Constitutional Politics

Anglo-Indians, a designation acquired in the 1911 Indian Census, had previously been known as Eurasians, East Indians, Indo-Britons and half-castes. ‘Anglo-Indian’ had previously denoted, and among some scholars continues to denote, Britons long resident in India. We will define Anglo-Indians as a particular mixed race Indo-European population arising out of the European trading and imperial presence in India, and one of several constructed categories by which transient Britons sought to demarcate racial difference within the Raj’s socio-racial hierarchy. Anglo-Indians were placed in an intermediary (and differentially remunerated) position between Indians and Domiciled Europeans (another category excluded from fully ‘white’ status), who in turn were placed below imported British superiors. The domiciled community (of Anglo-Indians and Domiciled Europeans, treated as a single socio-economic class by Britons) were relied upon as loyal buttressing agents of British rule who could be deployed to help run the Raj’s strategically sensitive transport and communication infrastructure, and who were made as a term of their service to serve in auxiliary military forces which could help to ensure the internal security of the Raj and respond to strikes, civil disobedience or crises arising from international conflict.

The thesis reveals how calls for Indianisation of state and railway employment by Indian nationalists in the assemblies inaugurated by the 1919 Government of India Act threatened, through opening up their reserved intermediary positions to competitive entry and examination by Indians, to undermine the economic base of domiciled employment. Anglo-Indian leaders responded with varying strategies. Foremost was the definition of Anglo-Indians as an Indian minority community which demanded political representation through successive phases of constitutional change and statutory safeguards for their existing employment. This study explores various strategies including: deployment of multiple identities; widespread racial passing by individuals and families; agricultural colonisation schemes; and calls for individual, familial or collective migration.

The current process of devolving powers within England constitutes a significant change of governance arrangements. This process of devolution has been widely criticised for including insufficient consultation. This paper assesses whether that criticism is fair. Modifying Archon Fung’s framework for the analysis of public participation mechanisms, we begin by considering whether the depth of public engagement has been limited. Then, by comparing these consultation practices with other examples (including one we have ourselves trialled in pilot experiments), we find that deeper forms of public engagement would have been both possible (though at some financial cost) and productive.

Հոդվածի շրջանակներում ուսումնասիրվում են սահմանադրական վեճերի հաղթահարման իրավական կառուցակարգերի առնչությամբ հարցերը, ներկայացվում է հեղինակային տեսակետ դրանց հասկացության եւ բովանդակության վերաբերյալ։ Հեղինակը հիմնավորում է, որ նման վեճերի լուծման քաղաքակիրթ տարբերակը դրանց հաղթահարումն է իրավական հարթությունում։ Այդ հանգամանքն, իր հերթին, ենթադրում է Սահմանադրական դատարանում նշված գործերի քննության համապատասխան կառուցակարգերի ամրագրում եւ իրացում։

This monograph aims to examine the doctrine of democracy, issues of
constitutional stability and constitutional developments, legal mechanisms for settlement of constitutional disputes, peculiarities of the official interpretation and direct application of the Constitution, issues of the development of Constitutional Court legal positions, as well as the notion “constitutional identity” and its axiological characteristics. In the result of the study the author draws a number of theoretical conclusions, develops new theoretical concepts on the mentioned issues and presents various practical proposals on the improvement of legislation and law implementation practice.
The monograph can be useful for a wide scope of readers interested in the
issues of constitutional law, theory and philosophy of law, sociology, politics.

A brief survey of the literature on comparative constitutional engineering shows that semi-presidentialism has sparked a variety of views regarding its conceptualization. Although a widespread choice in post-communist Europe, the semi-presidential model contains inherent vulnerabilities that have proved to be even more challenging in the Romanian case. This article employs the notion of "formative moment" to reevaluate the origins of the problematic nature of Romania's semi-presidentialism, which is well illustrated in the domains of foreign policy and national defence. Despite being inspired by the French fifth republic, the Romanian system features a chain of interwoven foreign affairs decision-making, where the president largely depends on the other state pillars, particularly the government. The formative moment lens is useful in understanding why the post-communist constitutional drafters decided to tightly constrain the powers of the Romanian presidency. It thus unveils the factors that have decisively influenced Romania's emerging democratic system: the widespread post-communist political turbulence and the prevalent meanings circulating in the constitutional debates.

