European Union Politics

Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14th in Paris 1995, the political but also general social scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been overwhelmed with the issues of reforms and changes in regard to the Constitutional settlement agreed in Dayton. The Bosnian-Herzegovinian everyday reality that the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina face with on a daily basis stands as an unquestionable witness to the necessity of the Constitution changes, which was adopted as an integral part of a Peace Agreement which only or most important goal was to "end the war". After the cessation of armed conflict, the large number of B&H administration, overlapping of competencies, inconsistency of internal structure (one part (entity) functions on the "republican model" while the other on the "federal"), and above all the reality of everyday life, as well as the challenges encountered by the citizens of B&H imposed as a necessity changes of the Constitu...

The impact of EU (European Union) Structural Funds (from the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund, the Cohesion Fund, etc.) channelled to Greece and other countries over the last 35 years has been thoroughly evaluated by EU-commissioned impact reports and relevant academic studies. However, several political consequences of development transfers have been largely neglected. Concepts, methods and conclusions reached by studies of North–South development aid can help greatly to understand the medium- and long-term political impact of EU funds. This article is based on interviews with EU and Greek politicians, officials, beneficiaries and various stakeholders. The conclusion is a less positive – but familiar in other parts of the world – story.

In this numer of the Illyrius (12, I-2019)) have collaborate: Prof. Dr. Enrico Mezzetti, Prof.assoc. Dr. Ersi Bozheku, Alama Lama (Dr. Cand.), Andi Civilci (Dr. Cand.) & Arbesa Kurti (Msc.), Prof. Dr. Giorgio Spangher, Dr. Ramona Coman, Dr. Ximena Modovan, Ledia Hysi (Dr. Cand.), Avv. Antonio Martini

Il contributo si propone di indagare le tecniche di tutela della sussidiarietà contenute nel nuovo Trattato di Lisbona. Nel corso di questi ultimi anni, il tema è stato al centro di un vivace dibattito che ha evidenziato l'insufficienza del controllo politico e giurisdizionale offerto dalle istituzioni europee e che ha proposto di coinvolgere i parlamenti nazionali nella verifica sul rispetto dei parametri imposti dal principio. Tale soluzione è stata puntualmente recepita dal gruppo di lavoro creato in seno alla Convenzione europea e ha portato ad un nuovo Protocollo sull'applicazione del principio di sussidiarietà. Malgrado l'attenzione della dottrina si sia incentrata sulla procedimentalizzazione del principio realizzata attraverso il nuovo Protocollo, essa non esaurisce il quadro delle novità introdotte in questa materia. Infatti, attraverso la mancata riproduzione dell'art. 2 del vecchio Protocollo di Amsterdam e soprattutto attraverso l'«europeizzazione dei controlimiti» realizzata dall'art. 4 del nuovo Trattato, almeno sul piano normativo, pare plausibile sostenere che il nuovo Trattato legittimi l'attribuzione dell'«ultra vires review» alle corti costituzionali nazionali. PAROLE CHIAVE: sussidiarietà; Trattato di Lisbona; controlimiti; ultra vires review.

In recent decades, civil society organisations (CSOs) have grown both in number and in their impact on policy-making, at European and also non-Member state level. Public institutions, motivated by the need to increase their legitimacy, have increasingly delegated functions to CSOs. Concomitantly, CSOs have expanded their access to public funding. In part because of increased access to public funding, and in part because of a stronger relationship with public powers, CSOs are under pressure to demonstrate that they use the resources they are given in an efficient, accountable and transparent manner, e.g. by adopting policies on fiscal transparency, and by maintaining financial solvency. The EU's interest in regulating CSOs is relatively recent. At present, the legal framework addressing CSOs' financial accountability includes two 'categories' of norms: those that regulate the award of public contracts and the concession of grants, and those norms that address transparency and openness. The first category includes the rules on public contracts and the rules on (co-)financing of CSO projects; whereas the second category includes the Financial Transparency Initiative (FTJ) and the Joint Transparency Register
(JTR). The FTJ gathers all information on EU funding in a single database. The JTR gathers information produced by the various organisations (including CSOs) that are interested in lobbying the EU, and who register voluntarily. Defining the boundaries of CSO fiscal accountability and effectively tackling cases of fraud or financial mismanagement remains a difficult endeavor. On the one hand, the EU still lacks a single overarching understanding (and, consequently, legal definition) of CSOs. This translates into the absence of clear legal definitions, and more generally into
the opacity of the information available on CSOs through EU databases. Moreover, as CSOs are 'private entities', they are not submitted to the same integrity mechanisms and norms that apply to public institutions, including internal and external oversight. Finally, a significant administrative burden imposed on CSOs may, in the end, counter EU efforts to tackle financial mismanagement by CSOs. In many respects, the issue of CSO financial accountability has come to resemble a dialogue of the deaf: EU institution-proposed reforms have been postponed, or have not produced the outcomes expected, or have been fiercely opposed by CSOs. At the same time, the self-regulatory tools (including policies on selecting donors, self monitoring and codes of conduct and standards) developed by CSOs to enhance their
financial accountability have not obtained official recognition from EU institutions.

