NAPOLEON BONAPARTE

Heeringen, R.M. van/A. Vissinga, 2016: Archeologisch vooronderzoek in het oostelijk deel van het camp d’Utrecht, een Frans legerkamp uit de periode van het Bataafs Gemenebest in Austerlitz. Een inventariserend veldonderzoek onder het protocol proefsleuven tussen Hubertweg 31 en Kamperlinie (Dorpsplan Austerlitz), gemeente Zeist, Amersfoort (Vestigia-rapport V1359).

The media of the day represented three predominant models around Napoleon: the all-conquering victorious general, the virtuous republican who stood above factions, and the man who brought peace to the Continent. These images became the foundation of a 'hero-saviour' myth that helped Napoleon take power on his return from Egypt at the end of 1799. However, they sit uncomfortably with the manner in which he represented power in public that, outside France, took on quasi-monarchical trappings. This article attempts to explain not only the origins and evolution of Napoleonic propaganda in the early years of his career, but also the ambiguity between the political imagery and rhetoric used to promote Napoleon in France on the one hand, and the manner in which he behaved in public outside France on the other. The hero-saviour myth was further developed and exploited during the Consulate and the Empire as a means of legitimating Napoleon's accession to power.

From Publisher:

Austerlitz, Wagram, Borodino, Trafalgar, Leipzig, Waterloo: these are the places most closely associated with the era of the Napoleonic Wars. But how did this period of nearly continuous conflict affect the world beyond Europe? The immensity of the fighting waged by France against England, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and the immediate consequences of the tremors that spread throughout the world.

In this ambitious and far-ranging work, Alexander Mikaberidze argues that the Napoleonic Wars can only be fully understood in an international perspective. France struggled for dominance not only on the plains of Europe but also in the Americas, West and South Africa, Ottoman Empire, Iran, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, Mediterranean Sea, and the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Taking specific regions in turn, Mikaberidze discusses major political-military events around the world and situates geopolitical decision-making within its long- and short-term contexts. From the British expeditions to Argentina and South Africa to the Franco-Russian maneuvering in the Ottoman Empire, the effects of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars would shape international affairs well into the next century. In Egypt, the wars led to the rise of Mehmed Ali and the emergence of a powerful state; in North America, the period transformed and enlarged the newly established United States; and in South America, the Spanish colonial empire witnessed the start of national-liberation movements that ultimately ended imperial control.

Skillfully narrated and deeply researched, here at last is the global history of the period, one that expands our view of the Napoleonic Wars and their role in laying the foundations of the modern world.

This article proposes a revision to the historiographical consensus that Napoleon's foreign policy was a boorish and uncompromising, even "criminal," enterprise. the east lured Napoleon all his life, not least because of the mania for the East and the heroes of classical antiquity during the enlightenment and because of the connected belief that victory in the east was the most glorious of military achievements. Strangely, however, after his failed campaign in Egypt in 1798 - 99 Napoleon never mounted any of the grand projects he continued to envisage for the East, most notably his various schemes to attack British India. Whereas historians tend, erroneously, to dismiss these ventures as unfeasible dreams, a close examination of Napoleon's diplomatic relations with the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and Russia reveals a self-restraint and a more conventional approach to his relations with these states, both attitudes of which Napoleon was supposedly incapable.

Much is written about Napoleon Bonaparte and Napoleonic France. However this is for the most part about his life, his career and campaigns. This tells a lot about what he did but what the actual idea was behind the action is something which still raises a lot of questions.
This essay intends to find Napoleon’s vision on Europe. What plans did he have in mind for the continent? Some historians even claim that there was no “Great Masterplan” and that Napoleon was more of a pragmatist then a man with a clear vision. He just did what best suited his interests every time a new situation arose. This essay will try to answer the question of Napoleon’s Vision by looking for mentions of his ideas and plans. In addition, his actions will be investigated in order to see if these can tell us something about his vision.

This book is designed as a companion volume to The Great Waterloo Controversy, the Story of the 52nd Foot at the Battle of Waterloo and both books will be published at the same time by two different publishers.

In the process of searching out the evidence for the complete story of the actions of the 52nd Foot at Waterloo, a number of previously unpublished accounts have been unearthed and a number of obscure accounts rediscovered.

Much of the material inevitably brought together extends across the entire period of the Waterloo campaign and throughout the following three years the regiment remained in France as part of the Army of Occupation. A great deal of this is of course outside of the remit of the book on their actions at Waterloo, but it was deemed too valuable to simply ignore. It also means that for the first time ever, all of the accounts by members of the 52nd Foot at Waterloo and of those who were eyewitnesses to their actions have been brought together to give the clearest picture of the regiment during these entire four years it is possible to ascertain.

You will find much here on the actions of the regiment at Waterloo and the controversies that followed, but there is also much on their honourable entry into Paris, the social life of the regiment in Paris and during the long boring years in Northern France, including setting up a regimental hunt, with a full complement of hounds from England.