DOI 10.13140/RG.2.1.4084.5682
MARIANO SILVA, Jeferson. (2016), Jurisdição constitucional em Espanha (1981-1992) e Brasil (1988-1997. Tese de doutorado (Ciência política). Rio de Janeiro: IESP-UERJ.
O trabalho apresenta um método de análise descritiva das jurisdições constitucionais, pensado como uma ferramenta que permita ampliar os estudos sobre comportamento judicial comparado e especialmente voltado à análise (a) das circunstâncias históricas particulares em que as jurisdições constitucionais são praticadas; (b) do significado político dos discursos que elas produzem; e (c) dos dissensos e consensos jurisdicionais que as constituem. Os procedimentos metodológicos apresentados são aplicados a dois conjuntos de decisões judiciais: as sentenças prolatadas nos julgamentos de Recursos de Inconstitucionalidade, realizados pelo Tribunal Constitucional de Espanha, entre 1981 e 1992, e as prolatadas nos julgamentos de Ações Diretas de Inconstitucionalidade, realizados pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, entre 1988 e 1997. Os resultados decorrentes desses ensaios de aplicação do método inicialmente proposto indicam duas conclusões gerais. De uma parte, é possível distinguir, no comportamento dos juízes constitucionais, divergências consistentemente associadas à natureza política de suas indicações. De outra parte, as clivagens do comportamento judicial, mais ou menos coincidentes com as clivagens políticas presentes no momento de formação das composições dos tribunais constitucionais, não atrelam, necessariamente, o comportamento dos juízes constitucionais às preferências atuais dos atores políticos que os indicaram. Ou seja, as divisões mais gerais do espaço político se propagam no espaço da jurisdição constitucional, porém sofrem, neste último espaço, uma refração, por meio da qual os juízes constitucionais indicados por um grupo político agem, muitas vezes, diversamente dos – e mesmo contrariamente aos – interesses desse grupo.

History never repeats itself but it is surprising how often it rhymes. Although the ‘new politics’ narrative, promoting a stark institutional and cultural shift away from the power-hoarding and adversarial system of politics and government, has been a constant theme of British politics for several decades there has been surprisingly little change at the national level. This might, at first glance, appear a counterintuitive line of reasoning in light of, inter alia, the introduction of devolution, incorporation of the European Charter of Human Rights (ECHR) and the establishment of a Supreme Court. And yet the critical dimension of the reform agenda does not lie in the individual institutional reforms, but in the superstructure: the reform agenda was constructed within and conditioned by the precepts of the Westminster model.

This chapter analyses constitutional amendments in the Russian Federation (1993–2014). We show that in the phase of constitution-making a problematic path was adopted when the El'cin administration promoted a basic law advantaging the executive. The praxis of constitutional amendment in the Russian Federation is discussed in three dimensions: First, concerning amendments to Art. 65, which regulates the structure of the federal republic; second, concerning changes to the structure or principles of the constitutional system; third, concerning de facto constitutional amendments through ordinary laws. In particular, a combination of amendments of the second and third dimensions substantially centralized the constitutional regime over the past 20 years, moving it toward an authoritarian state order. The Russian praxis of constitutional amendment is here classified as authoritarian constitutionalism.

Resumen Tras el establecimiento de la dictadura chilena del general Augusto Pinochet, las fuerzas políticas desafiaron al autoritarismo con una sólida actividad política y una poderosa defensa de los derechos humanos y del Estado de Derecho. Pudo así definirse el clima histórico, político y jurídico de una transición pacífica a la democracia.

Մենագրության շրջանակներում հետազոտվել են «Սահմանադրության կայունություն ու զարգացում» հասկացությունները, Սահմանադրության զարգացման եղանակները, Սահմանադրության պաշտոնական մեկնաբանության առանձնահատկությունները, Սահմանադրական դատարանի որոշումների տեղը իրավունքի աղբյուրների համակարգում, ինչպես նաեւ հիշյալ մարմնի իրավական դիրքորոշումների հատկանիշներն ու որոշումների կատարման առանձնահատկությունները։ Նշված հիմնախնդիրների ուսումնասիրության արդյունքում հեղինակի կողմից կատարվել են բազմաթիվ տեսական եզրահանգումներ, ներկայացվել են օրենսդրության ու Սահմանադրական դատարանի պրակտիկայի կատարելագործման մի շարք գործնական առաջարկություններ։

The Theses LVI belong to a series of hitherto unpublished early manuscripts of the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) that were acquired by the University of Leiden in 1864. It is not certain when the Theses were written, but preliminary research on the physical manuscript and the sources cited indicate two possible windows. The first is around 1602-1605, that is roughly at a time when Grotius was also working on his Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (De Iure Praedae Commentarius). The second dating places the genesis of the manuscrbipt around 1613-1615.
In the context of Grotius’ writings, the Theses LVI assume an important position for several reasons: They raise questions about state formation, the duty of citizens to the state and the right of political resistance in far greater detail than in any other work of the celebrated Dutch humanist. The Theses LVI also feature important reading notes that yield priceless insights into the sources that Grotius directly consulted and their influence on his ideas. The manuscript grants modern scholars a unique glimpse into the working mind of its author. Evidence points not only to the ferocious haste with which Grotius wrote his works, but also the occasional sloppiness of his reading and research habits."""

