European Citizens' Initiative

This ECI was launched by alumni of EU exchange programmes like Erasmus, EVS and Leonardo da Vinci to enhance these programmes and build grassroots EU democracy. OCS glitches wiped out nearly half of its 12-month signature collection period, which expired just as it was gaining momentum. This campaign, run on a shoestring by volunteers, relied heavily on social media and youth networks. It helped raise awareness of the need for paid traineeships and better funding for EU exchange programmes.

La ICE es un instrumento creado para intentar acercar a los ciudadanos a la toma de decisiones en Europa. Se trata de un mecanismo de democracia directa, participativa y que trata de ser un elemento central en la formación de una democracia europea. Con la ICE se pretende que los ciudadanos puedan influir en la agenda política de la Unión invitando a la Comisión a formular una propuesta legislativa. Es, por tanto, una forma de interacción entre la ciudadanía y sus representantes europeos y un intento de suplir el déficit democrático de la Unión.

Vatandaş katılımına yönelik olarak uluslararası bir nitelik de taşıyan Avrupa Vatandaşlar Girişimi (European Citizens' Initiative) hakkında EUPAN (European Public Administration Network) toplantılarında ele alınan önemli konulardan biridir. Bu girişim hakkında bilgiler verilmektedir.

The ECI was introduced to provide EU citizens with the opportunity to both advance
and support policy proposal to the EC. In light of the recent debate on the weaknesses
of the ECI as a tool of participatory democracy, this thesis investigates potential effects
on citizen engagement with the instrument, expressed as the percentage of signatures
obtained by campaigns from the minimum required threshold. The explanatory
variables selected to conduct the analysis are the signing citizens’ norm of
participation and the organising citizens’ capacities. Because the two studied effects
occur on separate levels of citizen engagement, i.e. signing citizens and organising
citizens respectively, it was necessary to develop two hypotheses which reflect that.
Therefore, the first hypothesis addresses the possibility that the citizens’ participatory
discipline, proxied by their engagement with national tools of deliberative democracy,
influences the extent to which they sign initiatives. The second hypothesis raised is
that the ECI organisers’ resources, reflected by their organisational capacity,
determine the amount of signatures initiatives collect. However, preliminary research
has also indicated that the overburdening policy regulations and procedures enable
only citizens who have access to vast resources to conduct an effective campaign.
Hence, the effect of organisational capacity on citizen engagement is instrumented by
policy design. The results of the analysis, which takes into consideration twelve cases,
are that norm of participation exerts a negative effect on citizen engagement with the
ECI, which means that initiatives are signed more frequently by citizens from
countries where levels of participation are lower. One reason that could explain this
effect is that the ECI provides a more valuable participatory opportunity to citizens
who do not benefit from effective deliberative processes at the national level. On the
other hand, the effect observed for organisational capacity is positive, clearly
indicating that an ECI campaign has higher chances of success if organised by citizens
who possess substantial relevant knowledge, skills and resources and who are
supported by stakeholder networks. In view of these findings, the paper concludes with
several short-term and long-term recommendations to make the ECI a more accessible
and inclusive bottom-up agenda-setting instrument.

The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI), introduced as an  instrument for citizens’ democratic participation in the EU, will soon have been in existence for three years. Apart from an express reference in the TFEU, which defines it as a proposal for a legal act aiming to implement the Treaties, the ECI has a detailed legal framework. This includes a legal admissibility test under Regulation 211/2011 which sets out the criteria that an ECI must fulfil in order to start collecting signatures. The focus of this contribution is on the application of art.4(2)(b) of Regulation 211/2011, an aspect of the legal admissibility test that has generated controversy in its practical application. According to art.4(2)(b), a  proposed ECI will not be registered if it “manifestly falls outside the framework of the Commission’s powers to submit a proposal for a legal act of the Union for the purpose of implementing the Treaties”. This contribution analyses the Commission’s interpretation and application of that particular aspect of the legal admissibility test. It discusses the legal confines imposed on the ECI as a result of the application of art.4(2)(b) and thus the extent to which EU citizens can use an ECI as a way to propose legislation at EU level. To this effect, it also examines the currently pending ECI cases and the opportunity they present to the CJEU to alleviate certain concerns regarding the ECI legal admissibility test. This contribution aims to provide a coherent legal analysis of art.4(2)(b) of Regulation 211/2011, a feature of the ECI which, although technical at first glance, should be of interest to anyone concerned with the ECI’s functioning as a participatory democracy instrument.

