Landed Nobility

von Michael Seelig: Der Kampf gegen die Moderne Um 1900 sah das Deutsche Adelsblatt die moderne Gesellschaft in einer fundamentalen Krise, als deren Ursache die Moderne an sich erkannt wurde. Anhand der Jahrgänge 1898 bis 1902 untersucht der Beitrag, wodurch sich die Krisenwahrnehmung des Adelsblatts in der unmittelbaren Zeit um die Jahrhundertwende auszeichnete und welche Lösungswege die

This article aims to analyse how the Burgundian dukes managed to control the political process in Holland and Zeeland and get a grip on the noble elites of the counties in the period 1425-1477. During the fourteenth and fifteenth century, noble networks in Holland competed continuously for princely favours and official positions. In the Burgundian period, from 1425 onwards, some fundamental changes in this competition took place. In the Bavarian period princes normally favoured especially one of the competing networks. Moreover, the ruler was nearby and could be approached relatively easily. The Burgundian duke, however, hardly ever visited his northernmost territories. The rivalling noble networks were not integrated into the central institutions but were given material compensations and influence at a regional level in exchange for allegiance. Subsequently, in Holland and Zeeland the Burgundian court did not have a stabilising and integrating function.

Il volume è dedicato ad uno dei maggiori lignaggi aristocratici dell'Italia settentrionale bassomedievale. I Rossi, la cui eminenza sociale e politica risale all'età comunale, costruirono nel Parmense un dominio di notevoli proporzioni, basato sul possesso territoriale e castrense ma anche su una vasta clientela rurale e urbana: e il potere del casato, benché ridimensionato in seguito alla crisi delle relazioni con gli Sforza nel 1482, trovò gli spazi per ricostituirsi su basi parzialmente diverse durante le guerre d'Italia. Le ricerche qui riunite esplorano la complessità del "piccolo stato signorile" rossiano, indagato nella sua costituzione interna, nei suoi rapporti con l'esterno e nei suoi aspetti artistici e culturali fra la metà del Trecento e l'inizio del Cinquecento.

El Imperio del Brasil, durante los 68 años que duró (1822/1889) , organizó su propia nobleza con unas características muy diferentes a las existentes en otras monarquías. Pues los ´titulos nobiliarios no generaban nobleza al modo europeo, ni eran transmisibles a sus herederos.
También generó un sistema heráldico, muy distinto del portugués, con unas características propias. Ya que ambos, títulos y blasones recuerdan al sistema instituido por Napoleón.

This study aims to explain the upward mobility path and building of a noble identity by a family that for centuries took a major economic relevance and power in Penela region. In order to understand this process we analyze career and matrimonial choices and reconstruct the alliances made by the family between the 17th and the 19th centuries. Also client networks and other personal projections of interdependence are explored an discussed.

O presente estudo pretende explicitar o percurso de ascensão social e construção de uma identidade nobiliárquica por parte de uma família que, durante séculos, assumiu uma grande relevância económica e de poder na região de Penela. Para concretizar este objetivo foram reconstruídos os percursos profissionais e as escolhas ao nível de alianças matrimoniais, assim como exploradas redes clientelares e outras projeções pessoais e familiares de interdependência.

"Se queremos que tudo fique como está
é preciso que tudo mude."


O leitmotif da obra de Tomasi de Lampedusa, imortalizada no grande ecrã pela objectiva de Visconti, sintetiza a sua ideia central, acerca do declínio das antigas elites, em particular da aristocracia, a favor da ascensão das classes médias, a partir da segunda metade do século XIX e a forma como uma facção daquela procurou, sem sucesso, manter a sua posição.
O tema da presente dissertação é precisamente o da evolução da Aristocracia em Portugal, em concreto da Casa Palmela, no contexto do Liberalismo, com maior precisão, no período que medeia entre 1810 e 1887, datas que, como veremos, reflectem a cronologia ditada pela própria evolução da Casa e também pelos rumos da nacionalidade.


"If we want everything to stay as it is
everything must change."


The leitmotif of Tomasi de Lampedusa's work, immortalized on the big screen by Visconti's lens, sums up his central idea of the decline of the old elites, particularly of the aristocracy, in favor of the rise of the middle classes from the second half of the century, and the way a faction of it sought, unsuccessfully, to maintain its position.
The theme of this dissertation is precisely that of the evolution of the Aristocracy in Portugal, specifically of Casa Palmela, in the context of Liberalism, with greater precision, in the period between 1810 and 1887, dates that, as we shall see, reflect the chronology dictated by own evolution of the House and also by the paths of nationality.