With some exceptions, efforts to systematically apply a historical-institutionalist framework to the study of federalism have been few and far between. This paper argues, however, that historical institutionalism lends itself particularly well for addressing two important research questions in the field of comparative federalism: the origins of federal systems and their dynamics. It is suggested that a historical-institutionalist framework can significantly contribute to encourage theoretical cross-fertilization within the field of comparative federalism.

During the transitions to multi-partyism that began in the late 1980s, presidential term limits were adopted into the constitutions of a majority of sub-Saharan African states. Yet, a sizable minority of African governments resisted implementing such restrictions on executive power. How can this variation be explained? This article proposes an expanded strategic choice approach that posits that the degree of electoral uncertainty affects institutional choice in cases of controlled, unilateral constitutional revisions (which were common across Africa) just as much as it shapes institutional choice in situations of cooperative constitution-making through bargaining and pact-making. Based on this logic, I argue that term limits were adopted as an electoral insurance mechanism in all cases where constitutional drafters perceive the degree of future electoral uncertainty to be high, regardless of whether the constitutional review process is cooperative or controlled. Alternatively, term limits are eschewed in cases where one unified party fully controls the constitutional review process and also perceives that they will win elections into the foreseeable future. The argument is tested through a statistical analysis of the determinants of term limit choice across all relevant sub-Saharan cases.

The parliament elections are now finished, and the problem of setting the new constitution is now rising especially because the islamists have gained the majority of the parliament.
It has been along debate between the Liberal and the Islamists since the addition of the second article to the constitution in 1971. The second article of the Egyptian constitution states that:
"Islam is the religion of the State and Arabic its official language.
Islamic law (Sharia) is the principal source of legislation."
These two parts of the article have many bad implications.

I diritti umani appaiono ormai oggetto di una tutela frammentata e diffusa tra Carte e Corti nello scenario internazionale. Sul piano formale, infatti, da una parte la tutela “rigida” delle Costituzioni nazionali dovrebbe garantire il “nucleo duro” di principi e diritti fondamentali vigenti negli Stati. Dall’altra, con una forza normativa variabile nei diversi sistemi, le Carte sovra e inter-nazionali corroborano, indeboliscono o espandono la tutela costituzionale di quelle stesse situazioni giuridiche, in un’ottica di omogeneizzazione dei diversi ordinamenti nazionali.
Il compito di dare “sostanza” a tali operazioni spetta naturalmente alle giurisdizioni. Il formante giurisprudenziale, che piaccia o no, sembra difatti l’unico capace di garantire, caso per caso, le incessanti istanze di giustizia provenienti dalla realtà sociale. Istanze, queste, tese a dare concretamente senso e significato ai diritti umani sempre più “contaminati” dagli approdi della ricerca scientifica.
In questo scenario a “dialogare” di certo sono le Corti, ma non sempre le Carte. I giusdicenti appaiono infatti i protagonisti principali delle integrazioni ordinamentali nello scenario c.d. multilevel, mentre, paradossalmente, gli “antagonisti” sembrano essere, non di rado, proprio i legislatori. In tema di tutela dei diritti umani, dunque, l’impressione è che nei fatti sia la politica del diritto (dei legislatori nazionali) a creare attriti all’espansione del diritto (politico) formato dai giudici in conformità al diritto sovranazionale.
Partendo dall’assunto che nella realtà della dimensione giuridico-costituzionale il diritto è frutto di questo fisiologico dialogo/scontro tra legislatori e giudici (quella che, in altre occasioni, si è avuto modo di definire co-produzione normativa), nel paper si proverà a spiegare tale fenomeno prendendo come oggetto di studio la metamorfosi della “famiglia” a seguito del progressivo riconoscimento dei diritti vantati dalle coppie omoaffettive.