Die Staaten sind zu klein geworden, um globalen Herausforderungen wie die sozialverträgliche Gestaltung des Weltmarktes, Frieden und die Erhaltung der naturlichen Lebensgrundlagen im Alleingang begegnen zu können. Nur eine grenzûberschreitende {transnationale) Politik kann der
globalen Ökonomie soziale und ökologische Grenzen setzen. Dies wirft jedoch sofort die Frage nach der demokratischen Legitimation einer solchen Politik auf denn auf der transnationalen Ebene gibt es bisher kaum eine demokratische Öffentlichkeit, geschweige denn verfasste demokratische Beieiligungsrechte der Bürgerinnen und Bürger.

Am Beispiel der Europäischen Union klären die 28 Autorinnen und Autoren aus 12 Ländern, ob und unter welchen Umständen sich der dernokratische Anspruch auf Burgerinnen- und Bürgerbeteiligung auf transnationaler Ebene aufrecht erhalten und politisch umsetzen lässt. Die Entwürfe dieses Buches sollen lmpulse geben für eine weitergehende Diskussion der Chancen und Probleme der transnationalen Demokratie und jenen eine Handlungsperspektive eröffnen, die manchmal an ihrer Ohnrnacht zu verzweifeln drohen.
Transnationale Demokratie ist noch keine Wirklichkeit, aber eine Wirklichkeit im Entstehen, die es kritisch zu begleiten und engagiert zu befördern gilt.

Mit Beiträgen von Elisabeth Bongert (Harnburg), Rolf Büchi (Helsinki), Gianni D'Amato/Siegfried Schieder (Potsdam/Berlìn), Roland Erne (Paris/Berlin), Tiìman Evers (Kassel), Andreas Gross (Zurich), Sergej Henke (Potsdam), Stefan Honecker (Ludwigshafen), Kurt Hübner
(Berlin), Pascal Jacobs (Enschede), lreneusz Pawel Karolewki (Warschau/Potsdam), Bruno Kaufmann (Göteborg), Heinz KIeger (Potsdam), Anton Koostra (Enschede), Pekka Kosonen (Helsinki), Alexander Langer (Bozen), Erika Lazarova (Sofia), Christian Lequesne (Paris), Borris Mayer (Trier), Joyce McMillan (Edinburgh), Ute Passow (Berlin), Birgit Pickel (Kapstadt), Stefan Pöder (Lana), Heidi Rebsamen
(Luzern/Berlin), Christoph Scherrer (Berlin), Theo Schiller (Marburg), Urs Wälterlin (Sydney).

This paper proposes a research design which allows for a comprehensive assessment of the effectiveness of the European citizens' initiative (ECI) – the first EU transnational participatory tool. It provides an analytical framework based on a broader conceptualisation of the notion of " effectiveness " which goes beyond the sole legislative function of the ECI. Consequently, the paper suggests to evaluate the ECI in five different dimensions: as a dialogue and communication enhancing tool, an awareness-raising tool, a deli-berative space, a citizen-activating mechanism, as well as an agenda-setting instrument. Operationalisation of the dependent variable through a set of democratic functions that the ECI might perform allows not only to evaluate its capacity to enhance the democratic legitimacy of the EU but also to identify the tool's limitations and propose ways of improvement. The paper also suggests a qualitative method of testing the hypothesised effects of the ECI.

