Eurasian Nomads

Archaeological Jew’s Harps from Ancient Nomadic Cultures of
Eastern Eurasia

Until now only musical instrument from Xiongnu archaeological monuments was a Jew’s harp unearthed by Prof. D.Tseveendorj in 1989 in Morin Tolgoi burial ground, Central Mongolia. This laminare bone instrument was a unqiue piece to the study of the origin and development of not only Xiongnu but also Eurasian ancient nomad’s musical culture. Recent years more examples of similaire musical instrument found in different areas of Eastern Eurasian nomadic cultures which stimule further researches on the origin of this anicent musical instrument.
This article covers 10 pieces of laminare Jew’s harp, in bone or bambou sticks, from early nomads period or Bronze-Early Iron-Xiongnu periods of the Eastern part of Eurasian Steppe. These pieces were discovered in Mongolia, North China, Inner Mongolia, Tannu-Sayan region or Tuva and Minus hollow, all from burial monuments of different archaeological cuiltures. Some of those pieces were identi ed initially by researchers as “bone instrument” or “weaving shuttle” etc.
The oldest known Jew’s harp from nomadic world, and even in the world is a bone instrument from Xiajiadian from late Bronze Age, and the most recent archaeological Jew’s harp comes from Sakhsar burial from Tashtyk culture or Post-Xiongnu period in Minus hollow region. The Morin Tolgoi burial Xiongnu Jew’s harp together with Aimyrlyg (Tuva) played important role in the distribution of this musical instrument throughout Eurasia by the means of Xiongnu (Hun) Great Migration or/and Silk Road.

This article is based on a contrastive analysis of three decrees dealing with the administration of nomadic pastoralists in twelfth-century Iran, two issued by the Saljūq sultan Sanjar and one by a dynasty of slave emirs (the Atabegs of Azarbaijan). The starting hypothesis is that the differences between these contractual documents should not be reduced simply to differences in formulation, but may highlight a difference between two types of rule. The respect, empathy and leniency shown toward the nomad elites by the Saljūq sultan is the product not only of a particular situation (the conjuncture of the geographic situation of the nomads and the military context), but also more especially of the close relationship between the Saljūqs and the Türkmens, who considered themselves as having a common ancestry. On the basis on this analysis, the very identity of the Saljūq kingship can be reassessed.

Introduction et traduction en français de l’Histoire des Mongols de Jean de Plancarpin, accompagnée d’une traduction de documents ayant trait au voyage dans l’empire mongol de Jean de Plancarpin (lettres et privilèges missionnaires rédigés par Innocent IV, Histoire des Tartares du frère C. de Bridia, compte-rendu de Benoît de Pologne, extraits de la chronique de Salimbene de Adam avec la réponse au pape du grand-khan Güyük).

"Words and Phrases, Unchanged for Centuries.

Containing a rich glossary and in excess of 300 words and phrases, the texts demonstrate the strength of the Macedonian language through preservation.

Following is a comparison of sentences between the texts and the Macedonian
dialect of Bitola as spoken today.

16th cent., Kostur dialect
21st cent., Bitola dialect

Gospodine, brate, da si zdrav, da si prost, ostavi ni da spime, ela da jame, i da pieme, dol da pojdime, da rabotime.
Gospodine, brate, da si zdrav, da si prost, ostai ne da spiame, ela da jaime, i da piame, dolu da pojdime, da rabotime.

Imate hljap-o da kupime, imate vino da kupime, ot koja strana da pojdime vo
Bogasko.
Imate lep da kupime, imate vino da kupime, od koja strana da pojdime vo
Bogatsko.

As can be clearly noticed, most of the vocabulary and grammar is identical.
All of the elements that would later be required to rejuvinate the Macedonian people as they were shaking off centuries of subjugation, were present during this period. The language of the people had solidified, a tradition of heraldry and symbolism had developed which incorporated the emblem of a rapant lion and historical figures from Macedonia's past, and the churches continued preserve the local customs and serve as cultural centres for the population. The significance of all these elements together cannot be overstated, the language of medieval Macedonia is the same as the language of the Macedonians today. Unfortunately, only a small portion of the larger amount of Macedonian literature from the Middle Ages has survived, much of it being looted and destroyed by Greek-speaking officials, clerics and teachers. Nevertheless, Macedonian as a language reached its current form centuries before the creation of the Balkan states in the 19th and 20th centuries. "