The article considers several contemporary issues concerning the execution of the Constitutional
Court decisions. The author states that the key body vested with necessary competences for
ensuring the execution of the discussed decisions is the Constitutional Court itself. At the same
time, the author concludes that formation of the proper system of the Constitutional Court
decision execution firstly depends on the corresponding level of constitutional and political
culture of the society. This circumstance, in its turn, leads to suppose that the achievement of
the discussed goal is possible only if all the subjects included in this sphere express respect to
Constitutional Court, its competences and decisions.

The elected Senate and the party-list system are two institutional innovations of the 1997 Constitution designed to effect much-needed political reforms in Thailand. Nominally autonomous, both institutions were supposed to contribute to enhancing the quality of political leadership and representative democracy. I shed light on one ironic, unintended effect of these reforms – i.e., both institutions have allowed scores of political families with quite shady reputations to maintain or even tighten their grip on Parliament. Combining aggregate data and case studies, I show that a sizable number of elected senators and party-list MPs are related, by blood or marriage, to at least one MP elected in the post-1932 period of parliamentary politics. The well-intended reforms have concentrated parliamentary power in the hands of these politicians’ families, many of which represent the excesses of Thailand’s full-blown electoral democracy. The survival and resilience of these families diminish the character of political leadership and democracy by making corruption, clientelism, violence, electoral fraud, and other related problems all the more entrenched and by deepening dynastic rule that militates against political pluralism or inclusiveness.

Keywords: Thailand, 1997 Constitution, electoral reforms, Senate, party list, King Bhumibol, royalists, political families, political dynasties

Despite concerns regarding its practical utility the convention of individual ministerial responsibility remains central to any analysis of the British constitution. The convention forms the ‘buckle’ in the relationship between parliament and the executive. It is widely acknowledged that throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the executive has gained the ascendancy in this relationship. Consequently, the enduring centrality of the convention rests not in its use by parliament as a tool with which to scrutinise the executive but, conversely, as a tool used by the executive to dismiss reform proposals that threaten its dominant position. This article reviews the way in which British government developed and particularly how this evolution gave primacy to a convention that contained mutually supportive yet contradictory strands. It then demonstrates the core argument of this article by examining two case studies ‐the introduction of freedom of information legislation and the incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights. The article concludes by considering the wider implications of the continuing centrality of ministerial responsibility and the paradoxes and challenges it presents.

This article examines five common misunderstandings about case-study research: (a) theoretical knowledge is more valuable than practical knowledge; (b) one cannot generalize from a single case, therefore, the single-case study cannot contribute to scientific development; (c) the case study is most useful for generating hypotheses, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building; (d) the case study contains a bias toward verification; and (e) it is often difficult to summarize specific case studies. This article explains and corrects these misunderstandings one by one and concludes with the Kuhnian insight that a scientific discipline without a large number of thoroughly executed case studies is a discipline without systematic production of exemplars, and a discipline without exemplars is an ineffective one. Social science may be strengthened by the execution of a greater number of good case studies.

Αντικείμενο της παρούσας εργασίας είναι δύο πολύ σημαντικά για τη νεώτερη πολιτική και συνταγματική ιστορία της Ελλάδας, Συντάγματα. Αφενός έχουμε το Σύνταγμα του 1864 που ήταν αποτέλεσμα της Β' Εθνοσυνέλευσης και αφετέρου το Σύνταγμα του 1911 που ουσιαστικά αποτέλεσε την Αναθεώρηση του πρώτου, η οποία συντελέστηκε με τη Β' Διπλή Αναθεωρητική Βουλή. Συγκεκριμένα, στα πλαίσια της παρούσας μελέτης θα τονιστούν με ενδελέχεια και εκτεταμένα οι διαφορές αυτών των δύο συγκεκριμένων Συνταγμάτων και θα συγκριθούν μεταξύ τους. Το Σύνταγμα του 1864 υπήρξε το μακροβιότερο Σύνταγμα στην Ελληνική Πολιτική Ιστορία. Η σημασία του ξεπέρασε τα χρονικά πλαίσια της εποχής του . Ίσχυσε με μερικές διακοπές ουσιαστικά μέχρι το 1967, «αναβίωσε» για λίγους μήνες από το 1974 μέχρι το 1975 , ενώ μερικές διατάξεις του παρέμειναν σχεδόν αυτούσιες μέχρι και το σημερινό Σύνταγμα. Αποτέλεσε τομή στη δημοκρατική και φιλελεύθερη συνέχεια μιας ιδιότυπης συνταγματικής εξέλιξης, στο πλαίσιο της οποίας τα όρια ανάμεσα στο «φιλελεύθερο» και το «δημοκρατικό» ήταν δυσδιάκριτα. Πέτυχε την εξασφάλιση του πολιτικού συγχρονισμού της κοινωνίας. Οι διατάξεις του είχαν πλέον μια σαφώς διαφορετική πολιτειακή φιλοσοφία από προηγουμένως, η οποία ήταν επικεντρωμένη στη δημοκρατική αρχή. Βασικά χαρακτηριστικά του Συντάγματος αυτού υπήρξαν πολλά και σημαντικά. Πρώτα από όλα, καθιερώθηκε η λαϊκή κυριαρχία. Αυτό έγινε με το άρθρο 21 που δήλωνε ρητά ότι «άπασαι αι εξουσίαι πηγάζουσιν εκ του Έθνους ενεργούνται δε καθ' όν τρόπον ορίζει το Σύνταγμα», με το άρθρο 107 που ανέθετε την αναθεωρητική λειτουργία μόνο στη Βουλή, με το άρθρο 44 που καθιέρωνε το τεκμήριο αρμοδιότητας υπέρ του λαού και