'COVID-19 has triggered an avalanche of books and articles examining the public policy responses to the pandemic. However, Federalism and the Response to COVID-19 is one of the very few books that examines and compares the effectiveness of these responses in federal and quasi-federal countries. As the authors show, the pandemic challenged federal structures and processes everywhere but in this crisis was also an opportunity. This volume showed me which federal countries used the pandemic to make innovations in both the practices and structures of federalism and which were incapable of rising to the challenge.

Τν «θξαρ» κεηά ην ηξιαλδηθό «Όρη»: Ζ Δπξώπε ζην ράνο θαη ε Ηξιαλδία ζην «ζθακλί» ηεο Φξηζηίλαο Ησάλλνπ Σηηο 13 Ηνπλίνπ 2008, ε κνλαδηθή ρώξα πνπ ήηαλ ζπληαγκαηηθά ππνρξεσκέλε λα δηεμάγεη δεκνςήθηζκα γηα ηελ επηθύξσζε ηεο Σπλζήθεο ηεο Ιηζζαβόλαο, είπε έλα δπλαηό «όρη». Από ηα ηξία εθαηνκκύξηα Ηξιαλδώλ ςεθνθόξσλ, νη κηζνί πεξίπνπ πήγαλ ζηα εθινγηθά ηνπο θέληξα γηα λα απνθαζίζνπλ κε ηελ ςήθν ηνπο γηα ην κέιινλ ηεο Δπξσπατθήο Έλσζεο (ΔΔ). Τν απνηέιεζκα; Κε πνζνζηό 53,4% ελαληίνλ, ε Σπλζήθε ηνπνζεηήζεθε ζηνλ αλαπλεπζηήξα θαη ην «θξαρ» ζηνπο θόιπνπο ηεο ΔΔ επαλήιζε δξηκύηεξν. Ήηαλ ζαλ έλα ιππεξό «deja vous» γηα ηνπο Δπξσπαίνπο ηερλνθξάηεο, αθνύ έθεξε πίζσ εηθόλεο θαη αλακλήζεηο από ηνλ Ηνύλην ηνπ 2005· ηόηε πνπ Γαιιία θαη Οιιαλδία απέξξηςαλ ηελ Σπληαγκαηηθή Σπλζήθε ζε αληίζηνηρα δεκνςεθίζκαηα, ηεικαηώλνληαο έηζη νξηζηηθά ηελ δηαδηθαζία επηθύξσζεο ηνπ Δπξσζπληάγκαηνο.

L’obiettivo di questo lavoro è compiere una riflessione ed un’analisi del documento storico del Manifesto di Ventotene. La sua rilevanza, dal punto di vista storico, non necessita certo di introduzioni: il Manifesto è universalmente riconosciuto come una delle eredità più vive e visionarie dell’antifascismo italiano e, parimenti, sfondo culturale da cui prende le mosse il federalismo europeo in terra italiana. Il punto principale del mio studio riguarda i contenuti del Manifesto, la sua proposta così chiara e diretta e al tempo stesso della portata così sovversiva ed innovativa. È proprio tra le pagine del Manifesto, infatti, che si sviluppa e prende forma il pensiero di un’Europa libera ed unita che si tramuterà, poi, in progetto politico. Le idee presentate, forti e dirompenti, sono espressione di persone giovani che, con freschezza e lungimiranza, delineano quale debba essere “la via da percorrere” . Una via che, seppur difficile, apre a mirabili orizzonti quali la risoluzione delle drammatiche tensioni tra stati, il raggiungimento dell’uguaglianza dei popoli e l’avvento di una pace che non sia solo una sosta tra le guerre.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