The ‘Türk Altay Theory / Türk-Altay Kuramı’ is a true story of the early existence of the Türks in North Asia. Sayan-Altay’s successive indigenous cultures from 6000 BC to 6th-8th century AD, were connected each other by using archaeological methods. The Kuram has gone through hoops while it has pursued on the cultural traces of the Turks in North Asia. Indo-European hypotheses were the basis of the hoops. Such hypotheses ignored the existence of the Turks in the defined geographical area. It was not possible to make progress unless the claims that constitute the basis of such ignorance has been investigated. The Kuram did do it. This was the just reason for the struggle of the Kuram with a series of Indo-European hypotheses. The Kuram has been raised on the three basic footing interrelated to each other. 1) The Runic inscriptions that we have called as ‘historical texts’ representing the Classical Turkic Period-2 in Altay, are the basic data set that make up the fi rst footing of the Kuram. 2) The historical texts, on the other hand, also identify a certain group of archaeological material. Actually such group of material, representing Classical Turkic Period-2, spread throughout the Sayan-Altay region, Mongolian territory, and Eurasian steppes. The rich archeological material that is inclined to run to the much earlier times, has enlightened the path of the Culture. 3) Described archaeological material that we can pursue towards the early stages of history led us to the Neolithic period of Yesnisey-Lena region where is the micro climatic isolated territory surrounded by the Angara river in the North, Lena river in the East, Baykal lake in the South and Yenisey river in the West. This living place was the Urheimat of the ancient Türks: Yenisey-Lena. The examination of the material made us access to the Urheimat. According to the Kuram, Turkic speaking people originated from Yenisey-Lena and they grown up in Altay region. At the end of the Late Upper Paleolithic Age (c. 12,000 BC), the Culture with the identity of ‘Yenisy-Lena’, alredy spread to the World.

Для понимания современных процессов в зоне Евразийского степного пояса полезно рассмотреть взаимное влияние архитектурных традиций народов на
этой территории. Известно, что государства в окрестностях Китая подчас образовывались на базе кочевой культуры, что детально описано целым рядом археологов и востоковедов. Северокитайское царство Чжуншань (V–III вв. до н. э.)
в отечественной историографии не изучено. Между тем это прекрасная иллюстрация, как еще в период Чуньцю некоторые некитайские племена в ходе строительства своей государственности полностью перенимали политическую систему Поднебесной. Пожалуй, именно здесь перед нами один из первых примеров
перехода кочевников к оседлости и созданию монархии, по которому, к тому же,
в нашем распоряжении есть некоторое количество письменных источников.

Egy sajátságos fokos Nagyhalászról. / Scythian Age hatchet - sagaris - from Nagyhalász (Hungary) AD HOC 2018
Rövid ismertetés a nagyhalászi griff6sasfejben végződő karú vas díszfokosról. / The short introduction of the Scythian Age griffin/eagle headed iron hatchet, called sagaris from the vicinity of Nagyhalász (Hungary)

The second thematic panel presented a wide range of the latest advances in the study of the migrations and identity in Eurasia from the ancient times to the middle ages, with a focus on scholarly traditions, literary evidence and archaeology. All the papers addressed current debates about texts, epigraphy, numismatics, iconography, as well as archaeological discoveries. They provided opportunities to share perspectives, new methods and frameworks for future research. At the same time, this panel was in line with the efforts in recent years to bridge the large gap between the scholarly traditions of West and East in order to absorb, interpret and integrate the constant flow of new information about the Black Sea region with adjacent territories into mainstream western classical scholarship.

С 6 по 10 июня 2016 г. прошел III-й Международный Мадьярский симпозиум по археологии. Мероприятие является продолжением симпозиумов, состоявшихся в 2011 г. в г. Комсомольск (Украина) и в 2013 г. в г. Челябинск (Россия) (Боталов С.Г., Грудочко И.В. II-й Международный Мадьярский симпозиум. Челябинск, 2013 // РА. 2015. № 1. С. 175–177). Настоящий форум был проведен в г. Будапешт на базе Института археологии Венгерской академии наук и Католического университета Петера Пазманя. Международную составляющую форума обеспечил 21 участник из Венгрии, России, Украины, Молдовы и Казахстана. Программа симпозиума была построена по историко-географическому принципу – соответственно движению легендарных мадьяр. Этой логике были подчинены и два пленарных доклада, придавших основную направленность и динамику конференции.