The explosion of social media has fundamentally changed every aspect of daily life: relationships with people, businesses and even institutions.
More and more politicians are exploiting social media to get closer to their citizens and make their operations more transparent and open, while the more established democracies show a distinct
lack of political participation by citizens, manifested in the collapse of turnout in elections, a decline of community life and the growing cynicism and distrust of political parties and institutions. However, the public agents who have enabled real participatory tools designed to share the production of public policies are rare, mostly covering an urban context.
Although, there are those who used the Internet and social media even for drafting a new constitution. It is the case of Iceland, who faced a deep financial crisis that has led to the failure of the
three largest banks in the country and the ensuing economic collapse. Provided that Iceland has decided to rewrite its constitution, in order to avoid previous mistakes and restore hope to the new political order in acute deficit of trust as a result of faulty behaviours and misconducts.
The element that makes the whole process unique is the way about the new constitution was drafted: a grassroots participation, with a strong use of web 2.0 tools to promote participation and transparency. It is possible to determine that process social constitutionalism, which has reported the new
social dynamics generated by social media exploded into the creation of the document that should ensure the political unity of a nation: the Constitution.
What were the dynamics used to increase the involvement in the drafting? How new technologies were used to expand opportunities for participation? How many citizens of Iceland have been seriously
involved in the drafting process? Is it possible to export the Icelandic social constitutionalism approach?

In many European countries are being held constitutional debates. The search for a broader form of participation of all social forces with a new, so-called governance, the struggle for autonomy, regionalism and federalism, they all have different organizational models, but all follow - each in its way - a common goal: citizens want to be able to identify with their community better, they want to find – in an increasing globalized world - a new identity and the ability to participate, at the regional level, on the decision making process, or - to illustrate it in an emotionally loaded term - find a new home.
Also in Italy are held debates on a constitutional reform for years. After the war the Italian Constitution has been inspired by a great democratic and social challenge. But the structure of the state is very centralized. There exist regions but their competences have always been poor in the past. The five special regions with an autonomous statute play a particular role - they enjoy far-reaching autonomies. They are exceptions in this system and have to struggle for their authority.  South Tyrol in particular had to fight a long time for its autonomy.
Since the early eighties Italy has worked hard on its system to improve the role of the regions. In 2001 the parliament succeeded in creating a constitutional reform. Its improvements are projected directly onto the special statutes. Further reforms are under way. The constitutional court takes up a rather centralized standpoint. Nevertheless, the new constitution has increased the autonomies in Italy. A lot of that has, however, not been achieved in South Tyrol's long-lasting struggle for autonomy. Italy is still a long way from being a federal state, but it has taken an important step in that direction. The beginnings of federalism in Italy have also improved the autonomy of the special regions and the autonomy of South Tyrol and Trentino.