En la Sociedad Estamental (Ancienme Regime), la nobleza francesa constituía el Segundo Estado, frente a los roturiers (plebeyos) que formaban el Tercero, y los religieux (religiosos) el Primero. Era un estado jurídico que concedía múltiples privilegios fiscales, funcionales, militares, políticos, procesales y ceremoniales.
Francia fue de los primeros países en que apareció la heráldica a mediados del siglo XII, extendiéndose su uso entre las grandes familias feudales que, mediante un complejo sistema de brisuras, se sirvieron de ella para distinguir las diversas ramas de su linaje. Siendo organizada por los Rois d’Armes que confeccionaron Armoires o catálogos de blasones. Un siglo más tarde su uso trascendería a todos los grupos sociales: caballeros, damas, religiosos, burgueses y menestrales, gremios y ciudades.

This article explores the significance of writing history for a late medieval Antwerp patrician family. In recent historiography, these families (in this case Van Halmale)  have not received the attention they deserve, in part because their social status is difficult to pin down. Although members of the family Van Halmale had knightly titles and performed deeds of arms on the battlefield and during tournaments, their noble status was not undisputed. Both a chronicle and a tournament diary written by different members of the Van Halmale family reflect the aspirations of a dominant social category in the late medieval towns of Brabant, Flanders, and Holland. Their writings reflect how these men perceived themselves and how they wanted their contemporaries and peers to perceive them. In that sense the writing of history was indeed a means for nobles (and would-be-nobles) to justify (or to claim) their privileged position. Their works helped them to express their identity as powerful aldermen, firmly rooted in an urban environment but with open minds for the world of princes and (inter)national politics.