This study focuses on the European Union’s (EU) discursive construction, and representation in the process of its enlargement. It problematizes the presently common tendency of doing so in ways which portray EU expansion as an expansion of Europe. At issue are thus practices conflating and equating the EU and Europe which pervade much of related academic, political and public debates and discourses, and so structure how we know of and imagine enlarging EU. Embracing post-structuralist and discourse-theoretical analytical and interpretative framework, this work points to the political character of representing the EU in this and, for that matter, any other fashion. Pursuit of this assertion necessitates a ‘step back’ from, and critical consideration of mainstream political and scholarly presuppositions concerning the Union and its enlargement in their arbitrariness. The very problematization of practices equating the EU and Europe, or of their allied ‘Europe-building’ concept of ‘European identity’, is conceivable and ‘meaningful’ only once we admit that these are not politically innocent components of an ‘objective’ grasp on ‘present’ or ‘emergent’ social realities in Europe and the EU but instead ‘merely’ value-laden interpretative possibilities biased in favour of the EU-official federalist integration project. Anticipating a divergence in conceptions and portrayals of the Union by senior EU members, elite and institutions on the one hand, and the new post-communist Member States on the other, this study examines national discursive spaces in the so-called Visegrad countries. On the basis of this extensive empirical enquiry, it reports rather distinctive understandings of the EU/European integration therein, affirming thus the suspected dissonance from the EU mainstream. They are attributed to several factors, considerations and concerns which are posited to be very likely shared more widely among post-communist member countries. The Visegrad societies’ conceptions of the EU and of its relation to Europe converge on a number of crucial points. These can be seen and interpreted as combining into a latent alternative European integration project which envisions persisting primacy of national identifications and maintenance of the current social and political organization of European space. The EU is conceived of as enlarging common political superstructure of Europe of nations and their states rather than a certain culture-bound, ‘thicker’ community of ‘post-national’ subjects of a ‘pan-European’ federal entity with centre in Brussels. The study challenges in this context the prevalent political and scholarly tendency to reduce debates on and contention over the character and future of European integration to a binary conflict between the so-called ‘Euroenthusiasts’ vs. ‘Eurosceptics’. Building on insights of Lacanian psychoanalysis as deployed by discourse theorists, it suggests that it may be precisely the suppressed democratic conflict of competing visions and projects of European integration which greatly contributes to the lacking popular identification with the process and the EU, and prompts some ‘obscene’ or more ‘excessive’ expressions of discontent with it.

In the course of history an interesting evolution has taken place in European gender equality policies. This story started in 1957 when the European Economic Community was founded and the principle of equal pay for equal work for men and women was included in the Treaty of Rome to avoid unfair competition and distortions in the free European market. Soon the Treaty article would evolve into a broader demand for equal rights related to work and result in a series of binding directives. In the eighties and nineties gender equality would increasingly enter other policy domains by means of non-binding soft law and gender mainstreaming. More recently, the EU has turned towards an approach of multiple discrimination which involves other grounds of discrimination, such as race and sexuality. The aim of this article is to review the history of gender equality policy in the EU while distinguishing some general trends, and discuss the implications of the most recent turn towards an anti-discrimination framework. I conclude that despite a continuous broadening of policies and strategies, economic motives continue to be the leitmotiv throughout this history. Also the broadening of EU equality policies with regard to the inclusion of multiple inequalities risks being trapped in the same economic logic. Nevertheless, despite the economic framing of EU equality policies, the pluralist and open nature of the EU’s decision-making process still provides gender activists with multiple access points to attempt to re-frame the way in which gender issues are addressed, as the struggle for a gender-just Europe continues.

Questo libro è il primo e-book elaborato dal Gruppo di Discussione "Crescita, Investimenti e Territorio" nel 2014.

il secondo ebook:
Cappellin R., Baravelli M., Bellandi M., Camagni R., Ciciotti E., Marelli E. (2015), a cura di, Investimenti, innovazione e città: una nuova politica industriale per la crescita. Ebook gratuito
è ugualmente disponibile su Academia.edu.

Di prossima pubblicazione è il terzo ebook:
Investimenti, innovazione e nuove strategie di impresa: quale ruolo per la nuova politica industriale e regionale ?
a cura di Riccardo Cappellin, Maurizio Baravelli, Marco Bellandi, Roberto Camagni, Salvatore Capasso, Enrico Ciciotti, Enrico Marelli, Milano, Egea, 2016.

In Academia.edu è disponibile l'introduzione di questo terzo e-book.

