački pristup (i tematski, i po formi, i stilom) kada su u pitanju teme vezane za Kosovo i rat koji se tamo dogodio. Na prvom mestu je čovek...

На­ основу ­најзначајнијих­ српских­ дневних ­и­недељних ­новина,­ бавили смо ­се­ злочинима­извршеним­ над ­српским ­становништвом ­у­Социјалистичкој Аутономној­ Покрајини­ Косово ­у­периоду ­од­ 1981.­ до­ 1985.­ године.­Анализирањем ових­ злочина ­бавећи ­се ­и­ њиховом­ фреквентношћу,­њиховим­ стављањем ­у историјски­ контекст ­и­повезивањем ­са­ највишим ­државним­ и­политичким одлукама­ у­ Социјалистичкој­ Федеративној­ Републици­ Југославији,­ рад одговара­ на­ питање­каква ­је ­била ­(зло)употреба­ и­ утицај­ злочина ­који­су узнемиравали ­српску­ и­ југословенску ­јавност­ у­периоду­ од­ 1981.­ до­ 1985. године.­Ови ­злочини­указују­ на ­тежак­ положај ­српског­ становништва ­у­САП Косово ­у ­наведеном ­периоду,­ али­ су ­били ­и­средство ­стварања­ антиалбанског расположења­ и­ утицали­ су­ на­ погоршавање­ међунационалних­ односа­ у покрајини.

Bojan Djokic

SERBIAN­ PRESS­ AND­ CRIMES­ IN­ SAP­ KOSOVO­ 1981­–1985.­YEARS

Summary

From­1981­to­1985,­the­Serbian­press­has­seen­numerous­criminal­andmisdemeanour­acts­committed­against­the­Serbian­population­and­its­churchin­SAP­Kosovo:­murder,­rape­and­attempted­rape,­psychological­and­physicalassaults,­destruction­of­property,­various­attacks­on­the­Serbian­church­andits­property­all­had­broad­consequences­on­interethnic­relations.­They­havebeen­particularly­noticeable­since­1982­when­a­more­liberal­press­writingcame­into­play,­where­the­policy­of­the­SR­of­Serbia­towards­SAP­Kosovoplayed­a­decisive­role­because­it­was­politics­that­gave­direction­to­the­events.In­1981,­the­policy­of­the­SR­of­Serbia­towards­SAP­Kosovo­changed.­Thelargest­number­of­news­stories­about­the­committed­crimes­were­written­in1982,­1983,­and­1985,­which­is­not­accidental­since­the­most­important­stateand­political­decisions­on­the­situation­in­SAP­Kosovo­were­made­in­thatperiod.­Their­high­number­indicates­that­the­press­followed­every­crime.Some­crimes­were­portrayed­as­nationally­motivated,­although­they­were­not.The­crimes­committed­in­SAP­Kosovo­from­1981­to­1985­point­to­the­difficultposition­of­the­Serbian­population,­but­they­also­influenced­the­creation­ofanti-Albanian­sentiment,­national­mobilization­of­public­opinion­and­nationalhomogenization,­harassment­of­the­Serbian­and­Yugoslav­public,­worsening­ofinterethnic­relations­which­affected­the­emigration,­creating­mistrust,­creatingthe­feeling­of­personal­and­property­insecurity­and­national­inequality,­andgeneral­feeling­that­there­is­no­prospect­of­cohabitation­and­that­anarchy­is­theone­ruling­the­province.­Due­to­the­numerous­crimes­committed­against­theSerb­population­in­SAP­Kosovo,­the­Serbian­public­pointed­on­the­inefficiencyof­the­authorities­and­also­their­inability­to­establish­a­peaceful­and­safe­life­forall­citizens­in­the­province­and­demanded­a­change­in­the­political­system.­Allcrimes­caused­panic,­insecurity­and­distrust,­which­affected­the­consciousnessof­the­Serbian­people­and­created­a­perception­that­the­Albanian­people­weregenocidal­and­contributed­to­the­incitement­of­Serbian­nationalism. Crimes,­violence­and­terror­committed­against­the­Serb­population­bythe­Albanians­maintained­the­tensions­in­interethnic­relations­thanks­to­themeans­of­public­information­and­media.­Tensions­in­interethnic­relations­were
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Српска­штампа­о­злочинима­у­САП­Косово­1981­–­1985.­године
significantly­worsened­by­certain­media­outlets­that,­by­varying­and­unilateralinterpretations­of­individual­events,­encouraged­anti-Serb­and­anti-Albaniansentiment,­ and­ thus­ expanded­ the­ scope­ for­ various­ manipulations­ andseparatism.­Such­sensationalist­and­one-sided­examples­of­public­informationdid­not­contribute­to­the­calming­of­the­situation. The­Serbian­press­kept­a­close­eye­on­every­threat­to­personal­andproperty­safety­that­the­people­of­Serbian­and­Montenegrin­nationality­inSAP­Kosovo­faced­and­every­crime­committed­against­the­Serbian­populationwas­used­for­political,­national­and­other­purposes.­Particularly­the­crimescommitted­against­Danilo­Milincic,­Miodrag­Saric­and­Djordje­Martinovicwere­used­as­symbols­and­metaphors­for­the­suffering­of­Serbian­people­inSAP­Kosovo­and­were­used­as­a­mean­of­pressure­on­the­organs­of­the­SFRYto­actively­engage­in­solving­the­situation­in­the­province.