Principi, homines e «partesani» nel ritorno dei Rossi 1 di Letizia Arcangeli 1. Fine 1 Ringrazio per molte utili indicazioni Gianluca Battioni, Nadia Covini, Federico Del Tredici, Alessandra Talignani e Marco Gentile, al quale sono anche particolarmente grata e grandemente indebitata per la discussione analitica del dattiloscritto. Le considerazioni che seguono si basano sulla documentazione raccolta nel corso di una lunga -e mai completata -ricerca sulla storia politico-istituzionale di Parma e del Parmense tra la fine del dominio sforzesco e l'inizio del ducato farnesiano; una ricerca che, ai fini che qui mi propongo, presenta due limiti: non è stata condotta sub specie Rubeorum, se non per quel tanto (molto) che essi sono presenti nella vita pubblica; ha privilegiato fonti statali e cittadine, carteggi e archivi familiari, e ha utilizzato solo per sondaggi i ricchissimi atti notarili, soprattutto parmensi, relativi a questo periodo. Per motivi di tempo e di salute non ho potuto cogliere questa occasione per cercare non dico di colmare, ma di attenuare questa lacuna, che purtroppo costituisce un grave limite alla mia comprensione delle fazioni nel primo Cinquecento. Per gli stessi motivi, rimando ai miei saggi già editi su Parma e il Parmense in questo periodo per un più puntuale inquadramento, che qui verrà dato per scontato; e per lo stesso motivo i rinvii bibliografici qui saranno ridotti al minimo indispensabile. Per stabilire le tradizioni fazionarie delle famiglie ho utilizzato le tavole in appendice a M. Gentile, Fazioni al governo. Politica e società a Parma nella seconda metà del Quattrocento (1449Quattrocento ( -1484, tesi di dottorato in Studi storici, ciclo XV, tutor G. M. Varanini, Università degli studi di Trento, a. a. 1999Trento, a. a. -2002 il periodo 1459-1483, che oltre alla documentazione edita da Angelo Pezzana nella sua Storia della città di Parma, 5 voll., Parma 1837-1859 (che citerò nella rist. anast. di Bologna 1971) utilizzano documenti inediti sulle assemblee delle squadre, che hanno notevolmente ampliato le possibilità di identificazione, La documentazione successiva, fin dove disponibile, attesta la permanenza di queste identità; per il tardo Quattrocento si tratta essenzialmente di elenchi di cives de consilio pubblicati da Pezzana, con l'aggiunta di quelli che compaiono negli statuti del 1494. Per il Cinquecento manca -per le ragioni istituzionali che si diranno -una documentazione analoga; l'identità di squadra delle famiglie viene ricordata per alcune nella cronaca di Leone Smagliati; nei carteggi contenuti in ASPr, Famiglie, Rossi; e nell'unico documento in cui tre delle squadre compaiono come universitates, pubblicato da U. Benassi, Storia di Parma, 5 voll., Parma 1899-1906 (rist. anast., Bologna 1971, vol. II, Appendice, pp. 243-244, 1513 luglio 3 (squadre pallavicina, sanvitalese, correggese). Di questi elenchi non si daranno citazioni più specifiche. Per le notizie di carattere genealogico non altrimenti documentate, il riferimento è a P. Litta, Famiglie 13 Di rurali « villarum parmensium qui se adhesiverant magnifico domino Petro Marie» parla la Cronica gestorum, cit., p. 110; per Casalmaggiore ASMi, Sforzesco 840, 1482 agosto 2, Torrechiara. 14 Sui diritti di proprietà «del mio Mezano de'Cavalli, che è pur mio proprio» una vibrata lettera di Pietro Maria in ASMi, Famiglie 159, Rossi, 1480 novembre 17, Torrechiara. Ma si veda anche per le investiture livellarie e i diritti su terre di Polesine e Stagno, attestati dagli abitanti, secondo i quali tutto apparteneva a Pietro Maria salvo quattordici settantesimi di proprietà di Gian Francesco Pallavicini, BCRm, Archivio Rossi di San Secondo, I, 14, nn. 265-276. 15 Cronica gestorum, cit., p. 103: gli uomini di Castellaro, «devoti et amici» di Pietro Maria, fanno resistenza all'infeudazione a Giberto Sanvitale. Sui fondamenti della signoria cfr. molti dei saggi raccolti in Chittolini, La formazione dello stato regionale cit.: in particolare La signoria degli Anguissola su Riva, Grazzano e Montesanto fra Tre e Quattrocento [1974], pp. 181-253; Gentile, Giustizia cit. 16 Cronica gestorum, cit., p. 99, 23 aprile 1481. Per questi fatti e per i precedenti trecenteschi della questione cfr. R. Greci, Parma medievale. Economia e società nel parmense dal Tre al Quattrocento, Parma 1992, pp. 39-41. 17 ASMi, Sforzesco 1172, 1484 gennaio 31, minuta al commissario di Parma. 18 ASPr, Famiglie, Rossi (1470-1499), «El facto nostro è manifesto a ciaschaduna persona» (su cui vedi anche Infra). Analoga distinzione ivi, 1483 aprile 30, Fornovo [Guido Rossi]: «officiali, subditi, vassali, circumstanti bennivoli et amici». 19 Gentile, Giustizia, cit., p. 91. o a Felino, non capitolano affatto. Da un'iniziale superiorità dei Rossi 23 , che resiste malgrado le previsioni alle prime azioni delle forze ducali, si passa a una lenta erosione: per quasi tre mesi i ducali non riportano successi significativi; Noceto capitola dignitosamente, dopo una settimana di assedio da parte di forze non disprezzabili 24 e dopo 300 colpi di bombarde 25 ; e malgrado gli attesi catastrofici risultati di questa resa, che avrebbe dovuto impedire i collegamenti tra pianura e montagna, dieci giorni dopo si danno «sine prelio» soltanto Sant'Andrea e Carona, luoghi cioè che dispongono di fortificazioni «debili», ma Roccalanzona resiste e l'esercito ducale deve ritirarsi 26 , mentre Pietro Maria compie pesanti incursioni in città e nell'obbediente, e si prende Calestano 27 . Il mese di giugno è segnato da tentativi abortiti dei ducali su San Secondo, Roccabianca, Felino e

Las circunstancias históricas hicieron que coexistiera una doble oligarquía: Adeldon (Nobleza) y Patriciaat (Patriciado). La conversión de las Provincias Unidas en una república no afectó a las instituciones feudales de las diversas provincias. En ellas se mantuvo su nobleza local, cuyo origen se remontaba a los Duques de Borgoña. . Se trataba de una nobleza de cuño feudal, formada por Condes, Barones y Caballeros, asentada en sus propiedades agrarias que ejercía su poder a través de los Ridderschap. A ella se unió una nobleza de facto, el Patriciado, formada por las principales familias burguesas, cuyos miembros monopolizaban las instituciones de gobierno y los ayuntamientos de la antigua República, constituyendo las Regenten families, cuyos privilegios y dominio público se sucedía de padres a hijos.
El rey Guillermo I constituyó en 1815 el Hoge Raad van Adel entre cuyas competencias estaba el homogeneizar el sistema heráldico del país que estaba reservado a la nobleza, especialmente en cuanto sus competencias sobre la elaboración y reproducción de los blasones de la nobleza, así como los nacionales, cívicos e institucionales.