Per ogni informazione sulle attività del Gruppo di Discussione scrivere a [email protected]

Prefazione L'integrazione economica è sempre stata un processo dinamico, ma in questi anni l'Unione europea (UE) sta attraversando un periodo di cambiamento drammatico. La crisi economica di lunga durata ha trasformato radicalmente la struttura istituzionale dell'Eurozona, rimettendo spesso in discussione la permanenza di paesi come la Grecia nell'unione economica e monetaria, e persino l’esistenza stessa dell’Eurozona. L'entità dei recenti flussi migratori ha dimostrato l'inadeguatezza delle misure UE, nonché la necessità di superare le divergenze tra le politiche nazionali e di assicurare un maggior rispetto dei diritti umani. Entro il 2017 si terrà un referendum sulla permanenza del Regno Unito nell’UE, e l'eventuale uscita (Brexit) potrebbe cambiare la natura dell’Unione, in particolare per paesi come L'Irlanda. L'esigenza di misure vincolanti per affrontare la sfida di un simile mutamento di clima è sempre più difficile da evitare. L'obiettivo principale di questo testo è di presentare un'esposizione aggiornata e chiara della teoria dell'integrazione economica e delle politiche principali dell'Unione europea. Il manuale è il risultato dei corsi di politica economica europea per studenti universitari e post-universitari che ho tenuto nel corso degli anni all'Università di Siena e altrove (California State University, the European University Institute, Cornell College, Iowa, the Johns Hopkins Bologna Center, University College Dublin Summer School, the University of Luxembourg Summer School). Vorrei esprimere la mia gratitudine ai tanti studenti che, con le loro domande e i loro commenti, hanno alquanto contribuito alla stesura di questo libro. Sono poi molto grata a tutti coloro che con i loro suggerimenti e le loro critiche hanno migliorato questo libro, in particolare, Marta Colnago di McGraw Hill, Milano per la sua gentilezza e aiuto continuo. In diversi hanno letto le bozze di uno o più capitoli. Vorrei ringraziare in particolare: Sabrina Cavatorto, Sheila Chapman, Alberto Chilosi, Pompeo Della Posta, Valeria Fargion, Margaret Loseby, Massimiliano Montini, Paolo Nello, Mario Nuti, Luca Spataro e Milica Uvalic. Il testo aggiorna e sviluppa le tre edizioni del mio manuale in inglese, The European Union, Economics, Policies and History, e il collegato Online Learning Centre o sito web (the European Union Information Centre). Ringrazio per l’aiuto nella traduzione del testo in italiano soprattutto l’economista, Luca Spataro, ma anche Laura Di Pedrini (capitoli 2, 4, 8,10,11, 14, 15 e 17) e Chiara di Maria (capitoli 1,3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 13, 16 e 18). La responsabilità per eventuali errori resta ovviamente mia. Susan Senior Nello, Università di Siena.

Nach dem Tod von Simone Veil am 30. Juni gedachten in Frankreich Politiker aller Couleur ihrer als einer der grössten Figuren des Landes: "Puisse son exemple inspirer nos compatriotes, qui y trouveront le meilleur de la France" (Emmanuel Macron), "La France perd une personnalité comme l'histoire en offre peu" (Edouard Philippe), "Simone Veil a incarné la dignité, le courage et la droiture" (François Hollande), « Mme Veil appartient au meilleur de notre histoire. Et son nom vivra dans notre gratitude pour toujours » (Jean-Luc Mélenchon.) Namhafte Persönlichkeiten schlugen dem Staatspräsidenten ihre Überführung ins Pantheon vor. Die Ehre dieser nationalen Gedenkstätte kam bisher 72 verdienstvollen Männern zu, aber nur vier Frauen: Sophie Berthelot als Gattin des berühmten Chemikers Marcelin Berthelot, und erst 1995 Marie Curie und dann 2015 die beiden Widerstandskämpferinnen Germaine Tillion und Geneviève de Gaulle-Anthonioz Simone Veil ist zweifellos eine der populärsten, aber auch der charismatischsten Persönlichkeiten der politischen Szene Frankreichs. Sie verdankte diese Resonanz, die weit über ihr Land hinausgeht, ihrer unbeirrbaren Treue zu bestimmten Prinzipien, aber auch ihrem unabhängigen Urteil, das sie keiner Partei-Räson unterstellt. Nachdem sie achtzig geworden war und kein öffentliches Amt mehr bekleidete, blickt sie zurück auf ihr Leben und legte 2007 unter dem schlichten Titel Une vie ihren Rückblick vor, der in Frankreich als ein Ereignis wahrgenommen wurde 1 . Wenn Simone Veil als Rednerin in der Öffentlichkeit präsent war, so 1 Simone Veil: Une vie. Paris, Stock 2007; deutsch: Und dennoch leben. Die Autobiographie einer grossen Europäerin. Berlin, Aufbau-Verlag 2009. Eingangs erinnert Simone Veil an Maupassant, dessen Roman-Titel sie übernahm : « Maupasssant, que j'aime, ne m'en voudra pas d'avoir emprunté le titre d'un de ses plus jolis romans pour décrire un parcours qui ne doit rien à la fiction. » (S. 9). Ob sie dabei auch an das Fazit des Romans (« La vie, voyez-vous, ça n'est jamais si bon ni si mauvais qu'on croit ») gedacht hat? Ihr Fazit, das sie anlässlich einer Reise als Ministerin nach Beirut geäussert hatte, war etwas positiver: « Vous savez, malgré un destin difficile, je suis. je reste toujours optimiste. La vie m'a appris qu'avec le temps, le progrès l'emporte toujours. C'est long, c'est lent, mais en définitive, je fais confiance." (zitiert in Eric Favereau, "Simone Veil, une

