Armed Conflict

Mediante las voces y experiencias de campesinos quechuas de las comunidades de Ocros y Huancapi (Ayacucho), Los silencios de la guerra. Memoria y conflicto armado, hurga en los rastros de los años de violencia que enlutaron al Perú a fines del siglo XX. El agudo análisis de la antropóloga Valérie Robin Azevedo es una etnografía sensible de los secretos de las memorias campesinas de la guerra contra Sendero Luminoso, donde se rememora el pasado en fiestas patronales y en carnavales, en la creación musical y en los bailes comunales, en los sueños o en las apariciones de un santo milagroso.
¿Cómo se construyen hoy los recuerdos de la guerra y qué se silencia del pasado? ¿Qué muestran y qué ocultan las narraciones y celebraciones que escenifican lecturas parciales del pasado? Este fascinante libro nos revela las encrucijadas campesinas que siguen buscando rutas de convivencia pacífica hacia el futuro para reconstruir los lazos sociales profundamente dañados por la guerra interna.

Drawing on extensive ethnographic field research, this dissertation explores the interaction between the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) and civilians in the eastern DR Congo’s conflict-ridden Kivu provinces. It uncovers the multidimensionality, reciprocity and complexities of this interaction, which arise from and give rise to its fundamentally ambiguous character. This ambiguity is both an outcome and an engine of processes of militarization, which entail structural transformations that generate a dominant position for armed actors and lead to the normalization of their involvement in non-military spheres of social life. Militarization has profoundly blurred the social roles and forms of identification surrounding armed actors in the Kivus, causing the boundaries between categories like military/civilian, coercion/persuasion, victim/perpetrator, public authority/private protector, licit/illicit to be porous and constantly shifting.

The study concludes that the continuing dominance of the FARDC in the Kivus is the cumulative result of both civilians’ and the military’s everyday practices, which reproduce the militarized structures of domination, legitimation and signification that underpin the FARDC’s position of power. An important engine of this reproduction are the dynamics of conflict, insecurity and protection both within the military and within the Kivus’ social order as a whole. These dynamics lead to a short-term focus that causes civilians and soldiers to engage in practices that sustain the military’s dominance in the long term. Another important element in the reproduction of militarization is the routinization of certain forms of civilian-military interaction. As routine actions draw upon ‘practical consciousness’, routinization hampers the development of awareness among civilians of the effects of their individual practices on the social order as a whole. This shows that militarization is a process that is driven by practices that make sense to individual social agents, but that have outcomes that are disadvantageous at the collective level.

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

Even though scholars have made substantial contributions in connecting the fields of transitional justice and memory studies, important questions remain unanswered. The question of sequencing is one of them. How does a certain TJ mechanism condition the implementation of subsequent mechanisms and how together they shape memory narratives in a given society? This article builds on the case of Mozambique. Soon after the signing of the General Peace Agreement in 1992, the Frelimo-led government approved Amnesty Law 15/92 and with it, the past was to be left in the past. Such a choice was different from the one taken by Samora Machel-Mozambique's first president-between 1975 and 1982. By promoting a quasi-truth commission, Machel revisited Mozambique's colonial past and brought comprometidos' actions into the open. This article finds that whether the government opened up about the past or sought to leave it behind, the result has been the same: the celebratory reproduction of the liberation war narrative. Resorting to path dependence and critical junctures, this study explains the ways in which such a narrative has become hegemonic throughout the last four decades.

This article aims to verify whether, and to what extent, the practice of the last twenty years reflects the theoretical premises usually associated to international criminal justice, as a set of institutions and norms not only intended to prosecute international crimes, but also to enforce international rules prohibiting the use of force and, as a result, maintain or restore international peace and security. To this end, a series of elements need to be taken into account. Drawing from the results achieved by the papers published in this Special Section and focusing on some of the most complex and recent criminal situations, the article argues that the less the judicial action had been interna- tionalized, the more it seemed able to contribute, within the State where it took place, at least to the maintenance of peaceful conditions achieved by other means.