Lugići se ubrajaju u jednu od starijih balkanskih porodica. Najstarije poznato porijeklo porodice Lugić je sa Kosova i oko Skadarskog jezera u Crnoj Gori i Albaniji. Porodica Lugić se spominje u selima Briska (Brisk), Šestan (Shestan), Livari (Ljare) i Podi (Pod). Pojam 'lug' na albanskom znači 'korito' od čega je vjerovatno i izvedeno prezime Lugić nakon što je slavenizirano. Dodatno tumačenje je da im je prezime izvedeno iz riječi lug (šuma) što je manje vjerovatno s obzirom na albansko porijeklo.

The suffering of Serbs since June 10, 1999 was documented by numerous local and international actors during the first 18 months of the UN Mission in Kosovo and Metohija (UNMIK). As a rule of thumb, the first recorded information about the crimes was provided either by the families of the killed, abducted and missing persons or by the media due to the fact that families left their homes or places of residence shortly after the committed crime and thus were unavailable for depositions. Subsequent reports and publications predominantly rely upon families’ testimonies and, to certain and very limited extent, on media reports. Given this fact, it is quite noticeable that periodical publications i.e. newspapers, as a source of information, are not sufficiently utilized when it comes to researching the suffering of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija during 1999 and 2000. The paper aims to point out the advantages and disadvantages of such a historical source for the mentioned period by analyzing newspapers “Novo Jedinstvo” from Zvečan.

Depending on the context in which the subject of past achieving a particular communication, is interpreted and used, the value of this subject is changed due to the object polysemy. Hence, we are always challenged to rethink the phenomenon of heritage. At that point we are in the domain of explanation, which means in story, narrative. But what kind of story? If we take into account that  images of the past are the product of selective forgetting and active process of remembering, also being the part of the time concept narrative through whom we read and examine heritage object, than the story we make about that object  is not strictly linear, it  breaks rigid chronology, creating a plot that combines elements of temporal experience. The case study of this theory and focus of this paper is the 19th century Church of St. Nikola in Priština. We are to follow the life and meaning of this object in the old city center through the period of its existence. The aim is to recognize and discuss the place of the church in the cultural memory of the city, and opposite.

Based on field work conversation with displaced persons recorded in the refugee
camps and in private accommodation, containing oral histories about shrines, holy trees and holy wells from villages Vrbicane, Vucitm, Zivinjane, Zociste, Letnica, Ljubinje, Nerodimlja, Orahovac, Racak, Sredska and Trpeza, are presented. This oral histories are given in local vernacular according to sociolinguistic and dialectologica1 standard procedure. Stories about shrines are conceived as lemmas, in the form ofdictionary, accompanied with historic and ethnologic data concerning given shrines. This dictionary form is open for future additional stories about same or new shrines.


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На основу теренских интервјуа с расељеним лицима евидентираним у избегличким камповима и у приватном смештају, изложене су усмене историје о култним местима, култном дрвећу и култним изворима из села Врбичане, Вучитрн, Живињане, Зочиште, Летница, Љубиње, Неродимља, Ораховац, Рачак, Средска и Трпеза. Ове усмене историје су дате у локалном говорном језику према социолингвистичкој и дијалектолошкој1 стандардној процедури. Приче о светињама замишљене су као леме у  речнику, праћене историјским и етнолошким подацима о датим светињама. Овај образац за речник отворен је за будуће додатне приче о истим или новим култним местима.

Kosovo’s history has not been broadly studied and researched in Georgian scholarly. Especially little has been done in terms of the comparative studies of Kosovo, Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions’ conflicts. Generally, the interest about this topic throughout the Georgian society has been rising after February 2008, when the independence of Kosovo was declared by the United Nations. This event significantly reflected on the political situation in the Georgian breakaway regions.
The main goal of this work is the comparative analysis of Kosovo, Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region’s conflicts. To achieve this goal, the article will focus on the historical period of 1920-40s. During which, the main political, cultural, ethnic and demographic processes took place in Kosovo as well as in Abkhazia and Georgian – Shida Kartli – region: post-war political developments on the Balkans by that time, had their strong influence on the Kosovo affairs. As for the Georgian breakaway regions’ conflicts, the Soviet occupation of Georgia in 1921 created the new circumstances for the separatist movements to thrive both, in Abkhazian ASSR as well as in the South Ossetian autonomous district.
These factors, finally defined the nature of the conflicts on the Balkans as well as in the Caucasus, which were to arise in the end of the 20th century.
Using various sources and scholarly literature, this paper attempts to examine the main common and distinctive aspects and characteristics of these conflicts. It aims to construct a broader scientific picture of the main peculiarities these modern conflict regions might share in the given historical period. It will focus on the political and geo-political factors surrounding these regions and examine to what extent the political circumstances in these regions were actually determined by the changing nature of the global and regional circumstances by that time.

