The terms "nominal" and "pronominal" strategy imply that the verbs in the relevant constructions are transitive ones and that the reciprocal markers are referentially dependent
anaphors. Siloni (2002) rejects this assumption for French with convincing arguments, which cannot easily be applied to languages like German, however.
This differentiation allows us to reconsider a number of issues relating to the synchronic and diachronic relationship between SELF-intensifiers and reflexive
anaphors. Assessing relevant crosslinguistic data against the background of the aforementioned distinction reveals a surprising fact: patterns of "formal relatedness" suggest a particularly strong empirical as well as conceptual tie-up between reflexives and SELF-intensifiers in their nonjuxtaposed rather than adnominal use.
We argue in Featherston (2002) that the same applies to parts of the binding theory; again a murky descriptive area whose many twists and apparent exempt
anaphors can be accommodated more naturally when survivability is embraced.
The sentences in (18) show the analogy of the two constructions with respect to condition A of the binding theory: backward binding of
anaphors seems to be possible in both constructions.
(19.) Van der Sandt (1992) takes presuppositions to be
anaphors that are either bound, if there is an available antecedent, or otherwise accommodated.
Anaphors in English and the scope of the binding theory.
NPs in subordinate clauses don't bind (*
anaphors) into matrix clauses.
Most notably, such examples are of relevance to Chomsky's (1981, 1986) binding theory because they threaten to violate its claim that there is relationship of complementarity in the distribution of
anaphors and personal pronouns.8 Specifically, they appear to violate the claim that such complementarity arises because
anaphors are bound within their own minimal governing category whereas personal pronouns are free within their own minimal governing category.
Given the fact that
anaphors need a subject antecedent and cannot be bound by a dative antecedent, plus the assumption that implicit arguments cannot bind
anaphors in German, it follows that the infinitives in (19a) and (20a) must contain a PRO subject, those in (19b) and (20b) need not.
In the well-formed paraphrases in (39), the R-phrases should not be conceived of as sentence topics, but as nonreferential
anaphors that corefer with the topic in a very loose sense.
The interpretation of many linguistic expressions depends on context: pronouns,
anaphors, verbal morphology, etc.
the formalism used by Dik to represent
anaphors in underlying clause structure, and the (necessarily) dynamic relationship between
anaphors, their host predication, and the utterance containing a relevant antecedent trigger.