‫מאת‬ ‫סיני‬ ‫יובל‬ ‫הקדמה‬ ‫כלכלת‬ ‫של‬ ‫לידתה‬ ‫את‬ ‫השאר‬ ‫בין‬ ‫כלל‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫חדשות,‬ ‫הזדמנויות‬ ‫של‬ ‫כר‬ ‫רבים‬ ‫עבור‬ ‫יצר‬ ‫המידע,‬ ‫עידן‬ ‫של‬ ‫מלאה‬ ‫תלות‬ ‫נוצרה‬ ‫המידע,‬ ‫בעידן‬ ‫הגלומים‬ ‫היתרונות‬ ‫לצד‬ ‫והחדשנות.‬ ‫הגלובליזציה‬ ‫האצת‬ ‫המידע,‬ ‫ומדינות‬ ‫הציבור‬ ‫מרבית‬ ( ‫קריטיות‬ ‫תשתיות‬ ‫ובזמינות‬ ‫בטכנולוגיה‬ ‫העולם‬ Critical Infrastructure ‫כדוגמת‬ ,) ‫קריטיות‬ ‫מידע‬ ‫לתשתיות‬ ‫כבסיס‬ ‫משמשות‬ ‫בתורן‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫והתקשורת,‬ ‫החשמל‬ ‫תשתית‬ Critical) Infrastructure Information .) ‫המרחב‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ 1 (Cyber Space) ‫הווירטואלי‬ ‫העולם‬ ‫את‬ ‫בחובו‬ ‫כולל‬ ‫זה‬ ‫מאמר‬ ‫להגדרת‬ ‫בהתאם‬ ‫אשר‬ , ( ‫ותקשורת‬ ‫מידע‬ ‫טכנולוגית‬ ‫באמצעות‬ ‫יצר‬ ‫האדם‬ ‫אשר‬ Information and Communication Technology ,) ‫ארגונים‬ ‫מדינות,‬ ‫(קואליציות,‬ ‫לשחקנים‬ ‫מאפשר‬ 2 ‫מגוו‬ ‫פעולה‬ ‫באסטרטגיות‬ ‫לבחור‬ ‫ופרטים)‬ ‫קבוצות,‬ , ‫נות‬ ‫עסקיים‬ ‫צרכים‬ ‫כדוגמת‬ ‫קריטריונים,‬ ‫של‬ ‫משורה‬ ‫נגזרת‬ ‫באסטרטגיה‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫של‬ ‫הבחירה‬ ‫ודינמיות.‬ -‫המצב‬ ‫"תמונת‬ ‫במונח‬ ‫הבחירה‬ ‫לעצמו.‬ ‫בונה‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫כל‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫הקוגניטיבית‬ ‫המצב‬ ‫ותמונת‬ ‫זמן‬ ‫פוליטיים,‬ ‫מלאה‬ ‫מצב‬ ‫תמונה‬ ‫לקבל‬ ‫אפשרות‬ ‫לשחקן‬ ‫אין‬ ‫כי‬ ‫לחדד‬ ‫באה‬ ‫היא‬ ‫אלא‬ ‫מקרית,‬ ‫אינה‬ ‫הקוגניטיבית"‬ ‫ו‬ ‫ו‬ ‫הסתברותיים‬ ‫מודלים‬ ‫על‬ ‫להסתמך‬ ‫נאלץ‬ ‫השחקן‬ ‫העולם‬ ‫הבניית‬ ‫בעת‬ ‫ולפיכך‬ ‫ריאלית,‬ \ ‫אקסיומות.‬ ‫או‬ ‫שיתוף‬ ‫כדוגמת:‬ ‫אחר,‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫כלפי‬ ‫התנהלותו‬ ‫על‬ ‫תשפיע‬ ‫יבחר‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫כל‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫הדינמית‬ ‫האסטרטגיה‬ ‫עמום.‬ ‫עימות‬ ‫גלוי,‬ ‫עימות‬ ‫הגדר",‬ ‫על‬ ‫"ישיבה‬ ‫בריתות,‬ ‫ויצירת‬ ‫פעולה‬ ‫ל‬ ‫בונה‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫כל‬ ‫מכך,‬ ‫כתוצאה‬ ‫עצמו‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫במרחב‬ ‫הבולטים‬ ‫היתרונות‬ ‫שני‬ ‫כאשר‬ ‫האחרים,‬ ‫השחקנים‬ ‫כלפי‬ ‫שלו‬ ‫ההתנהלות‬ ‫מטריצת‬ ‫את‬ ‫בו‬ ‫לאמץ‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫וביכולת‬ ‫יחסית,‬ ‫נמוכה‬ ‫ובעלות‬ ‫מהיר‬ ‫בקצב‬ ‫הנבחרת‬ ‫האסטרטגיה‬ ‫את‬ ‫לשנות‬ ‫היכולת‬ ‫הינה‬ ‫לחש‬ ‫שכנגד‬ ‫השחקן‬ ‫של‬ ‫האפשרות‬ ‫צמצום‬ ‫תוך‬ ‫וזאת‬ ‫אחר,‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫כלפי‬ ‫אסטרטגיות‬ ‫מספר‬ ‫זמנית‬ ‫של‬ ‫יפתו‬ ‫הכפול.‬ ‫המשחק‬ 1 ‫ה‬ ‫בין‬ ‫הגבולות‬ ‫כי‬ ‫גבוהה‬ ‫סבירות‬ ‫ישנה‬ ( ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫מרחב‬ Cyber Space ‫בעתיד.‬ ‫יטשטשו‬ ‫כיום‬ ‫לנו‬ ‫המוכר‬ ‫המופשט‬ ‫האלקטרומגנטי‬ ‫לעולם‬ ,) 2 Non-State Entity ‫שיקולים‬ ‫בפיתוח‬ ‫והפעלת‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ sper.co.il www.DigitalWhi ‫גליון‬ 63 , ‫אוגוסט‬ 2015 2 ‫להטיל‬ ‫מנת‬ ‫על‬ ‫להשתמש‬ ‫יוכל‬ ‫צד‬ ‫שבהם‬ ‫האמצעים‬ ‫רשימת‬ ‫את‬ ‫להכליל‬ ‫ומטרתו‬ ‫חדש,‬ ‫אינו‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫המונח‬ ‫לוחמת‬ ‫המונח‬ ‫ואחרות.‬ ‫כאילו‬ ‫מטרות‬ ‫השגת‬ ‫לשם‬ ‫וזאת‬ ‫האחר,‬ ‫על‬ ‫פלוני‬ ‫של‬ ‫צדדית‬ ‫החד‬ ‫מרותו‬ ‫את‬ ‫מחשב‬ 3 ( Cyber Warfare ‫יכ‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫התקפיות‬ ‫פעולות‬ ‫של‬ ‫שורה‬ ‫בחובו‬ ‫כולל‬ ) ‫אחר‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫כלפי‬ ‫ליזום‬ ‫ול‬ ‫הקיברנטי.‬ ‫במרחב‬ ‫שחקן,‬ ‫כל‬ ‫לרשות‬ ‫עומדים‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫והכלים‬ ‫ההזדמנויות‬ ‫מרחב‬ ‫את‬ ‫הרחיב‬ ‫לזירה‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫הנשק‬ ‫של‬ ‫כניסתו‬ ‫החמישי‬ ‫כמימד‬ ‫רבים‬ ‫בעיני‬ ‫להכרה‬ ‫זכה‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫המרחב‬ ‫כי‬ ‫פלא‬ ‫ואין‬ (The fifth dimension) ‫שדה‬ ‫של‬ ‫סוקר,‬ ‫זה‬ ‫מאמר‬ ‫לכך‬ ‫בהתאם‬ ‫המודרני.‬ ‫הקרב‬ ‫להפעיל‬ ‫ההחלטה‬ ‫בעת‬ ‫השיקולים‬ ‫עיקר‬ ‫את‬ ‫המזלג‬ ‫קצה‬ ‫על‬ ‫קיברנטי.‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫בהפעלת‬ ‫שיקולים‬ ‫ותפעול‬ ‫פיתוח‬ ‫עלות‬ ‫זמן‬ ‫כאשר‬ ‫דולרים,‬ ‫מיליארדי‬ ‫לעשרות‬ ‫לא‬ ‫אם‬ ‫למאות,‬ ‫להגיע‬ ‫עשויה‬ ‫מסורתיים,‬ ‫לחימה‬ ‫אמצעי‬ ‫פיתוח‬ ‫עלות‬ ‫ע‬ ‫הייצור‬ ‫עלות‬ ‫אף‬ . ‫שנים‬ ‫לעשרות‬ ‫אף‬ ‫פעם‬ ‫לא‬ ‫להגיע‬ ‫עשוי‬ ‫הפיתוח‬ ‫נמוכים‬ ‫לא‬ ‫בסכומים‬ ‫להסתכם‬ ‫שויה‬ ‫של‬ ‫לעלות‬ ‫בנקל‬ ‫להגיע‬ ‫עשוי‬ ‫מסורתיים‬ ‫לחימה‬ ‫באמצעי‬ ‫השימוש‬ ‫כי‬ ‫לציין‬ ‫ראוי‬ ‫כאשר‬ ‫לפריט,‬ 10,000 -30,000 ‫חידוש‬ ‫המחייב‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫בממוצע,‬ ‫מעשור‬ ‫נמוך‬ ‫מסורתיים‬ ‫לחימה‬ ‫אמצעי‬ ‫חיי‬ ‫אורך‬ ‫אף‬ ‫לשעה.‬ ‫דולר‬ ‫תקופתי.‬ ‫באופן‬ ‫מלאי‬ ‫בש‬ ‫בוצעו‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫מחקרים‬ ‫למספר‬ ‫בהתאם‬ ‫ה‬ ‫פיתוח‬ ‫עלות‬ ‫כי‬ ‫התגלה‬ ‫האחרונות,‬ ‫נים‬ -Stuxnet ‫בכ‬ ‫מוערכת‬ -10-20 ‫קיברנטי,‬ ‫בנשק‬ ‫ולהשתמש‬ ‫לפתח‬ ‫ניתן‬ ‫בהם‬ ‫רבים‬ ‫מקרים‬ ‫ישנם‬ ‫כי‬ ‫מציג‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫דולר,‬ ‫מיליון‬ ‫תקציב‬ ‫בהשקעה‬ ‫צורך‬ ‫ללא‬ ‫וזאת‬ ‫מדובר‬ ‫יחסית,‬ ‫גבוהה‬ ‫לא‬ ‫בעלות‬ ‫מדובר‬ ‫כי‬ ‫העובדה‬ ‫לאור‬ ‫גבוהה.‬ ‫ית‬ ‫וטרור.‬ ‫פשיעה‬ ‫ארגוני‬ ‫כדוגמת‬ ‫ענף,‬ ‫כלכלי‬ ‫גב‬ ‫בעלי‬ ‫שאינם‬ ‫רבים‬ ‫גורמים‬ ‫עבור‬ ‫אידיאלי‬ ‫בפתרון‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫בנשק‬ ‫והשימוש‬ ‫המכירה‬ ‫הפיתוח,‬ ‫אנונימיות‬ ‫א‬ ‫לפתח‬ ‫ניתן‬ ‫ולפיכך‬ ‫וזמן,‬ ‫גיאוגרפי‬ ‫מקום‬ ‫תלוי‬ ‫אינו‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫פיתוח‬ ‫גורמי‬ ‫בין‬ ‫ישיר‬ ‫קשר‬ ‫ללא‬ ‫אף‬ ‫ותו‬ ‫הציבור,‬ ‫למרבית‬ ‫רבות‬ ‫שנים‬ ‫מזה‬ ‫זמינים‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫לפיתוח‬ ‫האמצעים‬ ‫מרבית‬ ‫למעשה,‬ ‫הלכה‬ ‫הפיתוח.‬ ‫אפקטיבי.‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫כיום‬ ‫לפתח‬ ‫יכולים‬ ‫ממוצעים‬ ‫טכניים‬ ‫כישורים‬ ‫בעל‬ ‫גורמים‬ ‫ואף‬ ‫כדוגמת‬ ‫וירטואלי,‬ ‫מטבע‬ ‫מבוססות‬ ‫תשלום‬ ‫אפשרויות‬ ‫ביטקוין‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫של‬ ‫ורכישה‬ ‫מכירה‬ ‫תהליכי‬ ‫על‬ ‫מקלות‬ ‫שחקנים‬ ‫בין‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫של‬ ‫ורכישה‬ ‫מכירה‬ ‫של‬ ‫מגמה‬ ‫לזהות‬ ‫ניתן‬ ‫ולפיכך‬ ‫השחור",‬ ‫ב"שוק‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫מדינות‬ ‫אף‬ ‫כי‬ ‫פעם‬ ‫לא‬ ‫התגלה‬ ‫ההפתעה‬ ‫למרבה‬ ‫כאשר‬ ‫שונים,‬ ‫לדיון‬ ‫עלה‬ ‫שמה‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫אייזרביג'ן‬ ‫(כדוגמת‬ ‫ל‬ ‫הפריצה‬ ‫בפרשת‬ -Hacking Team ‫רוכשות‬ ) ‫ומגוונים.‬ ‫שונים‬ ‫ממקורות‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫נשק‬ 3 ‫המונח‬ Cyber Warfare ‫נוסף‬ ‫עברי‬ ‫לתרגום‬ ‫זכה‬ -‫קיברנטית".‬ ‫"לוחמה‬ ‫שיקולים‬ ‫בפיתוח‬ ‫והפעלת‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ sper.co.il www.DigitalWhi ‫גליון‬ 63 , ‫אוגוסט‬ 2015 3 ‫אי‬ ‫על‬ ‫מטבעו‬ ‫מקשה‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫המרחב‬ ‫מאמצים‬ ‫אלו‬ ‫שחקנים‬ ‫כאשר‬ ‫ביחוד‬ ‫השחקנים,‬ ‫פעילות‬ ‫תור‬ ‫ולפגוע‬ ‫לאתר‬ ‫ניכר‬ ‫קושי‬ ‫ישנו‬ ‫וביטחון‬ ‫אכיפה‬ ‫לגורמי‬ ‫לפיכך,‬ ‫והסוואה.‬ ‫עמימות‬ ‫חמקנות,‬ ‫של‬ ‫טכניקות‬ ‫תוך‬ ‫מתבצעות‬ ‫הקיברנטיות‬ ‫התקיפות‬ ‫מרבית‬ ‫כי‬ ‫לזכור‬ ‫יש‬ ‫כאשר‬ ‫קיברנטי,‬ ‫בנשק‬ ‫המשתמשים‬ ‫בשחקנים‬ ‫את‬ ‫מקטין‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫יחסית,‬ ‫קצר‬ ‫זמן‬ ‫ו‬ ‫האכיפה‬ ‫גורמי‬ ‫ע"י‬ ‫התקיפה‬ ‫יוזם‬ ‫לאיתור‬ ‫ההסתברות‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ביטחון.‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫של‬ ‫קצר‬ ‫חיים‬ ‫אורך‬ ‫או‬ ‫תוקנה‬ ‫שלא‬ ‫פגיעות‬ ‫של‬ ‫קיומה‬ ‫כדוגמת‬ ‫מהותיים,‬ ‫פקטורים‬ ‫במספר‬ ‫תלויה‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫הנשק‬ ‫של‬ ‫הצלחתו‬ ( ‫ידועה‬ ‫לא‬ ay Attack Zero D ‫אבטחה‬ ‫מנגנוני‬ ‫מימוש‬ ‫אי‬ ‫לרעה,‬ ‫לניצול‬ ‫ניתן‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫אבטחה‬ ‫במעגל‬ ‫כשל‬ ,) ‫לבחון‬ ‫שחקן‬ ‫כל‬ ‫ועל‬ ‫יחסית,‬ ‫צר‬ ‫הזדמנויות"‬ ‫"חלון‬ ‫לשחקן‬ ‫משאירה‬ ‫המחשוב‬ ‫בעולם‬ ‫הדינמיות‬ ‫אנושי.‬ ‫וכשל‬ ‫ברשותו‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫הנשק‬ ‫סגירתו,‬ ‫שלאחר‬ ‫הצר,‬ ‫ההזדמנויות"‬ ‫"חלון‬ ‫את‬ ‫לנצל‬ ‫ומסוגל‬ ‫רוצה‬ ‫הוא‬ ‫האם‬ ‫תועלת.‬ ‫חסר‬ ‫יהיה‬ ‫איכות‬ ‫במטרות‬ ‫התמקדות‬ ‫ב"מטרות‬ ‫הצבאית)‬ ‫בעגה‬ ‫(להתביית‬ ‫להתמקד‬ ‫היכולת‬ ‫הינו‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫הנשק‬ ‫של‬ ‫הבולטים‬ ‫היתרונות‬ ‫אחד‬ ‫רוצה‬ ‫המותקף.‬ ‫הארגון‬ ‫תשתית‬ ‫על‬ ‫הרוחבית‬ ‫ההשפעה‬ ‫צמצום‬ ‫תוך‬ ‫מוגדרות,‬ ‫מטרות‬ ‫השגת‬ ‫לשם‬ ‫איכות"‬ ‫הפע‬ ‫של‬ ‫החשיפה‬ ‫חתך‬ ‫את‬ ‫מצמצמת‬ ‫זו‬ ‫פעולה‬ ‫שיטת‬ ‫לומר,‬ ‫כמו‬ ‫איתורה.‬ ‫על‬ ‫המקשה‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫העוינת,‬ ‫ילות‬ ‫הוודאות‬ ‫את‬ ‫מגדיל‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫בנשק‬ ‫להשתמש‬ ‫בוחר‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫השחקן‬ ‫איכות,‬ ‫במטרות‬ ‫התמקדות‬ ‫באמצעות‬ ‫כן,‬ ‫במטרות‬ ‫התמקדות‬ ‫זאת,‬ ‫עם‬ ‫גבוה.‬ ‫יהיה‬ ‫המותקף‬ ‫לשחקן‬ ‫יגרם‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫הנזק‬ ‫תצלח,‬ ‫התקיפה‬ ‫כי‬ ‫במקרה‬ ‫כי‬ ‫קושי‬ ‫רף‬ ‫מעמידה‬ ‫ואף‬ ‫מדויק,‬ ‫מודיעין‬ ‫מחייבת‬ ‫איכות‬ ‫רבים‬ ‫שבארגונים‬ ‫מכיוון‬ ‫וזאת‬ ‫לחציה,‬ ‫יותר‬ ‫גבוה‬ ‫פוטנציאליות.‬ ‫איכות‬ ‫כמטרות‬ ‫מוגדרות‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫ישויות‬ ‫על‬ ‫הגנה‬ ‫לשם‬ ‫רבות‬ ‫מפצות‬ ‫בקרות‬ ‫מוטמעות‬ ‫ודיסאינפורמציה‬ ‫פעילות‬ ‫שיבוש‬ ‫פעילות‬ ‫של‬ ‫שיבוש‬ ‫מאפשר‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫הנשק‬ ‫במחשוב,‬ ‫גוברת‬ ‫תלות‬ ‫יצר‬ ‫המידע‬ ‫עידן‬ ‫כי‬ ‫העובדה‬ ‫לאור‬ ‫שירו‬ ‫של‬ ‫נורמלית‬ ‫מכך,‬ ‫יתרה‬ ‫תקין.‬ ‫באופן‬ ‫פועל‬ ‫עסקי‬ ‫השירות‬ ‫כי‬ ‫למפעיל‬ ‫אשליה‬ ‫יצירת‬ ‫תוך‬ ‫עסקי,‬ ‫ת‬ ‫ו‬ ‫נתונים‬ ‫שינוי‬ ‫באמצאות‬ \ ‫כדוגמת‬ ‫עסקיות,‬ ‫במערכות‬ ‫(דיסאינפורמציה)‬ ‫כוזב‬ ‫מידע‬ ‫הזנת‬ ‫או‬ Big Data , ‫קבלת‬ ‫תהליך‬ ‫על‬ ‫להשפיע‬ ‫יכול‬ ‫התוקף‬ ‫השחקן‬ ‫לטעויות‬ ‫לגרום‬ ‫עשוי‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫המותקף,‬ ‫בשחקן‬ ‫ההחלטות‬ ‫אחרת,‬ ‫דוגמא‬ ‫ואופטימלי.‬ ‫אפקטיבי‬ ‫לא‬ ‫בפתרון‬ ‫גבוהה‬ ‫השקעה‬ ‫על‬ ‫החלטה‬ ‫קבלת‬ ‫כדוגמת‬ ‫אסטרטגיות,‬ ‫לפעילות‬ ‫סד"כ‬ ‫מבחינת‬ ‫נכונה‬ ‫לא‬ ‫הערכות‬ ‫לחימה‬ ‫להוביל‬ ‫עשויה‬ ‫הפיסי‬ ‫במרחב‬ ‫להתרחש‬ ‫האמורה‬ ‫היכ‬ ‫את‬ ‫אציין‬ ‫אחרונה‬ ‫וכדוגמא‬ ‫גורפת.‬ ‫לתבוסה‬ ‫ע"י‬ ‫וזאת‬ ‫פלונית,‬ ‫במדינה‬ ‫כלכלית‬ ‫אנדרלמוסיה‬ ‫ליצור‬ ‫ולת‬ ‫ו‬ ‫הפיננסיות‬ ‫במערכות‬ ‫כוזב‬ ‫מידע‬ ‫הזנת‬ \ ‫המדיה.‬ ‫או‬ ‫המפעיל.‬ ‫הגורם‬ ‫של‬ ‫האמיתיים‬ ‫הפרטים‬ ‫להסתיר‬ ‫אפשרות‬ ‫מתן‬ ‫תוך‬ ‫וזאת‬ ‫מודיעין,‬ ‫מקורות‬ ‫גיוס‬ ‫על‬ ‫התחזות‬ ‫באמצעות‬ ‫ואף‬ ‫בדויות,‬ ‫בזהויות‬ ‫שימוש‬ ‫באמצעות‬ \ ‫לבצע‬ ‫יכולים‬ ‫שונים‬ ‫גורמים‬ ‫זהויות,‬ ‫גניבת‬ ‫מעשי‬ ‫הונאה‬ ( Fraud ) ‫והלבנת‬ ‫הון‬ ( Money Laundering ) ‫להע‬ ‫מטרתם‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫התוקף.‬ ‫הצד‬ ‫את‬ ‫שיר‬ ZeuS Trojan 5 ‫של‬ ‫האימות‬ ‫פרטי‬ ‫את‬ ‫לגנוב‬ ‫לתוקף‬ ‫מאפשר‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫תקיפה‬ ‫לכלי‬ ‫קלאסית‬ ‫דוגמא‬ ‫מהווה‬ ‫הקורבן.‬ ‫בשם‬ ‫פיננסיות‬ ‫פעולות‬ ‫לבצע‬ ‫לתוקף‬ ‫לאפשר‬ ‫ובכך‬ ‫פלוני,‬ ‫אדם‬ ‫של‬ ‫הבנק‬ ‫חשבון‬ ‫עמימות‬ ‫רב‬ ‫קושי‬ ‫ישנו‬ ‫ולפיכך‬ ‫יחסית,‬ ‫בקלות‬ ‫להסתרה‬ ‫ניתן‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫הנשק‬ ‫ארסנל‬ ‫הפרקטיות‬ ‫היכולות‬ ‫מהן‬ ‫לדעת‬ ‫ואף‬ ‫המקורי,‬ ‫המפתח‬ ‫את‬ ‫המזהים‬ ‫סממנים‬ ‫ללא‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫לייצר‬ ‫ניתן‬ ‫כי‬ ‫העובדה‬ ‫לאור‬ ‫פלוני.‬ ‫גוף‬ ‫של‬ ‫מכתובת‬ ‫הנשק‬ ‫הפעלת‬ ‫(כדוגמת‬ ‫אנונימי‬ ‫באופן‬ ‫קיברנטי‬ ‫בנשק‬ ‫להשתמש‬ ‫ניתן‬ IP ‫מדינה‬ ‫שם‬ ‫על‬ ‫הרשומה‬ ‫שלישי‬ ‫לצד‬ ‫גרימה‬ ‫זרה,‬ ‫הצדדים‬ ‫בין‬ ‫בסכסוך‬ ‫מעורב‬ ‫שאינו‬ ‫ל‬ ‫את‬ ‫הפעיל‬ ‫ה‬ ‫על‬ ‫המקשה‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫קיברנטי),‬ ‫נשק‬ ‫התוקף‬ ‫מיהו‬ ‫להוכיח‬ ‫המותקף‬ ‫הצד‬ 6 ‫בנשק‬ ‫כוזבים‬ ‫מזהים‬ ‫סממנים‬ ‫שתילת‬ ‫באמצעות‬ ‫מכך,‬ ‫יתרה‬ . ‫לפיכך‬ ‫לתקיפה.‬ ‫כלל‬ ‫קשור‬ ‫שאינו‬ ‫שלישי,‬ ‫צד‬ ‫בגורם‬ ‫יחשוד‬ ‫המותקף‬ ‫שהצד‬ ‫לכך‬ ‫לגרום‬ ‫ניתן‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫ואף‬ ‫ומתיחות,‬ ‫חשדנות‬ ‫ביצירת‬ ‫לסייע‬ ‫יכול‬ ‫הקיברנטי‬ ‫הנשק‬ ‫בין‬ ‫רצוני‬ ‫לא‬ ‫עימות‬ ‫לייצר‬ ‫מסוימים‬ ‫במקרים‬ ‫ביניהם.‬ ‫היחסים‬ ‫מערכת‬ ‫את‬ ‫להחריף‬ ‫תכננו‬ ‫לא‬ ‫במקור‬ ‫אשר‬ ‫גורמים‬