The Burgundian duke Charles the Bold (1433-1477) was not particularly well known for his liberality. According to De Barante, the nineteenth century historian of the Burgundian dukes, he was seen by his officers and the nobles as ‘bien avare et peu liberal pour un prince si jeune et si nouveau’. One of this article’s purposes is to investigate this claim, but my larger concern is to make sense of the patterns of gift-giving evidenced by the available sources. Although we do not have complete records of all Charles’s gift giving, the account of the highest financial officer, the argentier, combined with the household ordinances and a few narrative sources, provide a good overview of the importance and nature of gift-giving in Charles’s court. These texts reveal a charged and unstable culture of gift-giving, one in which the category of ‘gift’ itself is in some disarray and where bureaucratic pressures both distort the gift and ntensify Charles’s need to deploy gifts in order to secure his power.

Il tema dell'aristocrazia territoriale e del suo ruolo nella costituzione del ducato visconteo-sforzesco è stato marginalizzato dalla storiografia politico-istituzionale in favore di un paradigma interpretativo centrato su un modello di stato territoriale a base urbana. Diverse ricerche recenti, tuttavia, hanno mostrato la necessità di complicare tale modello e di sottoporlo verifiche puntuali nelle sue articolazioni locali, rimarcando la pluralità di attori e di linguaggi politici che anima una dialettica non costringibile nell'alveo del rapporto preferenziale principe-città. Questo contributo si propone di sottolineare alcuni aspetti della complessa interazione fra i grandi casati signorili e un potere ducale non sempre in grado di preseguire un coerente sforzo di disciplinamento dell'aristocrazia, che mantiene almeno fino alla metà del XVI secolo un forte ascendente sulla società lombarda.

Auf Initiative des Bundesdenkmalamts, Landeskonservatorat für Niederösterreich 1 , wurden von den Eigentümern aus Anlass der bevorstehenden Renovierung des Hauses Steiner Landstraße 90 -vulgo Holzingerhaus -umfangreiche Voruntersuchungen als Grundlage für eine denkmalgerechte Renovierung und Revitalisierung in Auftrag gegeben. Das hier besprochene Objekt liegt in der nördlichen Häuserzeile der Steiner Landstraße, östlich des Reisperbachtals und westlich der Pfarrkirche St. Nikolaus, auf Parzelle 74 (Abb. 1). 2 Es stellt einen historisch gewachsenen Gebäudekomplex dar, bestehend aus einem dreigeschoßigen Vorderhaus an der Steiner Landstraße und einem an der Hinteren Fahrstraße gelegenen Hinterhaus. Beide Bauteile werden durch einen schmalen, dreigeschoßigen Verbindungs-bzw. Hoftrakt verbunden. Zwischen den beiden Hauptbauten spannt sich ein schmaler Hof, der durch den über drei Geschoße reichenden barocken Arkadengang bestimmt wird. Die drei genannten Bauteile befinden sich auf einer nur maximal 11,5 m breiten und ca. 40 m langen Parzelle (Abb. 2).

El Título Nobiliario de Duque es la más alta distinción de la monarquía española, pues lleva implícita la concesión de la Grandeza de España. En los seis siglos y medio transcurridos desde la concesión del primero e ellos, el Ducado de Gerona en 1350 hasta la del Ducado de Soria en 1981 han sido concedidos 188 ducados de los que 33 han revertido a la Corona, Hay que señalar que solamente quince de ellos han sido concedidos a una Dama como primer titular, aún cuando la mayoría de ellos han recaído en diferentes épocas en un titular femenino.

This paper analyses two late sixteenth-century armorials with the coats of arms of the 235 participants of a tournament organized in May 1439 on the central market square, the Grote Markt, of Brussels. The armorials, trustworthy copies of a now lost original, record the performance of an exclusive social category in public space, and express in a distinctive visual way the internal hierarchy of the tourneying society: team leaders, leaders of large companies, leaders of of small companies, and 'ordinary' participants. The heraldic elements that were essential to this hierarchic arrangement - banners, pennons, shields – were actually used during the tournament, as well as the depicted helmets and crests.
It goes without saying that these occasional rolls were important for the nobility of the Low Countries, both at the time of the tournament and at the time of their creation in the last decades of the sixteenth century. Inclusion of their coats of arms in the armorials ensured the participants of a place in the collective memory. The compilers of the armorials played an essential role in defining the nobility as a social category since participating in a tournament meant that you lived nobly and that your peers considered you as a nobleman. The two copies of the original armorial in the last decades of the sixteenth century reproduced the social classification within the nobility in the second quarter of the fifteenth century. It shows that the same mechanisms of social distinction still played a role at that time.