Import of weapons came to the steppes in various ways. One of them was to pass on as diplomatic gifts that testified about the concluded covenants and emphasized the status and prestige of the donors and the donees. Such a ceremonial weapon was made to order at the rulers' court, often taking into account nomads’ sense of aesthetic. Another way of transfer was the purchase. Therefore, in border areas and near riverbanks, craft settlements were created. They often specialized in the production of weapons preferred by nomads. In addition, part of the collected weapons was undoubtedly the spoil of war.
The main centers of production and delivery of weapons for nomads were Ruthenia, Volga  Bulgaria, Caucasus, Byzantine, Central and Western Asia. Weapons from the Baltics and Western Europe territories were less likely to reach the Black Sea steppes.
A ceremonial weapon, buried in the grave, was not only meant to testify to the bravery and prestige of its owner but also indicated a warrior's social position and military rank. Also, funeral rites, related to the preparation of the deceased for the journey into the afterlife, in community awareness were to emphasize the ethos of the horse warrior.

Kuman/Kıpçakların tarihteki önemleri göz önünde bulundurulduğunda birçok özellik dikkat çekmektedir. Her şeyden önce kaynaklar bu Türk boyu kadar geniş bir sahada hâkimiyet kuran başka bir Türk boyu olmadığını belirtmektedir. Sahip oldukları konargöçer kültür ile yerleşiklerin hayatla-rına önemli dokunuşlarda bulunmuşlardır. Askeri yetenekleri, komşuları tarafından sürekli ücretli asker olarak davet edilmelerini, farklı milletlerin ordularında ağırlıklı kısmı oluşturmalarını sağlamıştır. Kuman/Kıpçaklar yaşadıkları coğrafyanın kendi adları ile anılmasına vesile olan ve söz ko-nusu sahanın dört bir yanına âdeta damga niteliğinde taş heykeller bırakan bir Türk boyudur. Bu çalışma savaşlar, antlaşmalar, siyasi münasebetlerden mümkün olduğunca arındırılmış bir şekilde Kuman/Kıpçakların kültürel hayatlarına, başka bir ifade ile gündelik yaşamlarına odaklanmıştır. Yazılı kaynaklardaki bilgiler, arkeolojik buluntular ve taş heykellerin sunduğu ve-riler ile zenginleştirilmiştir.

The article considers the possible correlation between post-Zarubintsy sites of the Rakhny type (1st – 2nd cc.
AD) with the Sarmatian antiquities of the Southern Bug – Dniester interstream area (Porogi, Grushka, Pisarevka,
Severinovka, Gordeevka, Mokra). Detailed analysis of objects of personal attire from the post-Zarubintsy
settlements of Maryanovka, Rakhny, Nosovtsy, Parkhomovka and the burial site at Rakhny showed that many
categories of the items have analogies in the Middle Sarmatian culture. This could indicate close contacts between
the sedentary and the nomadic populations of the Southern Bug and Dniester regions in the 1st – beginning
of the 2nd cc. AD. It is possible that the post-Zarubintsy population paid tribute to the Sarmatians. The
remains of metallurgical centers that were investigated near Uman’ could refl ect the results of such contacts
between the nomads and the post-Zarubintsy population. Tribute to nomad tribes was often paid in metal. The
artifacts which are considered in the present article could have found their way to the sedentary population
as a result of such contacts.