The Project on Defense Alternatives Appendix 3. The rise and fall of the Taliban: a note on their strategy and power The Taliban military coalition comprised (i) Taliban members proper (including long-time veterans and new adherents), (ii) warlord (former mujahedin) and tribal contingents, (iii) seasonal village conscripts, (iv) foreign forces. • The veteran core of the Taliban may have been no larger than 2,000-3,000 personnel; new (post 1995) adherents may have numbered another 6,000-8,000. • Warlord, tribal, and conscripted indigenous troops probably comprised an additional 20,000-25,000 troops; these troops constituted the soft outer shell of the Taliban coalition, likely to defect or desert under pressure. • Finally, foreign volunteers probably numbered 8-12,000. These included 5-7000 Pakistanis, 1,500-2,000 Chechens and members of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, and no more than 2-3,000 foreign fighters imported by the Al Qaeda network-mostly Arabs. Among the troops controlled by Al Qaeda only hundreds were likely core Al Qaeda members, distinguished by having signed a bayat or oath of allegiance to the jihad as defined by bin Laden. Among the Taliban adherents, the most important were the veteran cadre from Kandahar and surrounding provinces: these were the glue or the "solder" that held the Taliban coalition together. But the "soldering agent" in their rise to power was momentum, which they gained through their early victories and the promise of a return to peace and order that the Taliban embodied. This mobilized former students of the madrassahs on a broader basis, brought in new recruits, and helped sway Pashtun warlords and tribal leaders to join the coalition. The support of commercial trading interests and Pakistan also was essential to building Taliban power. Reinforcing the power of the Taliban were the foreign volunteers, the largest group being Pakistanis, who served as cannon fodder. Of course, the most important group of foreign fighters were the Afghan Arabs (organized through the al-Qaeda network) who combined dedication, experience, and relative fighting prowess. A3.1 The dilemma of Taliban success The Taliban accomplished what none of their mujahedin predecessors could: the relatively rapid unification of most of Afghanistan. This they did through a combination of (i) religious discipline and fervor, (ii) mobilization of a grassroots constituency (ie. village religious leaders and students) that cut across many divisions of tribe and locality in the Pashtun belt, and (iii) one genuinely popular program plank: the restoration of law and order. Many core Taliban leaders had been young members of the mujahedin militias during the time of the anti-Soviet war-especially the more traditionalist Islamic parties, Harakat-i-Inquilab-i-Islami and Younis Khalis' faction of Hisb-e-Islami. Within these they were distinguished by their religious devotion and training. What gave the Taliban initial organizational and ideological coherence was their common training in a few of the Pakistani madrassas. What shaped their identity as a movement was the experience of the post-Soviet civil war, during which the militias