La Corte europea dei diritti dell'uomo ha affermato, sin dalla sua celebre sentenza Mathieu-Mohin et Clerfayt, che l'articolo 3 del primo Protocollo addizionale alla CEDU, il quale consacra il diritto a libere elezioni, riveste un'importanza capitale nel sistema della Convenzione europea dei diritti dell'uomo. Tale disposizione consacra, secondo la Corte, un principio caratteristico di un regime politico effettivamente democratico, quest'ultimo voluto dallo stesso Preambolo della Convezione, sul quale riposa essenzialmente la tutela delle libertà fondamentali. Il principio si rende applicabile non soltanto ai sistemi elettorali nazionali, ma anche agli organi rappresentativi sovranazionali e non puramente interni, come l'ha riconosciuto la Corte nei confronti del Parlamento europeo con occasione della sua nota sentenza Matthews. Il presente lavoro ha per scopo quello di esaminare il trattamento che la summenzionata Corte ha riservato negli anni a tale diritto, con particolare riguardo al diritto di voto, che ne è una componente essenziale, sottolineando la significazione che la sua giurisprudenza ha conferito alla serie di nozioni interdipendenti "libere elezioni -regime democratico -libertà fondamentali". Saranno esaminati i diversi casi che hanno maggiormente contribuito a dargli una definizione ed una precisa portata, attraverso l'esame della nozione di diritto di voto, passivo e attivo, le condizioni di eleggibilità nonché l'ineleggibilità, così come contornati dalla Corte, con riferimento anche agli standard stabiliti dalla stessa in materia di sistemi elettorali. Particolare attenzione meriteranno, infine, i casi in cui, come nel caso Partito comunista russo ed altri c. Russia, la Corte ha esaminato ricorsi in cui si eccepiva la disuguale copertura mediatica che i media avevano dato ai diversi partiti politici durante la campagna elettorale.

The ERA-NET co-financing action of 32 European countries led to the establishment of the European research area on geological surveys to provide a geological service for Europe (GeoERA). GeoERA consisted of 15 projects lasting 3 years and was launched in July 2018. The final online conference was held in January 2022 and the results of all projects were presented and discussed with a large group of stakeholders.
All the complete GIS viewer projects are available at https://geoera.eu and a short video describes the mega project https://youtu.be/zqBpgpDmCQA .
With the Hotlime project, the atlas of the geothermal basins of carbonate rocks throughout Europe was obtained for 11 study areas. For all areas, spatial evaluations were made in 500 x 500m raster cells. The evaluation of the quantity of stored heat, that is the maximum theoretically extractable thermal energy in the reservoir, is one of the main results of the mapping and characterization of the deep carbonate reservoirs of HotLime. For its direct comparison, this map shows the volumetric Heat in Place expressed in GJ/m2 (109 J/m2) calculated for volumes of 500 mx 500 m gross tank thickness [m] and the reference temperature Tref = 18°C. Taking into account national starting conditions, the Heat in Place maps are not intended to offer instructions for project developers to build geothermal wells, but to indicate the overall potential of a region and identify areas for further localized investigations for geothermal exploration with promising values.
With the Mintell4EU project it was possible to obtain data on the production and trade of mineral raw materials for 40 European countries, exploration data for 7 European countries available for research purposes, problem solving for planning, programming and design activities on a regional, national and European scale. The Geological Office of the Umbria Region has prepared a specific addition to the database, in compliance with the INSPIRE legislation, and this integrated database is one of the results of the project. For all the Umbrian mining sites, the integrated database now has a wealth of information ranging from the lithological description to the natural radioactivity content of the raw materials as well as of all the rocks present in Umbria. This information is available to the community and can also be used by all commercial operators.
With the Resource project it was possible to obtain a standardization of the ways of representing groundwater as a resource at pan-European level for the areas under analysis. For the Valle Umbra, information is now available regarding the strategic resource of the underground waters of the Umbrian valley (quantity, depth, transmittivity, etc.).