There is also a great deal on the disciplinary record of the regiment, which was surprisingly bad regarding desertions and with high numbers of court martials, the results of which are sometimes very intriguing.

The inspection reports by senior officers also hint at a surprisingly poor level of ability of Colonel Colborne at drill and manoeuvres, not perhaps what one would expect given his high reputation. These are only a few of the interesting events that occur, including last minute pardons from execution, other soldiers on murder charges, accidental shootings, stabbings and unfortunate drownings, alongside regular reviews and mock battles re-run for the Emperor of Russia.

Hopefully it will provide the reader with a much more rounded view of the regiment during the period of 1815 to 1818 and will challenge many preconceptions. It is an honest view of the officers and men of the regiment and their abilities, warts and all.

Gareth Glover
Cardiff

This MA Thesis analyses hundreds of Victorian newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and other media to investigate how Victorian perceptions of Napoleon I affected perceptions of Napoleon III and vice versa. It is argued that Victorian Britons frequently viewed Napoleon III through the lens of Napoleon I with significant consequences for the legacies of both Emperors today. Through analysis of letters to the editor and newspapers which appealed to all classes of society, this thesis does not produce a history of ‘Great Men’ from the top-down but rather an analysis of how such men were perceived from the bottom up and how popular perceptions helped shape their legacies. Why is it that Napoleon I, once the most hated and feared enemy of Britain, has obtained an almost celebrity-like status in Britain today whilst Napoleon III, the friend of Queen Victoria and champion of the entente cordiale is largely forgotten by the general public? The answer, this thesis argues, can be found in Victorian perceptions of both Napoleons, and in the resulting perceptions of themselves.

An essential part of learning about Napoleon is knowing the factors that led to his change in loyalty; from having a hatred of France as a young man, to ruling that country later on in his life. This paper seeks to look into the reasons behind his drastic change of loyalty.

Huile sur toile de 3,30x4,25 mètres, achevée entre 1784 et 1785 et conservée au musée du Louvre. L 'oeuvre a été réalisée par Jacques-Louis David, grand peintre néo-classique. Né en 1748 dans une petite famille bourgeoise, la situation de cette dernière va rapidement se détériorer. En effet, avec la mort rapide de son père, sa mère fait appel à son frère, architecte, afin de s'occuper de son fils. Face aux talents pour le dessin du jeune homme, il souhaite le former à l'architecture d'abord, mais se dirige finalement vers la peinture et ainsi, Jacques Louis David est formé par Joseph-Marie Vien (1716-1809), et, en parallèle, à l'Académie Royale, prestigieuse institution lui permettant ensuite d'accéder au prix de Rome. Cependant, la tâche est rude. En effet, à de nombreuses reprises, la première place lui échappe, ce qui nourrit une certaine rancoeur pour cette académie. Cependant, en 1774, la victoire lui sourit et, il part ainsi en Italie se formé pour une durée de quatre ans. Cependant, il y retourne plus tard avec son maître, qui va également influencer sa peinture, lui permettant d'embrasser le thème de l'Antiquité dans ses nombreuses oeuvres. Continuant à se faire une certaine renommée, la Révolution éclate et David est connu pour ses positions en faveur de celle-ci. Déjà, il va militer afin de fermer cette Académie Royale. C'est avec son discours intitulé " Sur la nécessité de supprimer les Académies " que le peintre est victorieux sur cette institution. David vote également pour la mort du roi et, échappe plus tard à la mort, en

Come in tutto il territorio della ex Repubblica veneta, l'insediarsi del regime napoleonico a Bassano e nel suo comprensorio fu accolto perlopiù come una disgrazia inevitabile ma della quale si auspicava una durata il più breve possibile. Del resto, come sempre accade,la maggior parte degli uomini che vivevano, subendola quotidianamente, l'esperienza di quegli anni così pieni di rivolgimenti ne afferravano più o meno confusamente il netto distacco da quanto era stato fino ad allora, ma erano portati a rimpiangere le vecchie certezze traballanti piuttosto che a capirne la funzione generatrice di una nuova idea di Stato, di rapporti sociali ed economici rivolta ad attori diversi da quelli fino a poco prima prevalenti.

The Congress of Vienna was one of the most significant events in Modern European political history.  Rulers and diplomats redrew the boundaries of Europe after the Napoleonic Wars.  Russia, represented by Tsar Alexander I, would play a significant role as its power was enhanced following the defeat of Napoleon’s army when they invaded Russia in 1812.  Russia was a significant player at the congress and helped determine Europe’s new political boundaries.  This senior thesis will argue that Tsar Alexander I was not a tyrant who sought to gain from France’s loses.  Russia was a growing European power determined to bring order and stability to war torn Europe and help its neighboring nation-states politically and economically.