The present text focuses on discovering the concept of an armed actor in the XXI century, for the purpose it is direct to the characterization of, it that was not define by international treaties and that has elusively been developed by international jurisprudence in the courts international criminal. In this framework, a study of the history of the formation of the right to make war and crosscutting in international conferences, serves as an illuminating element of this initial approach, as is the concept of an armed actor. Finally, a review of three cases atypical to the contradictory cases such as the case of the Zetas in Mexico, the bacrim in Colombia, and the Islamic State on alert, with the application of the criteria of common criteria to establish whether a new form of armed actors can be found in the diversification of the armed structures of power.
Keywords: organized armed weapons of power r, International humanitarian law, Armed groups, Peace of Westfalia, International criminal law, Armed conflict.

I extend the implications of a rationalist model of war initiation to explore the effects of uncertainty about the cost of prosecuting a war to victory on the duration and outcome of military operations. When the attributes of a potential armed conflict create ncertainty
about the human and material costs of attaining a state’s war aims, states are at risk of selecting themselves into long, costly, and ultimately unsuccessful military engagements. The more the actual costs of fighting exceed a state’s prewar expectations, the greater the likelihood that it will eventually be pushed beyond its cost-tolerance threshold and forced to unilaterally withdraw from the conflict before it attains its war aims. At the same time, states must fight longer before they arrive at accurate estimates of what it will cost to attain their objectives when the attributes of a conflict contribute to high levels of uncertainty.