International recognition of Kosovo independence has been celebrated as a paradigmatic achievement which would stabilize the region, halt nationalism and promote an understanding between ethnicities and religious communities. But the actual outcome of this project is rather disappointing, if not bleak. Although widely missed by the media and the public sphere in the West, the longer-ranging consequences of 2008 make the Kosovo case paradigmatic in a sense not intended. Kosovo appears paradigmatic in the light of the recent rise of the new right, new nationalism and populism which all have become characteristics of today's political Europe.
Keywords: Kosovo, new nationalism, illiberal democracy, new right, populism, conservative

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze and highlight the different nature of Kosovo and Abkhazian and Tskhinvali region conflicts. Thus, to underline the falseness of the Russian political argument about the "similarities" of these conflicts. To achieve this goal, I will try to give the analysis of this topic based on Georgian, Russian and English language scholarly material and its conclusions, which is divided in seven basic "points of difference" between these conflicts from 1990’s up to now.

In contemporary Serbian Orthodox texts, Kosovo is often referred to as the Serbian “Jerusalem”: a city calling for a Christian defense. All Serbs are bound to heed the call in keeping with the Kosovo “covenant” or “pledge” dating back to the Battle of Kosovo Polje in 1389, when Serbian
troops, led by Prince Lazar, were defeated by the invading Muslim Ottoman army. The battle and Kosovo in general have since then assumed a central symbolic role in Serbian nationalism and the
Serbian Orthodox Church. Furthermore, it has been claimed that the imagery and narratives of Kosovo were the ideological backdrop for the wars in the Balkans in the 1990s. This article investigates the development of the Serbian narratives and imagery pertaining to Kosovo and their modern form in the Serbian Orthodox Church in order to trace what type of imagery is dominant. The main focus will be on whether and to what extent the narratives of Christian defense and holy Serbian
warriors fighting in the name of Christ are dominant. This investigation seeks to discuss whether the Kosovo imagery and narratives are formed upon and influenced by a broader Christian European antemurale myth.

Uvod Početkom XX vijeka, Otomanska imperija, pritisnuta sopstvenom krizom i brojnim separatističkim pokretima, odobrila je zahtjev albanskih plemena za osnivanje posebnog albanskog vilajeta u okviru Carstva. Za Srbiju, Crnu Goru, Bugarsku i Grčku, koje su imale ozbiljne osvajačke planove prema ovom dijelu evropske Turske, ovo je bio poziv na uzbunu. Prvi balkanski rat, nije bio ništa drugo do osvajački rat i izraz imperijalističkih pretenzija balkanskih državica.1 Nezadovoljstvo podjelom osvojenih turskih područja, posebno Makedonije, dovelo je do Drugog balkanskog rata. Srbija zaposjeda oblasti od Prištine do Elbasana i Drača, i uvodi " red i mir " u zauzetim oblastima. I Goru zaposjeda srpska vojska. Gora se našla na poprištu oružanih sukoba koji su se vodili na liniji uspostavljanja granice između Srbije i Albanije. Srpska vojska je izvršila i nekoliko masakara nad nedužnim i preplašenim stanovništvom Gore. To je još više pojačalo nesigurnost i ubrzalo iseljavanje u Tursku koje će u narednim godinama poprimiti dimenzije egzodusa. Diskusija Muslimani Gore i okolnih teritorija pretrpeli su strahovite demografske gubitke. To stanovništvo je izgubljeno putem stradanja, preseljenja, izgnanstava. U tom periodu izgubljen je veliki dio muslimanske elite, jer je među muhadžirima bio veliki broj visokoobrazovanih ljudi, svetovno i vjerski obrazovanih ljudi, tako da su muslimani Gore, a i drugih krajeva na Balkanu, tokom ovih događaja izgubili svoju elitu. Zamislite koliko vremena treba da se ponovo izgradi vjerska i svetovna elita, Gora to nije dočekala! Najveći masakr je izvršen u Restelici, gdje je ubijeno 13 m,eštana. U Kruševu je ubijeno 8 članova porodice Mola Arifa, među kojima i dvoje dece od po nekoliko godina. U Brodu je na mjestu Zdražejec, također, izvršen masakr i ubijeno desetak mještana. Zločini su se dogodili i u 1 1 Aleksandar Obradović, Sto godine od Dračkog okruga, Peščanik