While looking for the most innovative aspects of the Treaty of Lisbon, the introduction of the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI) can be surely deemed one of them. Labelled as the world's first tool of transnational participatory democracy, the ECI which allows one million citizens to prompt policy solutions for 28 European states, has become a beacon of hope for increasing the democratic legitimacy of the European Union (EU). In operation since 2012, the ECI underwent its first official review carried out by the EU institutions in 2015. It is certainly a good time to evaluate the scale of success of this new instrument and assess to what extent it fulfills the function of participatory democracy in the EU.

The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) is not what it pretends to be. It is not a citizens’ initiative. It is not direct democracy. It is something very different. It is an agenda setting initiative, which remains subordinated to the political will of the European Union, in particular the European Commission.
Part1 touches on three points: (1) The European Citizens’ Initiative and its relationship to direct democracy. (2) Experiences with agenda initiatives on the local and national level. (3) Possible effects of the ECI in practice.
Part 2 presents: (1) The ECI procedure as defined by law (Regulation (EU) 211/2011). (2) Facts about the use of ECIs since its inception. (3) An evaluation of the ECI practice so far. (4) A brief reflection about the place of direct democracy in the European Union.
Part1:  https://www.activatingdemocracy.com/european-citizens-initiative1/
Part2:  https://www.activatingdemocracy.com/european-citizens-initiative2/

Die Diskussion um das Demokratiedefizit der EU läßt sich auf zwei Alternativen zuspitzen: Man definiert entweder das Problem weg, indem man mit Fritz W. Scharpf behauptet, die eigenständige Legitimität von Verhandlungssystemen substituiere "in normativ zureichender Weise" die mangelnde demokratische Legitimation transnationaler Politik. Oder
man versucht, die aktuelle Staatsvertragslogik der EU durch eine Verfassungslogik zu ersetzen, indem ein Prozeß einer "demokratischen Selbstverfassung Europas" postuliert wird. In der vorliegenden Arbeit möchte ich allerdings diese politiktheoretische Debatte nicht nachzeichnen. Mir geht es vielmehr darum, empirisch die These eines möglichen Selbstverfassungsprozesses hinsichtlich ihres Potentials zu überprüfen.

Las instituciones de la democracia representativa enfrentan un proceso de descrédito y desafección que ha conducido a la búsqueda de mecanismos que permitan renovarla, especialmente a través de la “innovación democrática”. Sin embargo, el diseño defectuoso o el uso improvisado de algunos de estos instrumentos, han generado
nuevos problemas de representación, legitimidad y conexión entra ciudadanía y políticas públicas. En este escenario, esta tesis se centra en un mecanismo de tipo indirecto que en teoría debería de contribuir a paliar la crisis de representación: la Iniciativa de Agenda. Pese a su amplia presencia en los ordenamientos jurídicos de América Latina y de la Unión Europea, así como en el debate político actual, es objeto
de una muy escasa atención académica.
Conforme a la Iniciativa de Agenda (IA) o Iniciativa Legislativa Popular (ILP), indirecta, un grupo de ciudadanos plantea una propuesta normativa ante el legislador, responsable último de la decisión final sobre esa iniciativa surgida “desde abajo”.
La propuesta no conduce a una decisión vinculante sino que persigue instalar el tema en la agenda pública y parlamentaria mientras delega el resultado final al Parlamento. La IA, entonces, puede resultar idónea a la hora de fortalecer la legitimidad democrática al ofrecer, de una parte, la oportunidad de impulsar iniciativas políticas a los representados y, de otra, al dar a los representantes la posibilidad de informar, debatir y, a la postre, decidir sobre cuestiones de interés público, esto es, de argumentar sobre sus decisiones con la ciudadanía. Adecuadamente configurada, debe
de ofrecer un reforzamiento recíproco de los principales actores de la democracia, evitando los efectos de ruptura de la representación que puede originar un referéndum.