Why do some organized crime groups (OCGs) carry out face-to-face killings where perpetrators debase their victims and defile their bodies? Leading criminologists contend that OCGs carry out extreme killings deliberately to attain specific performance objectives. Conversely, psycho-sociological scholars argue that extreme killings only occur in situations that affect perpetrators' reasoning and emotions. In their view, these situations are largely beyond OCGs' control. I argue that analyzing extreme killings as organizational rituals can contribute to reconciling these seemingly conflicting views. More specifically, I contend that the OCG known as Los Zetas ritualizes executions to generate the conditions that make extreme violence possible. Through ritualization, Los Zetas influences executioners' perceptions of extreme behavior from something abhorrent into something valued, desirable, and enjoyable. Once the conditions conducive to extreme violence emerge, Los Zetas exploits it to attain utilitarian objectives.

This paper examines the concept of resilience in the context of children affected by armed conflict. Resilience has been frequently viewed as a unique quality of certain 'invulnerable' children. In contrast, this paper argues that a number of protective processes contribute to resilient mental health outcomes in children when considered through the lens of the child's social ecology. While available research has made important contributions to understanding risk factors for negative mental health consequences of war-related violence and loss, the focus on trauma alone has resulted in inadequate attention to factors associated with resilient mental health outcomes. This paper presents key studies in the literature that address the interplay between risk and protective processes in the mental health of war-affected children from an ecological, developmental perspective. It suggests that further research on war-affected children should pay particular attention to coping and meaning making at the individual level; the role of attachment relationships, caregiver health, resources and connection in the family, and social support available in peer and extended social networks. Cultural and community influences such as attitudes towards mental health and healing as well as the meaning given to the experience of war itself are also important aspects of the larger social ecology.

RESUMEN
A partir de una mirada panorámica a la acción pública estatal colombiana relativa a las mujeres, el artículo pretende describir y analizar la forma en la cual la problemática de las mujeres víctimas del conflicto armado entra a hacer parte de las políticas públicas en el país. Además de llamar la atención sobre las dificultades para que dicha problemática fuera considerada un problema de interés público, este análisis permite apreciar procesos más amplios de orden institucional y jurídico. Y, más concretamente, aportar al estudio de fenómenos tales como la construcción de un “feminismo de Estado”, así como la adopción de una perspectiva de género dentro de las políticas de derechos humanos y de justicia transicional.

ABSTRACT
Parting from a panoramic point of view on the Colombian state public policies on women issues, this paper aims to describe and analyze the process through which the problems of women victims of armed conflict became part of public policy in the country. The analysis is also focusing on identifying the difficulties that surrounded the emergence of this problem as a problem of public interest, and therefore allows to appreciate and discuss other processes of institutional and legal order. More specifically, the article looks forward to contribute to the study of the construction of a “State feminism”, and also to the discussion concerning the adoption of a gender perspective in human rights policies and transitional justice.

The present paper discusses the work of the United Nations International Law Commission (ILC) during its sixty-seventh session (2015) regarding the topic ‘Protection of the environment in relation to armed conflicts’. First, it sketches out a summary of the debate that took place in the plenary session of the ILC with respect to the issue at hand. Then, the paper moves on to analyze the draft articles provisionally adopted by the Drafting Committee, offering at the same time some critical remarks.

Women and Girls at War: “Wives”, Mothers, and Fighters in the Lord's Resistance Army Jeannie Annan, Christopher Blattman, Dyan Mazurana, and Khristopher Carlson1 Abstract: Data from Uganda challenge conventional notions about the role of females during and after war. ...

Jugoszlávia dezintegrációját követően az újonnan függetlenedett államokban egyre gyakoribbá váltak az
etnikai alapon szerveződő összetűzések. A Macedóniában kialakult két fegyveres konfliktus esetében a lakosság közel egyötödét alkotó albán kisebbség szerepe pedig aligha hanyagolható el. A 2001-es kvázi polgárháborús helyzet és az ohridi keretegyezmény nemzeti jogrendbe való átültetése, valamint a 2015-ös
politikai válság és kumanovói összecsapások ugyanis az állam és a Balkán-félsziget újbóli destabilizációjával fenyegettek.

Kutatásom során a két fegyveres konfliktust hasonlítom össze az államban élő albán kisebbség szemszögéből. Hipotézisem szerint mindkét válság során aktív szerepet játszottak; jóllehet míg a 2001-es eseményeket alapvetően etnikai összetűzések sorozataként könyvelhetjük el, addig a 2015-ös történések során a politikai krízishelyzetbe jutott macedón kormánypárt a „nacionalista kártyát” feltételezhetőleg csak hangulatkeltés céljából játszotta ki annak érdekében, hogy a közvéleményt az albánok ellen hangolja.

Children in armed conflict are frequently deprived of basic needs, psychologically supportive environments, educational and vocational opportunities, and other resources that promote positive psychosocial development and mental health. This article describes the mental health challenges faced by conflict-affected children and youth, the interventions designed to prevent or ameliorate the psychosocial impact of conflict-related experiences, and a case example of the challenges and opportunities related to addressing the mental health needs of Rohingya children and youth.

Since the end of the Cold War we witnessed a change in the nature on conflict: increasing number of civil conflicts over interstate wars, rising of PMCs and privatization, terrorism, new technologies, great influence of international actors. But are these trends  truly new? My answer is no. I argue that these transformations already started in a significant number during the Cold War period and that now what we are witnessing is a quantative rather than a qualitative change in conflict dynamics, also due to new and more sophisticated theoretical lenses.

Voici la première étude sur la guerre civile syrienne faite à partir d’entretiens réalisés en Syrie même et dans les pays voisins. 2011 : des centaines de milliers de Syriens de toutes confessions et origines ethniques manifestent pacifiquement pour réclamer la démocratisation du régime. La violence de la répression les contraint à prendre les armes, à organiser une contre-société et à regrouper des unités militaires improvisées au sein de l’Armée syrienne libre.
Après 2013, cette logique inclusive et unanimiste cède progres- sivement devant la montée des groupes transnationaux comme le PKK et l’État islamique, marginalisant les groupes les plus modérés.
Comment se structure l’économie de guerre? Quels sont les effets de la guerre sur la société syrienne? Quelles nouvelles hiérarchies communautaires et sociales résultent de la violence généralisée? Comment les trajectoires sociales des Syriens sont-elles affectées?
Un livre unique qui combine une recherche de terrain – rare sur le conflit syrien – et une réflexion théorique novatrice sur les situations de guerre civile.