Deutsche Zusammenfassung
Die Verf-Diskussionen um neue Forme n demokratischer Teilhabe, der lange Weg Italiens vom Zentralstaat zu zaghaften föderalen Ansätzen, die direkten Eingriffe in das formal unveränderte Autonomiestatut: In vielen Ländern Europas finden Verf-Diskussionen statt. Die Suche nach einer breiteren Form der Beteiligung aller gesellschaftlichen Kräfte mittels einer neuen, sogenannten Governance, das Ringen um Autonomie, um Regionalismus und Föderalismus, sie alle stellen unterschiedliche Organisationsmodelle dar. Sie verfolgen aber alle – jedes auf seine Art - ein gemeinsames Ziel: Die Bürger wollen sich mit ihrem Gemeinwesen besser identifizieren können, sie wollen in einer immer größeren, globalisierten Welt, eine neue Identität und Entfaltungsmöglichkeit auf regionaler Ebene finden, mitwirken und mitentscheiden können, oder  - um es mit einem gefühlsbeladenen Ausdruck zu verdeutlichen - eine neue Heimat finden.
Auch in Italien finden seit Jahrzehnten Debatten um eine Reform der Verf statt. Die italienische Verf ist von einem großen demokratischen und sozialen Auftrag beseelt. Der Staatsaufbau allerdings ist zentralistisch. Es sind Regionen vorgesehen. Diese hatten aber wenige Zuständigkeiten. Eine Sonderrolle nehmen die fünf Regionen mit Sonderstatut ein. Sie verfügen über weitreichende Autonomien. Sie sind Ausnahmen vom System und müssen um ihren Wirkungsbereich kämpfen. Besonders lange dauerte das Ringen um die Autonomie in Südtirol.
Seit Beginn der 80er Jahre bemüht sich Italien um mehr Föderalismus. Im Jahre 2001 gelang eine Verf-Reform. Diese projiziert die Besserstellungen auch in die Sonderstatute. Weitere Reformen sind im Gang. Der VfGH nimmt mit seinen Auslegungen eine eher zentralistische Haltung ein. Trotzdem hat die neue Verf-Ordnung für die Autonomien wesentliche Erweiterungen gebracht. In den schwierigen Verhandlungen um die Südtiroler Autonomie konnte vieles davon nicht erreicht werden. Italien ist zwar noch weit davon entfernt, ein Bundesstaat zu sein, hat aber einen wichtigen Schritt in diese Richtung gesetzt. Damit hat der föderalistische Ansatz, der sich in Italien durchsetzen konnte, auch die Autonomie der Sonderregionen und die Autonomie Südtirols und des Trentino wesentlich erweitert.
In seinem Buch „Südtirols Autonomie und die Verfassungsreformen Italiens“ analysiert Peterlini die Auswirkungen der Verfassungsreformen auf die Südtirol Autonomie und beschreibt die bisher ungeschriebenen, aber in der Tat erfolgten Änderungen am Südtiroler Autonomiestatut. Wenn wir heute das Büchlein „Das neue Autonomiestatut“ in die Hand nehmen, das das Landespresseamt herausgibt, ist der Inhalt zwar formal das Statut von 1972, entspricht aber nicht mehr der realen Autonomie – betonten die Redner bei der Buchvorstellung. Peterlini hat nun, wie mit einem Projektor die Verfassungsreform von 2001 und die Verfassungsurteile in das Statut hinein projiziert, die neuen Zuständigkeiten herauskristallisiert und ergänzt, genauso wie die neuen Verfahren für die Gesetzgebung des Südtiroler Landtages. Wer also das Autonomiestatut in seiner neuesten Fassung lesen will, auch das was nicht geschrieben steht, aber gültig ist, was praktisch hineinprojiziert  werden muss, findet im Buch Peterlinis die neueste Fassung der Autonomie, betonte Durnwalder.


Sintesi in Italiano
Il libro esamina il lungo cammino istituzionale e le riforme costituzionali in Italia e i loro riflessi sugli Statuti speciali e in particolare sull'autonomia dell'Alto Adige. Analizza le tappe più importanti dell’Italia da un assetto centralista verso un approccio con principi federali, gli effetti e le modifiche non scritte inserite di riflesso nello Statuto speciale del Trentino Alto Adige.
La Costituzione Italiana nell’enunciazione delle libertà fondamentali, dei diritti e doveri dei cittadini, nei rapporti etici - sociali, economici e politici e nella partecipazione agli organi istituzionali è ispirata da una grande missione democratica e sociale. Al contrario invece l’assetto istituzionale dello Stato come previsto dai Padri Costituenti nel 1948 aveva e ha bisogno di una modernizzazione per tenere il passo con gli Stati più avanzati. L’assetto era fortemente centralistico. Erano bensì previste le Regioni, però con poche attribuzioni e per lungo tempo non furono attuate.  Una posizione particolare rivestono le cinque Regioni a statuto speciale. Esse dispongono di un’ampia autonomia, ma rappresentano comunque un’eccezione all’interno del sistema e si trovano pertanto in una permanente situazione di conflitto con lo Stato centrale per la conservazione delle proprie competenze. Nel caso dell’Alto Adige/Südtirol questo conflitto è durato particolarmente a lungo.