This commentary, which is the third in a line of posts in ‘EU Law Analysis’ on ECI-cases, focuses on the ECJ’s judgment in Anagnostakis v Commission, which is the first and currently the only ECJ judgment relating to a European Citizens' Initiative. In addition to this first ECI judgment, the Commission’s Proposal for a new ECI Regulation, was recently published and was presented earlier this week (28 November) by the First Vice President Timmermans to the European Parliament. The commentary briefly looks at a specific aspect of the Commission’s Proposal, namely the suggested formalisation of the partial registration of an ECI.

This Article analyzes the state of democracy in the EU through the study of the European Citizens’ Initiative. The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) represents one of the main ways the European institutions chose during the making of the European Convention, and then reproduced in the Lisbon Treaty, to beat populism by bringing decision-making closer to the citizens and promoting a new legitimization of Europe’s political unity. This Article starts by arguing that if one wants to understand European versions of populism it is necessary to pay attention to the reason why “democratic deficit” and “Euroscepticism” are predominant problems that the European Union is facing. It then analyzes the implementation of the ECI and the main issues of this instrument of democratization pointing at three flaws: a) the problem of e-democracy; b) the difficulty of stimulating large participation of civil society and people for the purposes of the ECIs; c) the cumbersome role of the EU Commission ...

Research on the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI) has neglected the crucial role of social movements. This article contributes to the study of mobilization strategies and campaign consequences through two novel arguments: First, in explaining successful mobilization, I argue that the ECI as a political opportunity structure incentivizes the organization of nationally focused campaigns centred in large, i.e. populous states, instead of Europe-wide activism. In explaining the multiple consequences of ECI mobilization, I show that a campaign may have important, often unintended, effects beyond (the failure to achieve) policy change, including disappointment with the democratic process leading to ECI reform and a renewed focus on national politics. This article provides an in-depth analysis of one of only five ECI campaigns that have been able to collect the required one million signatures, while referring to other campaigns as shadow cases. The findings have important implications for debates on EU democracy.

Sommario: 1. Introduzione. -2. Le iniziative popolari inerenti alla legislazione. -3. Verso una normativa innovativa nell'ordinamento europeo. -4. Iniziativa dei cittadini europei: un'iniziativa legislativa sui generis. -4.1. Cosa è, o meglio, cosa non è l'ICE -una definizione in negativo. -4.2. Aspetti procedurali tra innovazione e criticità. -5. Conclusioni. * Relazione presentata al IV Colloquio biennale dei giovani comparatisti -AIDC 2014, Università Europea di Roma, 30 maggio 2014.

Although debates on the European public sphere deficit as a hallmark of the European Union's democratic deficit have subsided in recent years, the problem of a perceived gap between the union's citizens and institutions remains pressing. In 2012, the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI) was introduced as the world's first transnational citizens' agenda initiative, thereby providing what is arguably the strongest, but also the most demanding instrument of participatory democracy in the EU to date. The present paper discusses the question of whether and to what extent the ECI can bridge the gap between the EU institutions and its citizens. Theoretically, the paper draws on the Habermasian distinction between the two tracks of deliberative politics (public sphere vs. political system) to advance the argument that the ECI provides not only an incentive for transnational civil society networking and mobilization, but moreover an institutional opportunity for channeling communicative power into the EU institutions. Empirically, the paper draws on the experiences of three of the citizens' initiatives that are currently in the signature collection process, namely Right2Water, Stop Vivisection and End Ecocide in Europe.

This open access book explores how digital tools and social media technologies can contribute to better participation and involvement of EU citizens in European politics. By analyzing selected representative e-participation projects at the local, national and European governmental levels, it identifies the preconditions, best practices and shortcomings of e-participation practices in connection with EU decision-making procedures and institutions. The book features case studies on parliamentary monitoring, e-voting practices, and e-publics, and offers recommendations for improving the integration of e-democracy in European politics and governance. Accordingly, it will appeal to scholars as well as practitioners interested in identifying suitable e-participation tools for European institutions and thus helps to reduce the EU’s current democratic deficit. This book is a continuation of the book “Electronic Democracy in Europe” published by Springer.