Napoleón se reunió así de una nueva corte imperial que se reunía en fastuosas ceremonias. Muchos de sus miembros procedían de la milicia y los demás eran funcionarios al servicio del Imperio.  Estos títulos imperiales no eran propiamente de nobleza, como los anteriormente concedidos por el rey, los cuales beneficiaban también a todos los descendientes ennobleciéndolos. Sino nobiliarquicos pues beneficiaban solo al titular aunque sin concederle la nobleza, proscrita en aquellos tiempos, y por lo tanto sin ninguna exención de las cargas y obligaciones de la sociedad.
En el mismo Decreto de 30 de marzo 1808 por el que instauraban los títulos imperiales, se restablecía el derecho a exhibir armerías, prohibidas por la Revolución en 1790 por considerarlas marcas feudales. Aunque este derecho estaba reservado a los Titres de l’Empire, únicos que podían ejercerlo, bordándolo en sus vestiduras o decorando sus muebles, aunque de ellos solo los Príncipes y Duques podían blasonar las fachadas de sus casas. En las mismas Lettres Patentes por las que se concedía el título se describía el escudo que debía ostentar, sin poder introducir modificación alguna en él.

El papel de la nobleza en los procesos de consolidación de las sociedades capitalistas occidentales sigue constituyendo una cuestión controvertida. Esta comunicación aspira a participar en el debate estudiando la presencia de títulos nobiliarios en actividades de tipo mercantil o financiero entre 1830 y la I Guerra Mundial. Se ha trabajado sobre el conjunto de nobles que aparecieron en las listas, publicadas en 1875, de los 50 mayores contribuyentes por contribución territorial de cada una de las provincias españolas. La metodología desarrollada ha permitido obtener una mirada global sobre el conjunto del Estado sin renunciar al punto de vista individual.

In this article I analyse the highest echelon of the knighthood in the duchy of Brabant: the bannerets. Traditionally the bannerets (baanrotsen in Dutch) played a prominent political and military role in the duchy of Brabant. They derived their prestige from their lordships containing high jurisdiction which were held in fief from the duke of Brabant. With the annual income of these lordships they were supposed to be able to pay for their own company on a military campaign. Their military leadership was symbolized by special square banners which were carried on the battlefield and during tournaments. In the fifteenth century changes were about to take place in the military field but the Brabantine bannerets seemed not yet to be affected by the ‘modernization’ of the princely army in which they were prominent leaders.

José Miguel Hernández Barral. Centro Universitario Villanueva (UCM) Al escribir sus memorias, el marqués de Villavieja -amigo del Rey y gran impulsor del deporte del polo en España-reservó unas páginas a la figura del marqués de Viana. La distancia entre ambos no era nueva para muchos pero en aquel momento, muerto ya Viana, el autor quiso ser lo más imparcial que pudo. Así, decía entre otras cosas que su ascenso social se inició de la mano del Rey en torno a 1902. Lo describía como alguien que le gustaba más "ser temido que querido" y gustaba de definirlo como "un hombre de grandes contrastes". A la vez reconocía su inmensa capacidad de trabajo, su condición de hombre leído y unas considerables dotes para la administración .

Around 1900, discourses on a so-called "new nobility" spread among intellectuals in the German Empire. These discourses aimed to create a new elite, replacing the "historical" nobility. How did the "old" nobility react  to this challange? The answer given by the journal "Deutsches Adelsblatt" was clear: It rejected the concept of a "new nobility" and tried to establish the "old" one as a mentaly renewed "social aristocracy".