19. yüzyılda ve 20. Yüzyılın başında Ehli Hak toplulukları inceleyen Rus oryantalistlerin dikkatini çeken Ali İlâhiler’in bir çok dini pratiği Ehl-i Haklar’la aynı olmasına rağmen, temel bazı farklılıkları da göze çarpmaktadır:
          Ehl-i Hak inancının merkezi olan Kerend-Oraman (Orman, Horoman, Hewraman) Lek –Delfan bölgesi,  Hemedan - Kerkük yolu üzerinde, günümüz İran-Irak sınırında, Orta Zağroslar’da, İran-Luristanı’nın (günümüz Kirmanşah vilayetinin) kuzeybatı köşesidir. Yüzyıllar boyunca bölgedeki çoban toplulukların yazın yaylalara çıkış ve kışın kışlaklara (kışlak: kışla, ordugâh, karargâh) sıcak düzlüklere iniş yolunun  tam merkezinde olan Lek-Delfan bölgesi, aynı zamanda Doğu –Batı yönündeki en önemli Hac-Göç ve Ticaret yolu üzerindedir.  (Küçükkalfa, 2015: 69-79, Küçükkalfa 2018) Günümüzde Ali İlâhiler ve Ehl-i Haklar’da bir çok dini pratik ortaktır. Ali İlâhiler’de, kendilerini genellikle Ehl-i Hak (Hünkâri, Hâvendigâri, Hüdavendigâri) olarak tanımlamaktadırlar.  Bölgede farklı inanç ve etnik yapıdan doğan çeşitlilikten bahsedileceği gibi, aynı coğrafyayı paylaşan bu gruplar arasında benzeşmeler ve geçişlerde kaçınılmaz bir gerçekliktir. Röportajımızı yaptığımız İltimas Ahmediyan’da  İran Azerbaycanı’nda doğan ve Tebriz’de yaşayan bir Türk olarak, kendisini  Ali İlâhi  olarak tanımlamaktadır.

          Ali İlâhi inancının merkezinde Hz. Ali’nin ilâhiliği (tanrılığı) bulunmasına karşılık, Ehl-i Hak inancının merkezinde kutsal kitap Serencam’da izlendiği gibi Sultan İshak  (ve donları yani görünümleri)  yer alır. (* İslâmın 4. halifesi Ali’yi referans alan değinmeleri ret etmiyorum.) 

          Ali İlâhiler ve Ehl-i Haklar konusunda diğer bir temel farklılık 3 (üç) günlük oruç tarihi konusundadır. Astronomik hesaplamalarla ve Arap aylarına bağlı olarak her iki topluluğun oruçları arasında 33 (otuz üç) günlük fark vardır.  2016-2017 dönemi için 3 (üç) günlük oruç tarihleri Ali İlâhiler için 12-13-14 Aralık 2016,  Ehl-i Haklar için 14-15-16 Ocak 2017’dir. 

            Bayrak Kuşcuoğlu ile başlayan 24 kutsal şaire  ait nefeslerde, Ali İlâhiler’e ait 3 (üç) günlük oruca dair hiçbir işarete rastlanmaz.

          Ali İlâhiler, Irak kökenli Seyyid Abdullah Musavi el-Iraki’nin manevi liderliğine bağlıdırlar.  Ali İlâhiler’in aksine, Ehl-i Haklar’da halen merkezi liderlik yoktur.

Röportaj yaptığım İltimas Ahmediyan’ın babası, Seyyid İnayed öykülerinin doğrudan tanığı ve anlatıcısıdır. Ahmediyan’ın evinde ve köyünde tekrar edile gelen, inanca ait değerli hatıralardır.
         
            Bu röportajın Ali İlâhiler ve inançları hakkında daha objektif bakış sağlamasını umuyorum. Röportaj 2014 yılında Tebriz’de gerçekleştirilmiştir. 2015 yılında Ehl-i Hak inancının yoğun olduğu Luristan bölgesine bir seyahatim oldu.

ABSTRACT :
            Although many religious practices of Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order, which has drawn attention of Russian orientalists examining Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Orders in the beginning of 19th and 20th centuries, are same with Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Order, several main differences are also noticeable:

              Kerend-Oraman (Orman, Horoman, Hewraman) Leq (Laki) –Delfan region, which is the center of the Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Order, is on the road of Hemedan - Kirkuk, on today’s Iran-Iraq border, at Middle Zagros, in the northwest corner of Iran-Luristan (today’s Kermanshah province). Leq-Delfan region, which is in the center of the road which is used by the shepherd communities in the region throughout centuries for climbing to plateaus on summer and for descending to winter quarters (winter quarters: barracks, camp, headquarters), hot flats, is also on the road of the most important Haj-Migration& Trade Road in direction of East-West. (Küçükkalfa, 2015: 69-79, Küçükkalfa 2018). Today, most of the religious practices are common in Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order and Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Order. Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order usually defines itself as Ahl-e Haqq (Hünkâri, Hâvendigâri, Hüdavendigâri). The variety in the region, generated from different beliefs and ethnicity, may be mentioned while it is an inevitable truth that there are similitudes and transmissions between the groups, which are sharing the same geography.     