El 13 de septiembre de 2017 se presentaba la propuesta de la Comisión Europea para la reforma del Reglamento 11/2011 sobre la Iniciativa Ciudadana Europea (COM (2017)482 final), en proceso de toma en consideración por parte del colegislador comunitario –Consejo y Parlamento Europeo–. La propuesta presenta aspectos favorables de cara al mayor uso y difusión del mecanismo, conforme a una mejora de la accesibilidad formal y una mayor inclusividad en los sujetos y en las materias objeto de iniciativa. No aborda, sin embargo, las deficiencias que se observan en el objetivo central de toda iniciativa de estas características de propulsar el debate político entre representantes y representados. Se proponen aquí fórmulas a fin de superar estas carencias y dotar al mecanismo de mayor eficiencia y alcance.

"In the next few months the General Court of the European Union will rule on the issue of the admissibility of an European Citizens’ Initiative (hereinafter ECI) rejected on 6th September 2012 by the European Commission. This judgment is expected as one of the first assessment of the brand new instrument for participatory democracy introduced in the Lisbon Treaty (Article 11 of TUE). ECI is designed to allow the citizens to take an active role within the lawmaking process of the EU. One million citizens who fulfil a petition to call on the Commission have the right to propose a legal act on a specific issue. This innovation represents an unprecedented means of transnational democracy insofar it establishes the conditions for increased public engagement within the EU. The ECI is viewed as significant institutional response to the EU’s perceived democratic deficit.
In light of these circumstances, this article investigates the problems related to the power of the European Commission to refuse an initiative. It considers first the origins of the ECI, the main elements of the new mechanism and its legal background. It then describes the power of the Commission to refuse an initiative and the first case before the General Court. Finally the article analyses the main problems that are emerging in this first phase of implementation of the ECI."

The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) gives citizens of the EU the unique opportunity to directly place their interests right at the heart of European policy-making by asking the European Commission (the Commission) to legislate on a matter of its competence. However, since its entry into force on 1 April 2012, this instrument has demonstrated both its potential as well as its limitations when it comes to connecting with citizens in an honest dialogue aimed at answering citizens’ concerns and providing a space where they can contribute to policy-making.

This study has been conducted by ECAS within the framework of the ECI Support Centre with the kind assistance of Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP.

The study aims to promote a better understanding of the ECI Regulation, particularly on the registration procedures for a proposed initiative, and it suggests a number of recommendations to be discussed when the review of the Regulation takes place based on an analysis of the “subject matters” of the ECIs that have been refused registration by the Commission.

"In order to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the establishment of European Union citizenship under the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, the year 2013 has been designated by the European Commission as the 'European Year of Citizens'. The European Citizen's Initiative (ECI) - labelled by the Commission as a 'direct gateway through which citizens can make their voices heard in Brussels' - may emerge in the European awareness as a new appealing platform for policy-shaping and communication. The ECI, through its transnational vox civilis character, figures among the most important novelties in the Lisbon Treaty and in the long run may facilitate and accelerate the bottom-up building of a European demos. The question is, however, whether the mechanism of pan-European signature collection is strong enough to face the democratic challenges present in the EU, especially during the ongoing financial crisis.
"

The European Union is often criticized for its democratic deficit. This criticism has led to a process of including civil society in European governance through consultations, round table discussions and civil dialogue. These steps of inclusion have been oriented towards organized civil society. This study explores the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI) a new tool for participation available to all European citizens. The ECI is considered to take a step further in the democratic development of the European Union by inviting all citizens to not only participate but also independently propose legislation. The study aims to understand the opportunities the ECI offer and how civil actors are using these opportunities. A theoretical framework was designed combining theories of Political Opportunity Structures (POS), Europeanization and Usage of Europe. The ECI was investigated through a within case comparison of pilot and official initiatives. A content analysis, a survey and interviews were conducted to approach the initiatives. The findings of the study suggests that the ECI is perceived as an opportunity structure in terms of a step towards direct democracy, policy influence and a stepping-stone for future ambitions. Civil actors have seized the opportunities through strategic, cognitive and legitimizing usage.