This thesis investigates, through the case-studies of Marie de La Tour, duchesse de La Trémoïlle, and Charlotte de La Trémoïlle, countess of Derby, the freedom of action and the degree of initiative enjoyed by noblewomen in seventeenth-century France and England. It also provides a close-up of the Huguenot nobility and the English
aristocracy, traditionally considered to have experienced a deep crisis in the mid-seventeenth century. This study demonstrates that the French Protestant aristocracy retained a great amount of influence over the Reformed church leaders and were willing to share that control with the monarchy.
Marie de La Tour was blamed for the decline of the La Trémoïlle landholding, and this investigation shows that the preservation of patrimony was indeed not her first priority. Landed sales were accepted in order to build up alliances with Cardinal Richelieu and various La Trémoïlle clients in the Breton Estates. Large dowries were granted to outmarrying daughters, such as the future countess of Derby, but were not a decisive factor in choosing in-marrying brides. Instead, what mattered was to bolster the La Trémoïlle's claim to the status of prince étranger by marrying into 'sovereign' families, such as the Bouillon (princes de Sedan), the Derby ('sovereign lords of the Isle of Man'), the
landgraves of Hesse-Cassel, and the dukes of Saxony-Weimar. Marie de La Tour even hoped – in vain – to marry her daughter to the king of England, as this would incontestably confirm her family's rank at the French court. This international network of support was the La
Trémoïlle's greatest asset. It helped achieve recognition of their rights to the kingdom of Naples discussed at the Westphalian peace conference, which led to a de facto recognition of their princely status at court.
The English Civil War hit the La Trémoïlle's in-laws, the Stanley family particularly hard, culminating in the execution of the seventh earl of Derby in 1651. However, the land bought with Charlotte de La Trémoïlle's dowry was freed immediately after she became a widow. Her dower lands – reversionary in nature – would have been restored as well, had it
not been for Charlotte's own 'delinquency'. She had to pay an unusually high composition fine, but managed to recover her estates. Despite transitory financial difficulties, she managed to arrange very advantageous matches for her three daughters.
Charlotte de La Trémoïlle and Marie de La Tour both experienced difficulties in entering the inner circle of courtiers, possibly because of their allegiance to the (Huguenot) Reformed Church, which pleased neither Henrietta Maria nor Anne of Austria. Both women thus sought social recognition outside the court. Charlotte tried to build up her
own social circle on the Isle of Man, and later to befriend the duchess of York, but she remained rather isolated. In France, the salons led by Madame de Rambouillet and the princesse de Condé, and the literary circle inspired by the duchesse de Montpensier conferred cultural prestige on Marie de La Tour, her daughter and daughter-in-law. The
salonières were themselves courtiers, and did not openly challenge the Crown, yet they made it clear that the monarchy was not the sole arbiter of social credit. Marie cultivated her image as précieuse and femme savante through her collections at the castle of Thouars and her rich albums of pictorial dévises and literary mottoes.
Marie's adherence to the Reformed faith was not always a social obstacle. Her position as 'Reine des Huguenots' allowed the duchess, on the contrary, to build up personal prestige, and justified her intervention in the doctrinal debate opposing Amyraut and the orthodox scholar André Rivet.
During the Fronde and the Interregnum in England, both women were able to pursue their family interests making use of vertical (patron-client) as well as horizontal (mostly kinship) ties.This modus operandi blurred the boundaries between 'private' and 'public' spheres, allowing them to participate in political life, and wield a substantial amount of influence, without upsetting the patriarchal system.

This article reconsiders, through the case study of High Tory MP Sir Humphrey Mackworth (1657-1727), an influential thesis that core values of the landed class were incompatible with ‘projects’—new speculative commercial and industrial ventures floated in the emerging stock market. Rather than presupposing inherent tension between Whig and Tory, or Court and Country, the article explores how the High Tory, critical of Whig finance, conceptualized and lent legitimacy to his mining scheme. The first section reviews the historiography and the second introduces the case study. The article then shows that Mackworth viewed and promoted his business as a pursuit of piety, profit, and public service. This godly framework, it will be shown, was no rhetorical ornament: it even influenced how Mackworth understood the frauds he committed, which made him a notorious swindler but also an ‘innovative entrepreneur’ contributing to local economic development.

During the first half of the 19th century in Germany, but especially in Prussia, reforming (i.e. re-structuring) the nobility was discussed as a possible solution for soothing the pondering elite conflicts with the rising bourgeoisie. These ideas about a "third way" between social stagnation and revolution, between absolutism and constitutionalism, between "western" and "eastern" social models were also envisaged in Prussia as a component for state-formation. What role would and should aristocratic and traditional noble ideals play for future sociocultural performance metrics? Beyond conventional narrations regarding "liberal" and "conservative" attitudes and concepts this study offers an original reading of the Prusso-German elite responses to the challenge of modernization.

