Squatter Settlements

In precarious environments, such as squatter settlements, sustainability can be achieved as an economic resource. It is important, however, to start with assuring a sense of belonging in the members of the communities. Through observation in squatter settlements and conversations with their inhabitants, this paper presents a view on informal sustainability through participative processes. We argue that if we begin by looking at cultural sustainability, people's sense of belonging becomes a key factor in taking care of the environment. We aim to demonstrate that even if squatter settlements are regarded as areas of conflict in terms of pollution, occupation of the land, and waste disposal, through informal processes people can achieve a degree of awareness that will not only result in sustainable practices, but that can also propose new creative ways to achieve them, with economical considerations in mind.

Throughout the twentieth century, different housing policies have been developed in different countries and they have changed in time in response to the changing housing problems. In industrialized countries after the 1980s, rental housing, rent allowances, owner occupation, mortgage tax exemptions, have been aimed to solve housing problems of low income people in these countries. In developing countries, squatter settlements have grown within the informal housing market. UN and World Bank gave some financial support to ...

In cities across the Global South, poor people’s demands for housing have resulted in widespread processes of “autoconstruction.” This concept alludes to a mode of producing the urban peripheries in which residents, in building themselves their residential spaces, turned into citizen city-makers. What happens, however, when the agents of autoconstruction are immigrants who, while demanding housing, claim also their recognition as citizens? This chapter addresses that question by examining the case of the Campamento Nueva Esperanza, a squatter settlement in the peripheries of Santiago, Chile built mostly by immigrants. We show that, to constitute themselves as citizens, immigrants formulate an “urban” type of citizenship in which the act of residing in the city becomes the main criteria for political membership. In such a process, they configure ethical and political narratives through which they make sense of their desires for incorporation and belonging to the national political community.

This chapter describes the history of squatting in France. It identifies a diversity of forms and goals of squatting that overlap during the 20th century. Squatting in France is strongly linked to the Housing Movement since the 19th century. It arose as a phenomenon in parallel to the development of housing policies and State control. Nowadays we can identify a diversity of goals, resources and level of institutionalisation.

The proliferation and apparent intransience of urban squatter settlements in third world countries have produced numerous explanations of their cause, nature and solution. In Fiji, it is estimated that nearly one-fifth of the population of the Suva Urban Area were squatters in 1976 and that squatter numbers, in recent years, have increased. These increases have occurred despite development plan objectives which aim to reduce regional and class disparities and a public housing programme which has housed about one fifthof the urban area's population since the late 1950s. The government of Fiji has begun to upgrade the squatter settlements to improve the housing structures and living environment of the squatter dwellers. However, it is hypothesized that this is not sufficient to fully improve the lifestyle of the dwellers. Since upgrading costs is facilitated by government funds and contribution by the dwellers, as the case of Lagilagi Housing Project, the dwellers bear the cost (rent) in order to reside in the housings. This enables the dwellers to own a hosuing unit ones they have paid the allocated cost of the unit. Major findings suggest that community members in the Jittu Estate squatter settlement are integrated towards the Lagilagi Housing Project.  This upgrading project is collaboration between the effective community participation of the People’s community network and the Jittu estate squatter settlers. The community participates in the general well-being of the area. As a result, there are a number of community groups within the Lagilagi Housing Project which enables the community to be heard whenever there is an issue. This squatter upgrading project is an ideal example of how a squatter upgrading project should be as it does not only involve the government and financing partners but also the community that will be affected.