This open access book explores how digital tools and social media technologies can contribute to better participation and involvement of EU citizens in European politics. By analyzing selected representative e-participation projects at the local, national and European governmental levels, it identifies the preconditions, best practices and shortcomings of e-participation practices in connection with EU decision-making procedures and institutions. The book features case studies on parliamentary monitoring, e-voting practices, and e-publics, and offers recommendations for improving the integration of e-democracy in European politics and governance. Accordingly, it will appeal to scholars as well as practitioners interested in identifying suitable e-participation tools for European institutions and thus helps to reduce the EU’s current democratic deficit. This book is a continuation of the book “Electronic Democracy in Europe” published by Springer.

Throughout much of the 20th century, the political influence of unions relied on strong ties to labour-friendly sister parties. Since the 1990s, however, the coalitions between centre-left parties and unions have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary strategies in order to make their voices heard in politics. This article reviews European trade unions' use of different direct democratic channels to influence policy-making at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish direct democratic consultations initiated by the government from above (mandatory referenda and plebiscites) from direct democratic initiatives initiated by citizens from below (initiatives and facultative referenda) and discuss corresponding trade union experiences at local and national levels, namely in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia, and Switzerland. Furthermore, we are also analysing the successful right2water European Citizens Initiative (ECI) of the European Federation of Public Service Unions and the failed fair transport ECI of the European Transport Workers' Federation at EU level. Whereas unions successfully used direct democratic instruments to (1) defend social achievements or (2) as a lever to extract concessions from policy-makers, direct democracy is also challenging. Successful direct democratic campaigns require unions that are able to mobilise their own rank-and-file and to inspire larger sections of society.

The Lisbon Treaty introduced the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI), a brand new tool of transnational participatory democracy aiming to bring Europe closer to the people. Five years after the first ECI was lodged, we have yet to see an ECI that would pass the full procedure and end up as a proposal for a legal act. The European Commission (hereinafter: Commission) refused to register almost one third of the initiatives lodged on the basis that they fall manifestly outside the framework of the Commission's powers to submit a proposal for a legal act. The organizers of the refused Minority SafePack ECI challenged the Commission's decision before the Court of Justice of the European Union. The General Court approved the claims of the organizers of an ECI for the first time in this case. The General Court's findings with regard to the Commission's duty to give proper reasoning with respect to the refusal of an ECI may be a small but important step in achieving the goals of the ECI.

The European Union is no stranger to being the subject of what many critics have termed a " democratic deficit. " Yet a consensus on the theoretical meaning of this term, and its empirical consequences, seem to miss one another in the literature. This article grapples with several considerations of a democratic deficit as well as how to situate the occurrences in Europe within larger global and democratic trends. In order to address the democratic deficit, regardless of how it is defined, this article argues that the EU should further utilize existing opportunities within it, such as the European Citizens' Initiative, to its full potential first rather than creating new bodies and programs as the goals of the ECI address the problems of the democratic deficit and also link to other improvements that are crucial for the well-being of citizens within the EU.

SOMMARIO: 1. Premessa. -2. Il sistema di raccolta firme online e la sua certificazione. -2.1. I requisiti minimi per sostenere una ICE. -2.2. Lo sviluppo delle piattaforme in base alle norme e ai programmi open source. -2.3. La certificazione del sistema di raccolta online delle sottoscrizioni. -2.4. La raccolta delle firme a sostegno di una ICE. -3. La presentazione e la verifica delle dichiarazioni di sostegno di una ICE. -4. Il sistema di protezione dei dati contenuti nelle dichiarazioni di sostegno. -4.1. La quantità spropositata di dati necessari per sostenere un'iniziativa legislativa europea. -4.2. Le finalità esclusive dei dati raccolti. -4.3. La scelta dei responsabili del trattamento dei dati e le loro attribuzioni. -4.4. Il regime applicabile alla protezione dei dati raccolti. -4.5. I requisiti di sicurezza e distruzione degli archivi. -5. Uno sguardo conclusivo alla prassi.