Che cos’è una fazione nel Quattrocento? Il libro cerca di rispondere a questa domanda ripercorrendo le vicende di Parma, città nota ai contemporanei per la forza delle sue divisioni interne e per la vivacità dei contrasti che ne agitavano la vita politica, in piazza e nei Consigli cittadini.
La ricostruzione analitica della società politica parmense del XV secolo consente di procedere oltre la tradizionale visione storiografica dei partiti tardomedievali come portatori di insensata violenza, evidenziando come il disordine abbia le sue regole; e permette al tempo stesso di mettere in discussione il concetto di fazione come aggregato informale e fluido trasmessa agli storici del tardo medioevo e della prima età moderna dall’antropologia e dalla sociologia post-strutturaliste.
L’indagine mette a fuoco una pluralità di forme e di livelli d’azione dei gruppi politicizzati: le quattro «squadre», partiti cittadini dotati di un alto profilo istituzionale e stabilmente legati ai potenti casati signorili del contado; le «conventicole e sette», reticoli informali e lobbies che si coagulano intorno ad obiettivi aperti e chiusi nell’ombra dei giochi cortigiani e sulla grande scena del sistema degli stati italiani; le vecchie ma sempre incombenti metafazioni dei guelfi e dei ghibellini, ancora disponibili in pieno Quattrocento per chi sappia sfruttarne a fini politici il grande potenziale simbolico e l’intatta capacità di ridestare solidarietà antiche e profonde.

This article proposes an initial exploration of the income and wealth of the nobility of Coimbra between the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Through the analysis of different types of sources the author seeks to identify trends in the local context and draw some parallels with the evolution of other national spaces.

This analysis of local houses of nobility covers a universe chronologically situated between the end of the seventeenth and eighteenth century and aims to clarify the formation of estates and its evolution, which are closely bonded to primogeniture and marital choices.

It is also a key objective the comprehension of the impact of personal decisions in the family fortune and its social placement. Concerning this objective, the author analyses the course of a family from the fidalguia rooted in Coimbra and nearby localities (os Garridos), during the second half of eighteenth century.

Mafalda Soares da Cunha é professora da Universidade de Évora, onde se doutorou em 1997. É uma das principais especialistas na nobreza ibérica na época moderna e tem colaborado extensamente com os historiadores brasileiros nos últimos quinze anos. Seus trabalhos podem ser encontrados no repositório digital da Universidade de Évora. A entrevista foi realizada por Thiago Krause (Unirio) via Skype no dia 4 de maio de 2018 e depois editada por razões de concisão e clareza. Thiago Krause: Em primeiro lugar, queria agradecer o aceite ao nosso convite. Para começar, a senhora poderia nos contar um pouco sobre sua formação e porque optou pelo estudo da Casa dos Duques de Bragança, objeto de seus dois primeiros livros.