Despite the urban informality that has been increasing in the city of Fortaleza (Northeastern Brazil) in recent decades, the local planning policies have not developed solutions to deal with the problem. Among the causes we can mention: the historical dissociation between housing and urban policies, the interference of different government spheres, lack of institutional capacity, and deficiencies in the integration among different sectors. In this paper we present: a portrait of the urban informality phenomenon in Fortaleza, a review of the political process that updated Fortaleza’s Master Plan according to the principles of the City Statute; the challenges associated with the implementation of the Social Housing Zones delimited by the Master Plan, including an analysis of the role of the different stakeholders in the process and the necessity to deepen the knowledge about the urban and housing conditions of these Zones

The paper is the outcome of a systematic effort to study and analyze the experiences of the Kirtipur Housing Project (KHP), the first ever grassroots-led squatter resettlement project in Kathmandu. It is widely hailed as a success story as it has been able to provide a legal, affordable and good quality housing solution to the Sukumbasis through grassroots mobilization. The paper analyses the dynamics of this mobilization and the roles of different actors to show how community empowerment, civil actions and local government interests have converged to create a constructive partnership in line with wider enabling principles. Apart from meeting the narrowly defined objective to rehouse 44 households, the project reflects capacity of the community, quite apart from lobbying and protest, in areas of project planning and management. While no grassroots mobilisation can be expected to replicate in a dynamic environment, the paper draws some policy insights that indicate the ability of the grassroots mobilization in Kathmandu to continue and grow. Conversely, the lessons learned from the project also point to limitations in terms lack of prerequisite critical mass or economic benefits to influence the government to prepare a policy framework under which it can foster in a more structured way.

En diversas metrópolis del llamado Sur global, el reclamo por el derecho a habitar en la ciudad ha desembocado en extensos procesos de “autoconstrucción”, concepto que alude a un modo de edificar las periferias urbanas en el que los habitantes populares son los principales agentes de la urbanización. La autoconstrucción ha posibilitado la irrupción de nuevas formas de ciudadanía en las cuales los pobres han generado nuevos espacios de participación cívica que los han convertido en legítimos portadores de derechos. ¿Qué ocurre, sin embargo, cuando los agentes de la autoconstrucción son inmigrantes demandando no solo el derecho a la vivien- da, sino también su reconocimiento como sujetos de derechos en un Estado-nación que no los considera ciudadanos? Este artículo discute dicha pregunta examinando etnográficamente el caso del campamento Nueva Esperanza, asentamiento autoconstruido por inmigrantes de origen latinoamericano en la comuna de Colina, Santiago. Concluimos que, para constituirse como ciudadanos, los extranjeros formulan un tipo “urbano” de ciudadanía, en donde el acto de residir en la ciudad los convierte en legítimos portadores de derechos. En dicho proceso, es- tos residentes construyen narrativas éticas y políticas a través de las cuales significan sus deseos de incorporación y pertenencia a la comunidad política nacional.

Resumen

En el contexto de la política urbana contemporánea, vinculada a la problemática de la propiedad del suelo para familias empobrecidas, que se muestra activo y divergente en Latinoamérica, la reciente implementación de la Ley Nacional N° 27.453/2018 de Regularización Dominial sancionada en Argentina se enmarca en el seno de la discusión. Utilizando como principal instrumento la expropiación pública de terrenos privados, la regularización dominial es argumentada como una política de inclusión que posibilita la incorporación de propietarios plenos, entre otras cuestiones, siguiendo la injerencia del economista neoliberal De Soto. A partir de una metodología de abordaje cuali-cuantitativa, y de la utilización de fuentes secundarias —documentos, normativas, publicaciones, entre otras— emitidas en el ámbito nacional e internacional y vinculadas a la temática propuesta, esta investigación se propone abordar los argumentos teóricos que legitiman la reciente ley, abordando estas estrategias en relación con otras normativas y programas que, aunque instrumentalizados previamente en Latinoamérica y en la Argentina, comparten la injerencia teórica del entramado discursivo proveniente de la línea teórica neoliberal, en defensa de la tenencia segura desde, al menos, mediados de la década de 1970.