In 2015, Europe experienced a migrant crisis-The European Union has faced an unprecedented influx of refugees and migrants. More than one million people arrived in the European Union, most fleeing war and terror in Syria and other countries, for example, the number of immigrants crossing the sea from Turkey to Greece per day (October 20, 2015) was 1,0006 people, as shown by the data of European Commission (European Commission, 2017). The migrant crisis in Europe and its consequences are our collective responsibility as Europeans and the ability to show solidarity by providing immigrants with much needed support, based on generally accepted human rights and moral responsibility issues. Along with the challenges posed by the migrant crisis the issue came up of better integration of immigrants into society, providing the necessary information regarding the assistance offered, providing the necessary information regarding the assistance offered social guarantees, protection, and knowledge of local culture, traditions, history and educational opportunities. The aim of the article is to share good practices in the field of lifelong learning by implementing an international pilot project aimed at training migrants in the context of lifelong learning, based on theoretical research methods on the consequences and challenges of the migrant crisis, as well as based on empirical research (statistical analysis, analysis of survey results, development of interactive learning environment). The main findings of the authors of the study are reflected in the interactive learning platform created within the framework of the international project, as well as the authors' recommendations for non-formal education of migrants in the context of lifelong learning.

A kétharmados többség bűvkörében Magyarország társadalmi normarendszerének, politikai berendezkedésének és jogrendjének egyoldalú átalakítását megkísérlő jobboldali kormány a spanyol-belga-magyar elnökségi trió záró szereplőjeként töltötte be az Európai Unió soros elnöki tisztét. 2011 európai első szemeszterének értékelését három cél jegyében végeztük el. Tekintettel a közvéleményt elérő és a közbeszédet befolyásolni képes információ hiányával, mindenekelőtt sokoldalú és koherens helyzetképet kellett nyújtanunk azokról az integráció jelenét és jövőjét meghatározó szakpolitikai változásokról, ellentmondásokról és hiányosságokról, amelyek a magyar elnökség munkájához köthetőek. Másfelől, értékelnünk kellett a szerepvállalást a magyar érdekek és kilátások szempontjából. Harmadrészt, figyelembe véve az Orbán-kormány Magyarországon alkalmazott, gyakran tartalmi és formai szempontból is veszélyes területekre tévedő politikáját, megvizsgáltuk az európai szinten és hazai vonatkozásban képviselt álláspontok egymáshoz való viszonyát is.Az egyes bemutatott témákat három logikai egységre bontva rendszereztük. Az első részben a 2000-ben elfogadott Lisszaboni Stratégia utódjának tekintett Európa2020 program formálódása kapcsán a romaügy, a nyugdíjkérdés, az energiastratégia, a kohézió, valamint az oktatás területeit értékeltük. Külön fejezetet kapott a gazdasági kormányzás átalakítása, illetve az ebben játszott magyar szerep. A második fő fejezet a magyar elnökség által prioritásként kezelt ügyek közül Magyarország regionális helyzetét és ezen szerep változásait és összefüggéseit járja körül. Végül a harmadik egységben az elnökség politikai kommunikációs tevékenységét állítottuk a kritikai elemzés középpontjába.

This ECI was launched by alumni of EU exchange programmes like Erasmus, EVS and Leonardo da Vinci to enhance these programmes and build grassroots EU democracy. OCS glitches wiped out nearly half of its 12-month signature collection period, which expired just as it was gaining momentum. This campaign, run on a shoestring by volunteers, relied heavily on social media and youth networks. It helped raise awareness of the need for paid traineeships and better funding for EU exchange programmes.

Europe's Transforming Identity. Part 1 of the book Islam and Tolerance in Wider Europe (ed. Pamela Kilpadi) including the articles:
* 'What Values for Europe?' by Michael Emerson
* 'The Role of Islam in Europe: Multiple Crises?' by Amel Boubekeur and Samir Amghar
* 'The Southern Gate to Fortress Europe' by Rutvica Andrijasevic

A working paper which considers the Union's achievements thus far in the context of its apparent fragility (c. 2012). The paper argues that the EU's diversity is still an asset, and the main strength which the EU has in its recovery from periodic crises. Available at the EU Centre in Singapore's website: https://www.eucentre.sg/?p=290.

Fostering the emergence of a “European identity” was one of the declared goals of the euro adoption. Now, years after the physical introduction of the common currency, we assess whether there has been an effect on a shared European identity. We use two different datasets in order to assess the impact of the euro adoption on the fostering of a self-declared “European Identity”. We find that the effect of the euro is statistically insignificant although it is precisely estimated. This result holds important implications for European policy makers. It also sheds new light on the formation of social identities.