Methodology is about the decisions a  researcher undertakes approaching the subject  of  his  study, the questions s/he poses and  the concepts  he  embraces.  The  widespread  use  of  certain  methodologies,  such  as  econometric  analysis  and  case  studies,  in  approaching  the  topic  of  civil  war  may  overlook  the  epistemological  and  ontological  assumptions  underlying the  selection  of    a  particular  methodology, which  are  often  not  explicitly considered.  ‘Ethnic  conflicts’  By  definition  Are  complex  phenomena  that  are  inscribed  in a changing and dynamic  environment.  In  Spite  of  this,  civil  war  literature  appears  to  embrace  some  form  of  epistemic  absolutism,  wherein  methodologies and  approaches  appear  to  be  more  focused  on  the  validity  of  their  findings (according  to  their  own  research  methodologies),  in  a somewhat  endogamic  approach,  as  opposed to  the  consideration  of  the  validity  of  their  findings  in  the  light  of  other  methodologies.  The  paper  discusses  this  through  presenting  the  problems  and  advantages  of  using/not  using  ethnicity  as  a  unit  of  analysis  on  large  sample  studies.  The discussion  is  illustrated  through  reflection  on  the  notion  of  ethnic  conflict  within  the Colombian  conflict.

Este capítulo pretende realizar un balance de los objetivos y acciones correspondientes de las Fuerzas Armadas de Colombia y hacer un aporte sustancial a la construcción de la memoria histórica institucional y a la legitimidad de las mismas de cara al posconflicto. En primer lugar, se hará una revisión de literatura centrada en los conceptos de statebuilding y peacebuilding con el fin de extraer objetivos temáticos, operativos y estratégicos asociados a la consolidación institucional, en las áreas donde las Fuerzas Militares (FF.MM.) pueden realizar una contribución sustancial. Posteriormente, se esbozarán dos modelos derivados de las dos categorías mencionadas para efectuar una comparación sistemática con respecto a los propósitos y acciones desplegadas por las FF.MM. colombianas en relación con la construcción del posconflicto.

A reflection on the Lecture by Marc Chernick hosted by the REDH and the Institute of Social Studies* On the 4 th of April of 2013, a lecture was given around the topic of the Colombian peace process negotiations undergoing in Havana. The following document presents a brief reflection on this lecture by Prof. Marc Chernick (see the video).

El texto problematiza los aciertos y limitantes de la historia oral, la memoria histórica razonada y la elaboración de trayectorias de vida, en la construcción de memoria del conflicto armado colombiano, por ser estos los enfoques que han guiado la investigación. Se expone además la experiencia que ha tenido el equipo de trabajo en la construcción de los acervos documentales y su organización archivística, enfatizando siempre la necesidad de replantear criterios preestablecidos por tratarse de la memoria de víctimas de un conflicto que no cesa.

Abstract
This text problematizes the good choices and limitations of the oral history, the reasoned historic memory and the elaboration of life stories in the building of the memory of Colombian armed conflict, as those are the approaches that have lead the research. The experience lived by the work team in the construction of the document collection and its archiving has also been introduced, always emphasizing on the need to reevaluate the pre-established criteria as they refer to the memory of the victims of a non-stopping conflict.

Throughout the 1990s, many armed groups have relied on revenues from natural resources such as oil, timber, or gems to substitute for dwindling Cold War sponsorship. Resources not only financed, but in some cases motivated conflicts, and shaped strategies of power based on the commercialisation of armed conflict and the territorialisation of sovereignty around valuable resource areas and trading networks. As such, armed conflict in the post-Cold War period is increasingly characterised by a specific political ecology closely linked to the geography and political economy of natural resources. This paper examines theories of relationships between resources and armed conflicts and the historical processes in which they are embedded. It stresses the vulnerability resulting from resource dependence, rather than conventional notions of scarcity or abundance, the risks of violence linked to the conflictuality of natural resource political economies, and the opportunities for armed insurgents resulting from the lootability of resources. Violence is expressed in the subjugation of the rights of people to determine the use of their environment and the brutal patterns of resource extraction and predation. Beyond demonstrating the economic agendas of belligerents, an analysis of the linkages between natural resources and armed conflicts suggests that the criminal character of their inclusion in international primary commodity markets responds to an exclusionary form of globalisation; with major implications for the promotion of peace. 

Nach dem dramatischen Durchbruch bei Popasna hat sich der russische Vormarsch in der Provinz Luhansk verlangsamt. Die ukrainische Armeeführung hat Verstärkungen in das Krisengebiet entsandt, aber von einer Entspannung der Lage kann keine Rede sein.
1. Die Opfer des Luftkriegs
2. Der Stillstand um Charkiw und Isium
3. Der Kampf um Lyman
4. Der geplante Kessel um Siewierodonezk
5. Russische Geländegwinne um Popasna
6. Die Begradigung bei Switlodarsk
7. Russische Fortschritte bei Awdijiwka
8. Der Partisanenkrieg im Süden
9. Verstreute Nachrichten von der Küstenregion
10. Die Seeblockade gegen den Weizenexport
11. Die vagen Ziele der Russen
12. Die Leiden der Zivilbevölkerung

Cambodia has an emerging economy with relatively high economic growth and political stability. Since the 1990s, the country has undergone economic reforms and transformed to become a market economy with strong support from the international donor community and various organizations. Tourism is the third largest sector of the economy after agriculture and the garment industry, and the second largest income contributor after the garment industry. This report argues that tourism in Cambodia is playing an increasingly important role in shaping the country's political and economic development. Income generated from this sector helps to promote economic growth, poverty reduction, cultural identity, and political legitimacy in a country that used to be better known for land mines, killing fields and turmoil. The Cambodian government and the private sector are the main stakeholders in promoting tourism in the country. After three decades of civil war and armed conflict, Cambodia is reemerging to be a new destination for international tourists from around the world, especially from East Asia. Tourist arrivals have increased remarkably to more than two million in 2007 and the number is expected to go up yearly by about 20 to 30 percent. International tourists from Korea, Japan, Vietnam, China, Thailand, United States, and Europe are the major sources of tourist arrivals to Cambodia. The lack of infrastructure and high standard services for the high class, or top end tourists (aging tourists, medical tourists, and cultural tourists), and sports tourists (i.e. golf) present opportunities for Japanese investors. Investments in the construction of Japanese style hotels, resort centers, and restaurants are strongly recommended. In addition, the Japanese private sector could also introduce tourism products and services for special interest groups from Japan such as voluntourists (volunteer plus travel), eco-tourists (diving in coastal area, Tonle Sap biodiversity and floating villages, Fresh Water Dolphin in Kratie, forest exploration in Northeast Cambodia, wildlife watching along the Cardamom mountain range, Botanic garden near Angkor complex…) and adventure tourists (wildlife watching along the Thai-Cambodia border and Cambodia-Laos-Vietnam triangle). These tourism products have great potential to attract more international tourists, but depend on marketing and promotion strategies by both the government and private sector.