Palabras clave: neoliberalismo, política de la vivienda, asentamiento de precaristas, uso de la tierra

Abstract

In the context of contemporary urban policy, linked to the problem of land ownership for impoverished families, which is active and divergent in Latin America, the recent implementation of National Law No. 27,453 / 2018 of Dominical Regularization sanctioned in Argentina is framed within the discussion. Using public expropriation of private land as the main instrument, domain regularization is argued as an inclusion policy that enables the incorporation of full owners, among other issues, following the interference of the neoliberal economist De Soto. Based on a qualitative-quantitative approach methodology, and on the use of secondary sources —documents, regulations, publications, among others— issued nationally and internationally related to the proposed theme, this research aims to address the theoretical arguments that legitimize the recent law, addressing these strategies in relation to other regulations and programs that, although previously instrumentalized in Latin America and Argentina, share the theoretical interference of the discursive framework coming from the neoliberal theoretical line, in defense of secure tenure from, at least, mid-1970s.

Keywords: neoliberalism, housing policy, squatter settlements, land use

Resumo

No contexto da política urbana contemporânea, ligada ao problema da propriedade da terra para famílias pobres, ativa e divergente na América Latina, enquadra-se a recente implementação da Lei Nacional nº 27.453 / 2018 de Regularização Dominical sancionada na Argentina dentro da discussão. Usando a expropriação pública de terras privadas como principal instrumento, a regularização de domínios é discutida como uma política de inclusão que permite a incorporação de proprietários plenos, entre outras questões, após a interferência do economista neoliberal De Soto. Com base em uma metodologia de abordagem qualitativa-quantitativa e no uso de fontes secundárias —documentos, regulamentos, publicações, entre outros— emitidos nacional e internacionalmente relacionados ao tema proposto, esta pesquisa visa abordar os argumentos teóricos que legitimam à lei recente, abordando essas estratégias em relação a outros regulamentos e programas que, embora instrumentalizados anteriormente na América Latina e na Argentina, compartilham a interferência teórica do arcabouço discursivo oriundo da linha teórica neoliberal, em defesa da posse segura de, pelo menos, meados da década de 1970.

Palavras-chave: neoliberalismo, política habitacional, favelas, uso da terra

Résumé

Dans le cadre de la politique urbaine contemporaine, liée au problème de la propriété foncière pour les familles pauvres, qui est active et divergente en Amérique latine, la récente mise en œuvre de la Loi Nationale n ° 27 453/2018 de régularisation dominicale sanctionnée en Argentine est encadrée dans la discussion. En utilisant l’expropriation publique des terres privées comme instrument principal, la régularisation du domaine est argumentée comme une politique d’inclusion qui permet l’incorporation des propriétaires complets, entre autres, à la suite de l’ingérence de l’économiste néolibéral De Soto. Basée sur une méthodologie d’approche qualitative-quantitative, et sur l’utilisation de sources secondaires —documents, réglementations, publications, entre autres— publiés au niveau national et international en lien avec le thème proposé, cette recherche vise à aborder les arguments théoriques qui légitiment à la loi récente, abordant ces stratégies par rapport à d’autres réglementations et programmes qui, bien qu’instrumentalisés auparavant en Amérique Latine et en Argentine, partagent l’interférence théorique du cadre discursif provenant de la ligne théorique néolibérale pour défendre la sécurité d’occupation, au moins, depuis la milieu des années 1970.

Mots-clés: néolibéralisme, politique du logement, habitat spontané, utilisation des terres

This article describes a squatter settlement that arose in Belgrade between the two world wars and the communities that lived in it and fought for their right to housing. At the end of the war in 1918, a completely new phenomenon appeared in Belgrade—the squatter settlement. Jatagan-mala was the largest and best known among them. It is used as a case in point to analyze the municipal authorities’ attitude toward squatter settlements and their residents. It is shown how Belgrade Municipality threatened to demolish Jatagan-mala and then partially tore it down, and how it dealt with those who, as a result, were left without a roof over their head. The article also describes the residents’ battle not to lose their homes. Organized and strong in the beginning, over time, their efforts flagged, and in the end, they haggled over monetary compensation for their demolished homes.