I VENETI IN FRIULI – Dall’antichità alla Serenissima , 2021
Crocevia di culture, centro di circolazione di idee e commerci, la regione friulana già dall’800 a.C. manifestava interessanti collegamenti dei Veneti locali con il Centro Europa. Ancora prima, nel 1200 a. C., popolazioni appartenenti alla cultura di Baierdorf-Velatice scendevano dal Centro-Europa nella fascia delle risorgive del Friuli, portando con sé elementi che anticipavano la cultura venetica.

The article comparatively examines the new paradigm in international relations based on the French revolutionary ideas and sifted by Napoleon Bonapart. The armies of the Revolutionary France were transforming Europe in accordance with the republican values and the universal principles of Liberté, Égalité and Fraternité. In this context the goal of Napoleon’s policy of exporting the French Revolution was the creation of commonwealth of European sovereign nations, which was to supersede ancien régime and sovereign monarchs, based on the European equilibrium. His policy marked an important step towards the formation of the right of self-determination of nations. The Napoleonic structural and institutional reforms promoted the rise of the national ideologies and the modernization of European societies and states into modern nation-states. Thus, the Napoleonic period marked the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era.
The French Revolution was the first great pan-European social upheaval, which had a secular logic, thus affecting also the neighbouring Islamic world. Moreover, its ideas caused a great schism between Christianity and states affecting the very basis of group cohesion and creating new patterns of loyalty and new paradigms of identity formation. Thus, the ideas of French Revolution found their reflections also among the Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire. Particularly, the Greek and the Armenian elite of Constantinople, who were familiar with the Western culture, were linguistically and intellectually prepared to accept the revolutionary ideas. The idea of liberty in the Ottoman context acquired a new political content becoming the war-cry of the national liberation struggles of the oppressed people against the Ottoman despotism. The idea of equality due to the corporative structure of the Ottoman society found itself in a different context having little effect when appealing to the individuals, but getting profound response while appealing to the ethnic or religious groups. Thus, the idea of equality was raised from individualistic level to the interethnic level and found its expression as equality between nations, which was later raised to the right of self-determination of nations.
The Napoleonic “Grand Empire,” which was stretching from Holland to Poland and from Spain to Balkans, represented a conglomeration of three groups of territories: annexed lands, conquered countries, and allied countries. Conditionally we call this as the Napoleonic System of International Relations, where the ideas of national sovereignty, liberty and fraternal equality were recognized at least in the ideological sense. Remarkably, Napoleon’s European policy had a profound influence on both ideological and structural unification of Europe. The creation of administrative and legal uniformity, economic unity, and the territorial reorganization in various parts of Europe helped to stimulate national aspirations.
In contrast to the Napoleonic system the victorious conservative powers gathered in Vienna for the refoundation of Europe made their decisions based on the principles of équilibre, légitimité and compensation trying to stop the general transformation. Thus, Napoleon’s concept of the integration of European nations was replaced with the great powers’ Concert of Europe. However, Napoleon’s victories and the French hegemony over Europe proved the supremacy of the French nation-state and sent a clear signal to the European rulers that modernization of state apparatus based on the French model was indispensable if they wanted to survive and to continue playing a decisive role in the international arena.

The ascension of Napoleon Bonaparte and his usurpation of the Revolution would lead to the death of the Revolution, indeed it died the very moment he placed the crown upon his head and France once again became an empire. Central to Napoleon’s administration of the French empire was the promulgation of the Code Napoleon, or the Napoleonic Code, or the Civil Code, which modernized French law by bring it out of the Middle Ages. The Code clearly reflected the political philosophy of the Enlightenment, especially Montesquieu and Rousseau. An examination of the Enlightenment influences on the Napoleonic Code is warranted, especially as it became the foundation for the legal systems throughout much of modern Europe.

Predmet rada je prikaz Vendomskog spomenika – izlažu se uzroci i okolnosti njegovog nastanka i vizuelnog izraza. Akcenat je stavljen na statuu Napoleona Bonaparte postavljenu na vrh stuba, njenu ikonografiju i stilsku analizu. Potom se promene nastale usled političkih dešavanja opisuju i interpretiraju, kao i potonje statue Napoleona na Vendomskom stubu. Na osnovu predočenih vizuelnih i kontekstualnih promena Napoleonovih prikaza, izvode se zaključci o suživotu spomenika i njegovih posmatrača, odnosno njihovim međusobnim uticajima. Cilj rada je da predstavi spomeničku kulturu Francuske nakon Revolucije, ukaže na vezu političkih zbivanja i oblikovanja javnih spomenika kao i da stvori podrobniju sliku o Vendomskom stubu.

This paper aims at exploring the hegemonic colonial discourse Orientalist paintings bestow. It provides a re-reading of these western paintings employing a post-colonial approach, mainly they theory of Orientalism in which the Palestinian-American literary critic Edward W. Said has established. The project puts these paintings under harsh criticisms; subverting the colonial agendas they manifest and challenging accepted norms and aesthetic values in which they carry. Thus, based on counter-narratives that debunk the authenticity of orientalist artistry, this research paper calls for a re-evaluation of the representation of the exotic other in western paintings.