This essay attempts to analyze the role of Muslim women in the three southern border provinces (Patani, Yala, and Narathiwat) of Thailand as an ethno-marker, which is influenced by and intended to negotiate with Thai socio-politics. The analysis is based on the ethno-marker conception, inspired by Ann L. Stoler. Stoler describes the ‘ethno-markers’ as a role to demarcate the identity of a community or nation. She argues that oftentimes this is assigned to women. In the case of Thailand, Muslim women are expected to carry and protect the prestige of the Muslim community. At the same time, they have to ensure their live advancement. During the assimilation policy of the Thai state, Muslim women recast a hybrid identity in order to share benefits in Thai society and maintain their Muslim identity. In other words, women adjusted themselves to the expectation of the integrationist policy, to carve out their place in the public sphere. Meanwhile, they pursued Malay Muslim identity and duties mostly within the private sphere. In contrast, during the recent episode of insurgency, the ethno-markers roles of Muslim women in the southernmost areas have moved towards the public sphere, better to fight against threats to their ethnicity. This significantly challenges the narrative of Thai-ness, which had blinded both the Thai authorities and people to the existence, and rights, of other minorities’ generations.

Основой для анализа является теория гражданских войн, в рамках которой были проанализированы текущие военные конфликты в Афганистане, Ираке, Ливии, Сирии и на Украине с самого начала боевых действий в этих странах. Выявлено, что бои в Афганистане, Ираке, Ливии и Сирии в разные периоды времени представляли собой разные по сущности войны, а сущность войны на Украине не менялась от ее начала и до настоящего времени.

Este documento analiza las percepciones que tienen los
indígenas Arhuaco frente a la reparación simbólica teniendo
en cuenta la Ley de Víctimas 1448 de 2011 o Ley de Víctimas
y de Restitución de Tierras.1 Además, comprende la reparación
simbólica a razón de los daños socioculturales causados
en la comunidad en medio del conflicto armado, tomando en
cuenta la respuesta del Estado como medida de reparación
y la percepción de los Arhuaco frente a ésta. Asimismo, se
toma en cuenta la memoria histórica de los Arhuaco a través
de las huellas de la experiencia vivida, su interpretación y su
sentido a través del tiempo. Con esto, se propone evidenciar
la memoria como una manera de resistencia a cualquier acto
amenazante a la vida, a la desaparición de la identidad propia
(Sánchez, 2008).

Synopsis -This article juxtaposes the different threads of the history and reality of the Palestinian nation under occupation, with women's own narratives to the effect of such a history and reality on coping with losses emanating from such occupation. This article explores the effect of trauma and victimization of women in areas of political conflict as revealed through the voices of mothers of martyrs in Palestine who participated in an empowerment group that was termed ''voice therapy'' and their narratives were gradually unveiled. The study aims to reflect these mothers' visions in coping with the agony of losing a child. In doing so, it shows how the common law of gender shapes the life and life choices of women. The mothers' narratives have political and ideological implications, which highlight the need to re-examine the analytical framework with which to explain the conditions and reactions of women to trauma. In addition, they have theoretical, therapeutic implications; they reveal that we must pay more attention to the hidden casualties of armed conflicts and to the importance of building intervention programs that first and foremost acknowledge the muted voices of such casualties. D

This Article makes a procedural review of the Convention on Right Persons with Disabilities (hereafter CRPD) in light the prevailing issues of refugee crisis by reviewing Article 11 CRPD in relation to the Optional Protocol to the CRPD (hereafter CRPD-OP), Article (1) para. 1 and 2, Article (2). The issues of forced migration are covered under the CRPD’s obligations to State parties as situations of manmade or humanitarian emergencies. Those situations of emergencies have produced refugees some of whom are persons with disabilities at least under Article 1 of the CRPD. The humanity, dignity and integrity of refugees as persons with disabilities has hardly be respected and protected when State actors are receiving and planning for them in their respective jurisdiction. This raises legal issues under Articles 1, in conjunction with Article 11, 24, 25, 26, 9(2) of the CRPD. In addition to duties of CRPD Committee under CRPD-OP Article 1 and 2 (a)-(f)

Dominant narratives in international relations and security treat sexual violence in conflict as an exceptional form of gender-based violence, perpetrated primarily against women and girls. Due to underreporting and a programmatic bias of focusing only on women, the sexual violence experienced by men in many contemporary conflicts has been largely overlooked in both policy formation and academic analysis. This paper seeks to understand the occurrence of sexual violence against men and boys in armed conflict by positioning it within (and against) the current feminist discourse on wartime sexual violence. The perpetration of sexual violence against men and boys demonstrates the materiality of sexual violence in conflict and its instrumentality in providing economic, political, and social opportunity to men who would otherwise be marginalised in the formal global economy. This function is served regardless of the sex of the victim(s).

Myanmar has experienced one of the world’s longest armed conflicts. More than two  dozen ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), militias and insurgents have been engaged in the conflict. In 2015, eight of the EAOs signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). This paper explores the dilemmas around the management of armed groups in the peace process in Myanmar, with a focus on the future of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR). It explores security, economic and political factors that affect, either positively or negatively, the future of a DDR or SSR program. The paper also argues that a clear conceptual understanding and consensus between EAOs and the Union government on how to disarm, demobilize and reintegrate armed groups must be embedded in the framework of political dialogue and peace negotiation. Recognizing the sensitivities associated with dealing with EAOs, this paper suggests that avoiding the sensitive language of DDR and SSR during political negotiations while broadly focusing on aspects of the management of armed groups and their weapons in accordance with the principles and practice of security sector governance may help reach a consensus between EAOs and the government.  The paper also discusses critical considerations for security sector governance as a way forward .

L’obiettivo di questo lavoro consiste nel comprendere come il diritto internazionale regoli la  relazione fra i conflitti armati e le risorse naturali. Il tema è socialmente percepito come un’emergenza ed è stato affrontato dalle scienze sociali che ne hanno chiarito i meccanismi causali e lo sviluppo nel tempo. Non è stato realizzato, invece, uno studio normativo di questa materia.

The Military Intervention by Powerful States (MIPS) project develops a rigorous, generalizable measure of the effectiveness of military force as a policy instrument and applies the measure to code the outcomes of all military interventions conducted by five major powers since the termination of World War II. The MIPS dataset provides detailed data on US, British, Chinese, French, and Russian uses of military force against both state and non-state targets between 1946 and 2003. In particular, this project focuses on the political objectives strong states pursue through the use of force, the human and material cost of their military operations, and measures of intervention outcomes relative to the intervening states' objectives. The dataset also includes extensive data on factors commonly hypothesized to be associated with war outcomes, such as the nature of the target, the type of force used by the intervening state, and military aid and assistance provided to each side.