We present a new dataset enumerating the population of organizations listed and/or registered as lobbyists in the EU. In the first part of the paper we describe how we arrived at the population dataset by drawing on three independent sources (Coneccs; Landmarks; EP registry). We briefly discuss the validity of these registers in the context of recent substantial changes in each of them. In the second part, we present descriptive information on the number and type of groups as well as their territorial origins. In the last part, we outline potential research questions that can be addressed with the new dataset. This includes a description of our use of this new interest group sampling frame, combined with internet research, to arrive at a random sample of issues to be used as the basis for further research on the role of groups in the EU policy process.

En 2017 l’Association pour un hébergement et un tourisme professionnel a déposé une plainte pour activité d’intermédiation sans carte professionnelle (selon la loi Hoguet). Le procureur a délivré un réquisitoire introductif. Airbnb conteste exercer une activité d’agent immobilier et soulève l’incompatibilité de la loi Hoguet avec la directive sur le e-commerce. Le souci juridique crucial dans cette affaire peut être résumer assez facilement : est-ce que les services pourvus par AirBnb doivent être qualifiés de « service de la société de l’information », au sens de directive 2000/31 sur le commerce électronique ? Et si oui, est-ce que cette directive empêche l’application de la loi Hoguet à AirBnb ?

Opracowanie okładki polskiego wydania na podstawie wydania niemieckiego Ewa Wąsowska Zdjęcie na okładce Achim Schmidt ISBN 978-83-61736-96-7 INSTYTUT ZACHODNI 61-854 Poznań, ul Mostowa 27A tel. 61 852 76 91 fax 61 852 49 05 e-mail: [email protected] www.iz.poznan.pl Skład, druk i oprawa CERDRUK

Introduction: Actions taken at the level of the European Union and related to the implementation of the European governance model are based on the assumptions of the theory of good governance. The research problem is the analysis of the process of implementation of this model in the decision-making mechanisms in the EU. Purpose: to analyse the theoretical framework for the application of the concept of good governance in the European Union, to assess the principles and to diagnose the actors responsible for the efficient functioning of the European governance model. The article verifies the hypothesis that the implementation of the concept of good governance in the European Union leads to the strengthening the elements that democratise and increase the transparency of the principles of its functioning for citizens. Methods: The study of these issues is conducted using actor-centred approach and metatheoretical research. The general scientific methods of cognition is used (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, description, etc.), as well as theoretical methods of formal and dialectic logic, supplemented by the specific juridical methods (juridical-dogmatic method, system and structure revealing method, and the method of legal norms interpretation). The analysis covers the normative basis of the good governance concept, with particular emphasis on actors involved in the procedures of applying and protecting the civil rights resulting from this concept. Results: The networks of individual actors, thematic platforms and transnational associations are active in numerous consultations with the European Commission. Тhis way, they are the main representatives of opinions of the EU Member States’ societies and the inspirers to take the necessary decisions. They play a similar role in the implementation phase of decisions, when the national administrations is obliged to implement the European standards into national legal acts. Then, the actors participate in consultations with the national authorities and monitor the implementation of EU programmes. Conclusions: The conducted analysis proved the functioning of civil participation in the European Union, which also means the existence of a civil control mechanisms. However, it is small, in comparison with local governments and business structures. Representatives of civic organisations submit postulates to the European Commission that it is necessary to modify the existing rules. The governments and national officials have better support – both technical, organisational and financial – to participate in monitoring the decision-making process, but representatives of civil society are deprived of any support. These conclusions lead to a reflection that the European governance model is not functioning entirely well. There must be connections between the elements of the good governance system. The presented analysis demonstrates that only some of its fragments are functioning: legal regulations, law, public consultations of several policies. These are the lonely elements of society's influence on decision-making process. The lack of strong systemic connections not only results in instability of the entire structure of EU governance, but also weakens the effectiveness of the law. // FULL TEXT --> https://metodol59.ru/images/2021/2021-perm-metodolog.pdf

The current study, using data envelopment analysis (DEA), aims to assess the healthcare systems efficiency of 26 European countries with Covid-19. This study developed DEA models to assist decision-makers in European countries via seven different scenarios to address the inefficiency of health systems following Covid-19. The input variables of the adopted DEA models include the number of conducted tests, medical doctors, nurses, hospital beds, and GDP. Whereas, the output variables include the number of affected, recovered, and deaths cases. Various output scenarios were considered and analyzed. Out of 26 European Countries, twelve were found efficient in all the assumed output scenarios. Moreover, we found four countries efficient in four scenarios out of the seven. Besides, another five countries have an efficiency level between 50%-90% in all the assumed out-put scenarios. Lastly, five countries have total efficiency levels at most 35% in each scenario. According to the developed DEA models, the countries under study can be divided into four main levels: efficient, efficient with some inefficiency, inefficient, and severely inefficient. Generally, more than 50% of the European countries have moderate to severe problems in their healthcare systems. Those countries have major issues in facing virus transmission. In general, healthcare-system-adapted DEA allows assessing the relative efficiency for countries. It is easy to perform, and it can provide helpful information which assists policymakers in continuous improvement.