        Iltimas Ahmediyan, with whom we have made an interview, defines himself as Ali Ilâhi, as a Turkish, born in Iran’s Azerbaijan and living in Tabriz.

        While Hz. Ali’s divinity is the center of the Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order belief, Sultan Ishak (and his appearances) is the center of the Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Order, as it may be seen from Serencam, the Holy Scripture. (* I do not reject the mentions referring to Hz. Ali, 4th khalifa of the Islam.)

          Another main differance between Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order and Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Order is the date of 3 (three) days of fasting. There is a difference of 33 (thirty three) days between the fasting of the both communities, depending upon the astronomical calculations and Arabian months. As per the 2016-2017 period, dates of the 3 (three) days fasting were 12-13-14 December 2016 for Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order and 14-15-16 January 2017 for Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Order.

          There is no sign on 3 (three) days fasting pertaining to Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order, in the nefes (poems) of the 24 holy poets, beginning with Bayrak Kuşcuoğlu.

          Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order is depending on spiritual leadership of Seyyid Abdullah Musavi el-Iraki, with Iraq origin. Contrary to Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order, there is still no central leadership in Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Order.

          Iltimas Ahmediyan, with whom I made an interview, is son of a direct witness and narrator of Seyyid Inayed stories. These stories about belief, repeated in Ahmediyan's home and village, are precious memories.
     
        I hope that this interview will provide a more objective perspective to Ali Ilâhi Sufi Order and their beliefs. The interview took place in Tabriz, in 2014. I had a journey to Luristan area, in where Ahl-e Haqq Sufi Order belief is intense, in 2015.

A korai magyar történelem, közkeletűbb nevén a magyar őstörténet az írott adatokat tekintve forrásszegény kutatási terület. Így a régészet, mint rohamosan gyarapodó forrásanyagú tudományág kiemelkedő jelentőséggel bír(hat) e téren. Ez tény akkor is, ha módszertani szempontból a régészeti leletek közvetlen történeti, etnikai értékelése ma már sokkal szigorúbb megítélés alá esik, mint korábban. A biztos történeti interpretációhoz ugyanis azt kellene tudnunk, hogy egy-egy lelet egykori tulajdonosa milyen etnikai tudattal rendelkezett és hogy milyen politikai csoporthoz vallónak tekintette magát, ez azonban nyilvánvalóan meghaladja a régészet lehetőségeit. A kelet-európai füves és erdős sztyepp, az erdővidék, illetve ezek mikrorégiói között mutatkozó egykorú, markáns régészeti különbségek alapos ismerete azonban lehetőséget nyújt a hagyományos régészeti módszerekkel történő migráció-kutatásra. Vizsgálódásunkat természettudományos módszerekkel kiegészítve ‒ szerencsés esetben ‒ ma már jóval többet mondhatunk e kérdésekről, mint elődeink.

The Cumans came to Europe as a result of a number of migrations of peoples, which began with the arrival of the Kuns (Qūn) from China, expelled from their lands by the people of Kay (Qāy). This forced them to the territory of  Šārī (Sīrī) and cause a number of migrations (so acc. to Marwazi and Aufi). According to the chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, the initial impulse was given by the “Snake people” who attacked the “Pale” ones. In the case of the “Pales”, they can be compared with Šārī / Sīrī (“the yellow, pale, light” ones) and identified with the Kipchaks or the Kuns (both names can be etymologize from the root *qu[b] in the meaning of “pale, light, yellowish”). More problematic is to determine “the people of the Serpent”, which with equal success could be connected with the Kay or with the Khitan people. But because the Armenian historian wrote that the “Snakes” attacked and smashed the “Pales”, we probably should see in the former the Kay (or the Kuns and the Kay?), who invaded the lands of  Šārī / Sīrī, unleashing a chain migration.
The text discusses the distribution of the Cuman tribes in the territory of the so called Cumania (Polovetskoe pole, Dešt-i Qïbčāq) and their interaction with neighboring peoples and countries.  Attention is paid to their designation and the names of the elite leaders in comparison to their appearance in Russian, Byzantine and other sources. In their time, the Cumans (Polovtsians, Kipchaks) played an important role in the history of Central and South-Eastern Europe – in the Kievan Rus, Hungary, Bulgaria, the Caucasus, etc. Thus, the eastern part of  Europe became a peripheral zone of the huge Cumanian-Kipchak space, through which it was connected in time and space with the eastern periphery of the Kazakh steppe – where once arose the Kimek state, and where together with it began the ascent of the whole Kipchak world.