City and citizens between kings, magnates and prelates – Nada Klaić’s view of the medieval commune of Trogir
Summary
In her study of the Croatian Middle Ages Nada Klaić wrote a lot about the cities of Dalmatia. However, Trogir, beside Zadar, was the only commune to receive a monograph of its medieval history from her hand. After a short sur¬vey of the ancient roots of the city, the arrival of the Croats and the early medie¬val affairs, Nada Klaić starts off with the 11th-century Trogir. During the period of weak Byzantine rule the cities were forming a special type govern¬ment – a community of citizens called commune. Pressed by both Hungarian and Venetian encroachments since the end of the 11th century, the Dalmatian communes were struggling to set up and assert a self-administration and pass their own laws. On the issue of the supremacy over the Dalmatian cities Nada Klaić argues for the thesis of self-evidence and naturalness of the rule of the Hungarian king and Croatian noblemen as his viceregents. For this reason, she pays a lot of attention to the division between pro-Hungarian and pro-Venetian citizens beginning with the 12th century. It is Klaić’s oppinion that a duality of offices was introduced into the cities of Dalmatia by king Koloman, opposing a count (comes) to the older title of prior. The count’s office filled by foreigners is explained as a Hungarian system of royal appointees set off against the communal self-administration. Nada Klaić focuses on the office of the city governor interpreting each change in the title of the city head as a change in government, disregarding the continuity of the communal administrative bodies – the as¬sembly and the Great Council which were to remain the basis of the election of officials and shaping the city elite throughout the Middle Ages. She attaches great impor¬tance to the reforms of king Bela IV that put the king’s men on all major positions in the cities. She thinks by then the commune entered its more mature phase, during which the local, „autonomis¬tic“ nobility assumed power. She views the rule of the counts of Bribir in the context of the notion of naturalness of a rule from the hinterland. She maintains that their rule did not reduce the liberties of the city nobility regarding the elec¬tion of administration, which is backed up by the fact that during the rule of the Bribir counts the cities were able to keep their own laws and administration of justice, judges, councillors and popular assemblies. All the actions of the Bribir counts are regarded as indisputable, the opposition of Trogir as an impudence and presumptuousness, while the judgment of Miha, son of  Madije and Ivan Lucić on the Bribir rule in the cities is ascribed to their well-known intolerance against a hinterland rule. Nevertheless, Nada Klaić professes a very positive attitude towards Venetian rule in the Dalmatian cities that, in her oppinion, brought peace, the settlement of disputes and an increasing commercial activities. The author is critical about the atitude of Angevins towards the Dalmatian cities, especially regarding the high financial demands put on them. However, in the end she arrives at the conclusion that the reintegration of Dalmatia with its Croatian hinterland and the recognition of its natural lord ushered in an era of prosperity for the Dalmatian cities. She considers the dynastic confrontations and wars after the death of king Louis to be damaging to the cities, Trogir espe¬cially, where internal discord and pauperisation increased. The new Venetian government at the beginning of the 15th century brought peace to the cities, but also new taxes, commercial restrictions and a social split between aristocrats and commoners. Nada Klaić pays particular attention to the city’s internal rela¬tions – between the aristocratic families, aristocrats and the commoners as well as the commune and the Church, looking for the causes of the confron¬tations in the foreign politics above all. Divisions on that ground were clearly present, but the processes in the commune itself, beginning with the definition of citizenship and nobility, political decision-making in the popular assembly, social stratification, aristocratisation and secularisation of power, can hardly be reduced to only one factor. All these topics were covered by Nada Klaić in her history of Trogir, but with varying attention. It is necessary to stress her con¬tribution to the analysis of the relationship between the Church and secular authorities, a very important point of interest often left out in the reflections on the history of Dalmatian cities. Likewise, her analysis of the relationship between the ruling noble families as well as the interpretation of the role of communal offices, especially judges and consuls, are of great im¬portance. In addition to Nada Klaić’s principal interpretation key of the medi¬eval history of Trogir – the commune’s relationship to external authorities, her interpretation is largely determined by the framework set by Ivan Lucius in his work Memorie istoriche di Tragurio ora detto Traù (1673). Within this framework, Nada Klaić dis¬played the typical features of her historiographical profile: argumentation based on sources, criticism as well as bold setting of theses that may spark new interpretations. Her exceptionally large opus provides an almost inexhaustible source of information and theses that will continue to inspire Croatian historiography in years to come.

Numerous are works of architecture, sculpture, painting and applied arts created on or brought to the territory of present-day Croatia owing to the Hungarian nobility. These families were rooted and seated in historic Hungary (which was apparent in territorial designations integrated in their names), but they had equally active branches in both countries. Therefore, this overview - based on artistic quality as the main criterion - shows the heritage of eight noble families whose histories most clearly illustrate the broad span shared by Croatian and Hungarian mutual social and political life. Among them, the old aristocratic Erdődy family had their perennial dual affiliation expressed by two territorial designations - de Monyorókerék et Monoszló, that is, of Eberava (in Burgenland) and of Moslavina (in Croatia). The youngest among nobility is the Tüköry de Algyest family, ennobled in 1831 for merit in developing modern Hungarian infrastructure, who spent only about three decades in Croatia. Works of art that today belong to the cultural heritage of both Croatia and Hungary are linked by the period styles, the names of artists, and also by the distinctive spirit of the families they were created for. It should especially be noted that Hungarian aristocrats played a pioneering role in embracing new stylistic tendencies and artistic media - from Neo-Classicism in the construction of country houses to experiments in photography in the 19th century.

U radu se prikazuje položaj hrvatskog i slavonskog plemstva prije Prvog svjetskog rata te njegova sudbina nakon sloma Habsburške Monarhije. Plemstvo je već od kasnog 19. stoljeća sve teže moglo održavati korak s usponom moderne građanske elite, osobito u ekonomskom pogledu. Tranzicija u jugoslavensku državu 1918. godine suočila ga je s korjenitim promjenama jer je u novoj državi načelno tretirano kao neprijateljski element.