Nel suo libro „Südtirols Autonomie und die Verfassungsreformen Italiens“ (L‘Autonomia dell‘Alto Adige e le riforme costituzionali in Italia) Peterlini illustra l'impatto delle riforme costituzionali sull'autonomia del Trentino Alto Adige e descrive le innovazioni nello Statuto, non ancora scritte, ma in realtà in vigore in base alle riforme costituzionali.0
“Se prendiamo in mano l’opuscolo “Il nuovo Statuto di autonomia”, edito dalla Provincia, troviamo che il contenuto rispecchia formalmente il testo dello Statuto del 1972, ma in verità non corrisponde all’autonomia reale” – sottolineò il Presidente Durnwalder. Peterlini pertanto irradiò come con un proiettore le innovazioni costituzionali e le sentenze della Corte nello Statuto, cristallizzando e aggiungendo le nuove competenze e procedure per la legislazione del Consiglio regionale e provinciale. Chi vuole leggere lo Statuto nella sua versione più attuale, anche quello che non è scritto ma è in vigore, trova nel libro di Peterlini lo Statuto in forma aggiornata, aggiunse Durnwalder.


Keywords:

Autonomie / Autonomiestatut / Föderalismus / Governance / Italien / Regionalismus / Regionen / Sonderstatut / Südtirol / Südtirol Paket / Trentino / Verf / Verfassungsreform / Zentralismus / Zuständigkeiten / Steuerföderalismus

Alto Adige / Autonomy / Autonomy Statute / Centralism / Competences / Constitution / Constitutional Reform / Federalism / Fiscal Federalism / Governance / Italy / Package for South Tyrol / Region / Regionalism / Special Statute / Special Autonomy / South-Tyrol / Trentino

Autonomia / Statuto di Autonomia / Statuto speciale / Federalismo / Governance / Italia / Regionalismo / Regionalismo / Statuto speciale Trentino Alto Adige / Alto Adige / Südtirol / Pacchetto / Trentino / Costituzione / Riforma costituzionale / Centralismo / Sussidiarietà / Federalismo fiscale

UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB [MA-Part 2 ANNUAL EXAMINATION_2020]
Subject: Political Science, Paper: VI (Comparative Political Systems)

You can get Solved Paper by emailing at [email protected].

PARTICULARLY DESIGNED FOR THE STUDENTS OF:
● CSS
● LAW
● POLITICAL SCIENCE
To purchase these notes, contact at [email protected].
Case List:
1. Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1955 Sindh 96)
2. Usif Patel and others v/s The Crown (PLD 1955 FC 387)
3. The State v. Dosso and others (PLD 1958 SC 533)
4. Asma Jilani v. Government of Punjab (PLD 1972 SC 139)
5. Begum Nusrat Bhutto vs Chief of Army Sta etc PLD 1977 SC 657
6. Haji Muhammad Saifullah Khan v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1989 SC
166)
7. Benazir Bhutto v. the President of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 492)
8. Hakim Khan v. Government of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 585)
9. Khawaja Ahmad Tariq Rahim v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 646)
10. Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif v. President of Pakistan & others PLD
1993 SC 473
11. Mahmood Khan Achakzai v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1997 SC 426)
12. Benazir Bhutto v. the President of Pakistan (PLD 1998 SC 388)
13. Zafar Ali Shah vs General Pervez Musharraf (PLD 2000 SC 869)
14. State versus Zia-ur-Rehman [PLD 1973 SC 49]
15. Al-Jehad Trust versus Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1996 SC 34)

You can also purchase a single case in PKR 50 if required.

Phronetic organizational research is an approach to the study of management and organizations focusing on ethics and power. It is based on a contemporary interpretation of the Aristotelian concept phronesis, usually as ‘prudence’. Phronesis is the ability to think and act in relation to values, to deliberate about ‘things that are good or bad for humans’ in the words of Aristotle (1976:1140a24–b12). Phronetic organizational research effectively provides answers to the following four value-rational questions, for specific problematics in management and organization studies: 1. Where are we going with this specific management problematic? 2. Who gains and who loses, and by which mechanisms of power? 3. Is this development desirable? 4. What, if anything, should we do about it?