The European citizens’ initiative (ECI) "Cohesion policy for the equality of regions and sustainability of regional cultures" has gathered over 1.4 million signatures and has very good chances of becoming the 7th successful ECI in the history of this still relatively new legal tool. As the deputy representative of the organising citizens committee of this ECI, in this article I hope to share some of my views on the prerequisites for organising a successful ECI.

In this opinion piece published in both Catalan and Spanish I try to summarize the manifold ways in which the European citizens' initiative for national regions would be beneficial for traditional national communities, peoples, and stateless nations across the EU. (Spanish version)

In this opinion piece published in both Catalan and Spanish I try to summarize the manifold ways in which the European citizens' initiative for national regions would be beneficial for traditional national communities, peoples, and stateless nations across the EU. (Catalan version)

The article, analyzing the judgment of the European Court of Justice in the case Balázs-Árpád Izsák e Attila Dabis v. Commission and the Opinion of the AG Bobek in the case Puppinck v. Commission, carries out a reconstruction of the burden of proof imposed to the citizens’ committee in the registration phase of an ECI and of the discretion of the European Commission both in the registration and in post-registration phase.
Moreover, through the EU legal framework and the role of the Commission the article draws an evaluation of the scope of the ECI.

The www.neadeal4europe.eu Citizens Initiative happened between 2014-2015 and it was launched by the Italian branch of the European Federalist Movement. The main proposals are: investing in organic agiruclture, renewable energies, vocational training and continuing formation, low carbon technology industry, protection of European cultural heritage and the public servicies. All this in order to create jobs for the youth and through a financement plan that includes the carbon tax, the tax on financial transactions and eurobonds. The ICE was then transformed into a petition (after collecting 20000 signatures in 7 different countries) sent to the European Parliament members and there was an audition on it from the side of the European Commission on 16, November 2016.  Basicly, on the basis of this type of european wide investment projects and if the Commission would be reactive, it could be a good way of going towards more regional cooperation and furthermore towards a federal governance system. But the Commission has not yet realized the potential that lies in Initiatives that come from the citizens directly. It would be an excellent way of interacting with citizens and it would certainly improve the image of the European institutions in the eyes of citizens.  Now, in the current situation of today in 2018, we are more likely to glide into a "Balkan-type" discordial situation, where eurosceptics are taking over the power as more and more countries have strong europhobe parties in their governments. So, a real changement in the architecture of Europe would be very welcome and urgent. The NewDeal4Europe ICE has as members prof. Michel Aglietta, Economics, France, prof.Lucio Levi, Political Sciencies, Italy, Jo Leinen, former President of the European Movement and German MEP as well as many other eminent members.

This work aims to give a contribution on the debate for the adoption of a regulation on administrative procedure of the European Union, focusing in particular on the duty to give reasons as part of the right to good administration. In particular, through the case law of the ECJ, and the recent decisions of General Court and ECJ on the European Citizens Initiative, the article analyse the scope and the graduation of the duty to give reasons.

European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) is deemed to be one of political tools adjusting EU’s democratic defi cit. Although the ECI has been largely analyzed from a theoretical point of view, the article presents an empirical snapshot of this participatory instrument viewed from the Slovak and Czech perspective. Using a series of research interviews, the author explains its strengths and weaknesses, as well as a possible path to move on in order to achieve more democratic, responsive and citizen-friendly Union.