The article presents the silver gilt phalerae found in the course of earthworks in the area of Kuban stanitza Uspenskaya in 1866 and now kept in the State Museum of Georgia. The central part of two large phalerae is decorated with rosettes framed with garland, the sloping middle part — with curly rosettes, the edge bent outwards — with guilloche pattern. The small phalera bears a bull protome with small curly rosettes on the forehead and on the shoulder. The compositional and stylistic analysis of the large phalerae causes doubts in M. Pfrommer’s attribution considering the Uspenskaya phalerae to have been later specimens (2nd century BC) made after some earlier prototypes. Their most probable date may be restricted to the period of the last quarter of the 3rd — first quarter of the 2nd century BC. It is evident that the large shoulder phalerae from Uspenskaya (Figs. 1–4) like that from Fedulov Treasure having similar dimensions (ca. 30–31 сm in diameter) (Fig. 7) belong to the earliest finds of that kind in the North Pontic area as it was suggested by V.I. Mordvintseva. The high level of their execution differs greatly from that of the speci
mens dated to the 2nd — early 1st century BC. The phalerae from Uspenskaya had been probably long time in use, judging by the losses and remains of careful restoration, as a result of which the tornoff part of one of the phalerae was «sewn» to its main
part (figs. 1; 3. 3; 4). A bull protome on the Bosporan coins similar to the one on the small phalera can hardly be a decisive argument in favour of its attribution as a Bosporan article. It is rather an ornamental ropelike border, which speaks in favour
of such a hypothesis. The character of the surface treatment suggests manufacturing of the large phalerae with rosettes and the small one with the bull protome in different workshops. Having in mind the suggested dating of the phalerae, with all the reservations against the total attribution of imports uncovered in the Sarmatian complexes as booty captured by the Sarmatians in Asia Minor, in the given case one cannot exclude the possibility of the large phalerae being a diplomatic gift received during concluding a treaty between the King of Pontus, Phranakes I and the states of Asia Minor, one of the guarantor of which, according to Polybius (Polyb., XXV, 2), was a Sarmatian King Gatal.

The article offers an ethnographic account of contemporary housing practices among nomadic reindeer herders in the Russian North. We draw on the results of an extensive fieldwork in several locations to describe how the making of mobile homes incorporates traditional and advanced technologies, and implicitly reflects the ongoing changes in the living and working environment of the communities under study. By observing the actions of planning, building, inhabiting and resettling embodied in a variety of dwelling designs, we have identified and documented three distinctive modes of resilience expressed in variations of mobile housing in a changing northern context, as follows: (1) facilitating full-time, family-based migration by exercising a well-established local practice of making and using a traditional conical tent; (2) maintaining full-time mobility under changing social and economic circumstances by inventing/developing a genuinely new type of portable dwelling; and (3) compensating the increasing mechanization of work with spontaneously growing complexity of the structure of stationary houses. The article aims to contribute to the emerging field of local adaptation and resilience by shedding light on the materiality of adaptive strategies and human creativity involved.

Серегин Н.Н., Тишкин А.А., Матренин С.С., Паршикова Т.С. Коллекция железных орудий труда из погребений жужанского времени комплекса Чобурак-I (Северный Алтай) // Сохранение и изучение культурного наследия Алтайского края. Барнаул: Изд-во Алт. ун-та, 2021. Вып. XXVII. C. 287–295.

This paper provides characteristics of defensive armor and offensive weapons from the graves of the kurgan cemetery of the 13th–14th centuries known as Sidorenkova Shchel (near Novorossiysk, Krasnodar Region) as well as analysis of the weaponry set composition, and distinctive features related to co-occurrence and location of the finds of this category in the graves of various cultural and chronological groups.