The article is aimed at the change of the separatist discourse from ethnic self-determination to secession based on public spending and wealth redistribution. Further, it aims to explain the role of the European Union, its legislation and politics, in these processes amongst its Member States. Besides establishing that such role is both increasing and diminishing separatist tendencies due to the Single Market, legislation on regions or siding with Member States against secession, the article argues that the paradigm may change yet again to the notions of human rights, citizenship and immigration, due to the stall of economic secessionist aspirations.

This Article examines the recent proliferation of walls and fences in Europe, fueled by the Dublin Regulation’s failure to distribute responsibility for asylum seekers equitably among European states. Legal scholarship does not lack literature bemoaning the failures of the E.U.’s Dublin Regulation — which dictates, generally, that the country where an asylum seeker first enters the E.U. is responsible for processing his or her claim for protection. Yet scholarship on border walls and fences, and what induces European states to construct them, is not prominent in the literature. The critiques lodged against the Dublin Regulation have primarily focused on its futility and unworkability. This Article argues that Dublin has failed asylum seekers in a more insidious way — by catalyzing the construction of Fortress Europe. The actions of European states during the contemporary refugee “crisis” illustrate this phenomenon particularly well.

Section II of this Article examines the contours of the international principle of responsibility-sharing; a principle that is supported throughout the history of refugee law as an ideal modality for managing refugee flows. Section III provides an overview of the Dublin Regulation and how it distorts the international responsibility-sharing principle and violates E.U. law requiring “solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility” among member states. Section IV traces the proliferation of border walls and fences in Europe around the height of the recent refugee crisis, arguing that the Dublin Regulation’s failure fueled European states to erect physical border barriers. It also explores the formidable combination of physical and legal barriers and how these mechanisms violate member states’ non-refoulement obligation. Section V analyzes proposals for improving Dublin, including efforts to better protect refugee rights and achieve a more equitable sharing of responsibility for protection seekers. This Article concludes by questioning how the E.U. can move forward and uphold the right of all persons fleeing persecution to seek and enjoy asylum in Europe.

Keywords: border wall, border fence, 1951 convention, 1951 refugee convention, asylum seeker, european union, eu law, nonrefoulement, border walls, dublin regulation, international responsibility-sharing, refugee law

By compiling data on 12 politico-institutional variables for 25 member states of the European Union over the years 1997-2006, we were able to investigate the emerging patterns of democracy in the European Union. The study addresses the questions of how direct democracy can be incorporated into Lijphart's (1999) typology of consensus and majoritarian democracy and how empirical democratic patterns are affected by this extension. For the western democracies, three dimensions of democracy were extracted using principal component analysis, with two resembling those found by Lijphart (1999) and a third one being shaped by the interplay between direct democracy and cabinet type. East European democracies tend to have a lower degree of interest group corporatism, weaker central banks, stronger judicial review and stronger direct democracy.

This article focuses on the way the European Union acted as a negotiating party during the international negotiations leading to the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (1998–2000). Starting from a principal–agent model, the article discusses how the EU participated in these negotiations and how the internal decision-making process developed. It argues that the EU was able to negotiate in a unified and influential way by defending a common position, which was expressed by a flexible negotiation arrangement, at the international level. Three features of the EU decision-making process engendered such a strong EU negotiation arrangement: homogeneous preferences among the actors in the EU, symmetrically distributed information among them and a cooperative and institutionally dense decision-making context. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.

The human society has been running on fumes - the fumes of pleasure, reward, gratification and charm. And while walking on this
illustrious path, they have constructed illustrious ideals without thinking about their practicality and actual implications in the society
and have tried their best to stand up for those ideals, despite the fact that these so-called ideals have nothing to do with genuine everyday
human existence whatsoever. On this disorderly path of delusions, humanity has organized its religions - it has developed its methods of
education - and to watch over all these structures, it has developed its so-called governments on an illustrious ideal of democracy. Democracy
- that is what it’s called, when a huge population of sapiens are made to think that they are competent enough to choose the individual
or individuals who would essentially be in control of their lives in the society.