The Szekler National Council decided to lodge a European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) with the objective of initiating  EU legislation concerning the rights of autochthonous people and ethnic groups living in the European Union, and in particular, their right to self-determination. The title of the proposed citizens' initiative was Cohesion policy for the equality of the regions and sustainability of the regional cultures. The subject mater of the initiative is that the cohesion policy of the EU should pay special attention to regions with national, ethnic, cultural, religious or linguistic characteristics that are different than those of the surrounding regions. The ECI focuses on an additional factor within cohesion policy, namely, the ‘national regions’. The initiative was rejected by the European Commission with reference to the fact that there is no appropriate legal basis in the Treaties for adopting the respective legislation, i.e. the initiative falls outside the scope of the EU. The ECI initiators brought an action for the annulment of the European Commission’s decision before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). The General Court published its decision on the case on the 10th of May 2016 rejecting the applicants’ action. The judgement underlined that in order to file the initiated legislative act the Court must define the term ‘national regions’ and also list all existing regions in the EU, which fulfil the requirements of this definition. Furthermore, this legislative act must declare that Member States shall fulfil their obligations deriving from their international commitments and any eventual breach would be concomitant with the breach of the values listed in Article 2 TEU.

En el marco del debate sobre el déficit democrático de la UE y del creciente distanciamiento entre ciudadanos e instituciones, la ICE ofrece para aquellas propuestas que cuenten con el apoyo de un millón de europeos la posibilidad de activar el procedimiento legislativo ordinario. Se plantean aquí las características, bondades y limitaciones de este nuevo instrumento de democracia directa-el primero de estas características a escala supranacional-, a la vista de la experiencia de sus dos primeros años de funcionamiento y en comparación con otras herramientas similares de los ordenamientos nacionales de los Estados miembros de la UE. Frente a aquellos mecanismos con efectos jurídicos vinculantes, la ICE ofrece un sistema de fijación de agenda política con potencial para el desarrollo del debate público a escala europea y, de no quedar a expensas de los grupos de presión, para el fortalecimiento de los partidos políticos europeos. Corresponde a los ciudadanos evitar su posible instrumentalización aún cuando, en buena medida, el éxito del nuevo instrumento dependerá del apoyo político e institucional que reciba, tanto a nivel europeo como nacional. Todo ello, en el contexto de la actual situación de grave crisis económica y social que padece la UE.

Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza działań podejmowanych w celu urzeczywistnienia traktatowych zapisów dotyczących inicjatywy obywatelskiej w Unii Europejskiej. Prezentacja ich wskazuje na przykładowe formy współdziałania obywateli w ponadnarodowej przestrzeni publicznej – ilustruje możliwość wpływania obywateli na treść przyjmowanych regulacji i na kształt polityk Unii Europejskiej. Następnie dokonano analizy procedury zgłaszania inicjatywy, wraz z poszukiwaniem barier i ułatwień oraz opisano wybrane przykłady inicjatyw. Badanie oparto o analizę decyzyjną z wyróżnianiem faz procesu decyzyjnego.

The European Union is often criticized for its democratic deficit. This criticism has led to a process of including civil society in European governance through consultations, round table discussions and civil dialogue. These steps of inclusion have been oriented towards organized civil society. This study explores the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) a new tool for participation available to all European citizens. The ECI is considered to take a step further in the democratic development of the European Union by inviting all citizens to not only participate but also independently propose legislation. The study aims to understand the opportunities the ECI offer and how civil actors are using these opportunities. A theoretical framework was designed combining theories of Political Opportunity Structures (POS), Europeanization and Usage of Europe. The ECI was investigated through a within case comparison of pilot and official initiatives. A content analysis, a survey and interviews...

One of the European Union (EU) institutions' responses to the alleged "democratic deficit" in the EU is the introduction of the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI). The ECI provides an agenda-setting tool accessible to different advocacy groups. This study investigates the narrative strategies of ECI organizers to mobilize citizens across the EU. Which storytelling characteristics are present in the policy narratives used by ECIs? To address this question theoretically, we rely on the Narrative Policy Framework. Empirically, we examine 59 ECIs registered between 2012 and 2020. The analysis concentrates on three dimensions of policy narratives: the mentioning of (i) story characters and (ii) cost-benefit frames as forms of narrative strategy to increase public attention, and (iii) evidence as a means of persuasion. Our findings show that ECIs predominantly make use of the devil shift in their policy narratives and use cost-benefit frames and evidence to expand the scope of conflict.