When Muhammad b. Tekesh became Khwarazmshah in 1200, he needed some years to consolidate his position. In the process, a tactics of winning over local power-holders is particularly striking. The paper gives some examples and a brief analysis of the relationship between imperial ruler and local power-holders.

Pazyryk Tattoos as an Artistic Testimony of Ancient Wars and Marriages.
Azbelev, Pavel Petrovich (The State Hermitage Museum, Educational Department)

Abstract. The Pazyryk culture of the Altai mountains (second half of the 1st millennium ВСЕ) is famous for its well-preserved organic materials which survived due to the permafrost beneath the barrows. Of all the extant objects that come from five burials the oldest tattoos in Animal style, found on seven human mummies, attract special attention. Pioneering is the author’s approach to the finds based on the principles of mapping main tattoos on the body with its interpretation: the development of the principles is traced according to territorial and chronological spreading of iconographic analogues. Finds of this kind allow us to propose certain preliminary systematization: it is possible to distinguish sustainable sets of images different for males and females.
Meaning of a tattoo correlates to the role which a body part that bears it played in a person’s life. Large images of predators placed closer to the heart make us recall that it is heart that is often considered to be the seat of courage, rage, and other characteristics by many folks associated with large predators. Ungulates shown in agony as defeated animals or victims are placed on forearms — it is with their hands that people fight, hunt, and make sacrifices. On legs, which are to be fast and strong, there are running herbivore animals chosen from among the most fast and hardy. All this is common for Animal style as a magic mascot that was believed to influence the carrier of a certain image.
An image of a hoofed griffin is quite a special phenomenon originating from Northern China and Mongolia. The Pazyryk images of these griffins are imitative; the Altai nomads should have associated the image of this monster with their neighbours endowing it with the idea of victim, and not only they knew the “owners” of the image, but also feuded and fought with them.
Analogies to the composition with predators surrounding tortured ungulates are found to the West of the Altai mountains. Communicative vector which is presented here corresponds with the Western analogies to the finds and imported items that come from the Fifth Pazyryk barrow. Perhaps, the woman buried there, born in Eastern Kazakhstan or in South-West of Siberia, could have arrived to the Altai via marriage as a result of strengthening ties between the Pazyryk culture and the West, to the detriment of connections with South-Eastern neighbours. It is possible that the Pazyryk tattoos in Animal style depict the system of the Pazyryk culture’s contacts and their dynamics in the 4th–3rd centuries ВСЕ.

The history of Eurasia has ignited historian's void for many years.The history of a huge continent is a pretext to consider the interactions between individual empires that have functioned in its various parts for centuries.The empires of antiquity and the Middle Ages, and later the continental powers and fiercely rival nation-states interacted on many levels: commercial, military and cultural.New Beckwith's book crush the stereotipes of nomadic tribes from central Aurasia. Unfortunately he create controversial teory about relations between nomadic tribes and empires. In article I try to discus with his ideas.

Jerzmanowice-Stara Wieś. The newly discovered medieval fortress from the Kraków-Częstochowa Upland.
The article is devoted to a fortress from the Late Medieval period discovered by the author of the presented here text in the course of the analysis of the airborne laser scanning (LiDAR) data on the Szklarka creek valley in Jerzmanowice, Kraków district. The core of the fortress consists of a large lime monadnock that was partially secured with a rampart. In 2015 within the monadnock three excavation test trenches were set
out. The discovered artefacts (pottery sherds, numerous metal items) and the stratigraphic situation indicate that the site in Jerzmanowice was settled in two phases. Phase I (unfortified?) is correlated with the Early Iron age (the Lusatian culture). Phase II, probably associated with the time of the functioning of the fortification, is dated to the period between the 2nd half or the end of the 13th century and the 1st half of the 14th century. During this period within the rock there was a wooden building with wattle wall daubed with clay. This structure was destroyed by a fire. The artefacts found within the layers of burned matter (arrowheads of nomadic type) indicate that the fall of the fortress might be associated with nomadic activities. It cannot be excluded that this stronghold fell during the Third Mongol invasion on Poland (1287/1288).