Populisms

Populists aim to rise to the position of courageous heralds of the people who struggle, overall, against the political elite to protect them from endemic and systemic corruption and spoliation in the political world. We strive to contribute with the theoretical and empirical comprehension of the underlying characteristics of the facade of the alleged popular power exercised by populist leaders and, therefore, we set out to not only examine and compile the most varied conceptual definitions, but also to present a theoretical definition in which we recognize a myriad of variable properties of populisms which are strategies commonly used in specific political contexts with the goal of broadening the political force of the movement. The next step was to apply the definition of populisms in the political and normative actions undertaken by Bolsonaro and we found that the attempt of legitimizing a populist governance is characterized, as well, by the use of political and religious moralism, by the rampant drive for misinformation and fake news, by polarization and by the militarization of politics. During the pandemic, that is still lasts, many said that populism would fade facing the need for government officials to be confronted with the urgency of rationally making harm reduction decisions. We do not know if populism will fade or become stronger, what we do know, however, is to identify movements that break with essential paradigms of democracy and, therefore, to prevent democratic disintegration from decaying.







Populistas buscam se alçar à posição de corajosos arautos do povo que lutam, sobretudo, contra a elite política para protegê-lo da corrupção e espoliação endêmicas e sistêmicas do mundo político. Empenhamo-nos em contribuir com a compreensão teórica e empírica das características subjacentes à fachada do pretenso poder popular exercido por líderes populistas e, por isso, nos propusemos a não apenas examinar e compilar as mais variadas definições conceituais, como apresentamos uma definição teórica na qual reconhecemos uma miríade de propriedades variáveis de populismos que são estratégias comumente utilizadas em contextos políticos específicos com o intuito de ampliar a força política do movimento. O passo seguinte foi aplicar a definição de populismos nas ações políticas e normativas empreendidas por Bolsonaro e constatamos que a tentativa de legitimar uma governança populista se caracteriza, também, pelo uso do moralismo político e religioso, do impulsionamento desenfreado de desinformações e fake news, da polarização e da militarização da política. Durante a pandemia, que ainda perdura, muitos disseram,  que o populismo iria se esmorecer diante da necessidade de os governantes serem confrontados com a urgência da tomada racional de decisões de redução de danos. Não sabemos se os populismos vão esmorecer ou se fortalecer, o que sabemos, porém, é identificar os movimentos que rompem com paradigmas essenciais da democracia e, por conseguinte, evitar que a desintegração democrática se decante.

The Aalborg Project may be interpreted as a metaphor of modern politics, modern administration and planning, and of modernity itself. The basic idea of the project was comprehensive, coherent, and innovative, and it was based on rational and democratic argument. During implementation, however, when idea met reality, the play of Machiavellian princes, Nietzschean will to power, and Foucauldian rationality-as-rationalization resulted in the fragmentation of the project.

Romanian constitutional democracy is once again experiencing a period of great turmoil. In the early 2000s, Romanian democracy seemed to get closer to the idea of a Rechtsstaat and the rule of law, and what in general could be called a form of ‘legal constitutionalism’ or ‘new constitutionalism’, after a troublesome phase of a limited role of the constitution in Romanian democracy, if not in the form of ‘constitutional nationalism’[1]. However, by 2012 it has become clear that the Romanian constitution mostly takes the form of a façade constitution, largely (ab-)used by political forces for distinct power games. In this, the old Romanian theory on ‘forms without content’ (formele fără fond) that was used at the end of the 19th century to criticize superficial experiences with modernization in the form of Westernization seems to be once again a realistic description of Romanian – in this case constitutional – reality. The theory indicates a large gap between ‘legal Romania’ and ‘real Romania’, and thus a distance between imported or transplanted constitutional/legal institutions and wider society and its forms of interaction.[2] Not only has a weak culture of constitutionalism emerged, but what seems worse is that a constitutional language is distant from societal interaction, and mostly abused for narrow political purposes. Constitutional values seem to fail to inform wider society in terms of a civic and political orientation to constitutional values and public debate on the foundations of Romanian democracy.

At the same time that case studies are widely used and have produced canonical texts, it may be observed that the case study as a methodology is generally held in low regard, or is simply ignored, within the academy. For example, only 2 of the 30 top-ranked U.S. graduate programs in political science require a dedicated graduate course in case study or qualitative methods, and a full third of these programs do not even offer such a course. In contrast, all of the top 30 programs offer courses in quantitative methods and almost all of them require training in such methods, often several courses. In identifying this paradox of the case study’s wide use and low regard, Gerring rightly remarks that the case study survives in a “curious methodological limbo,” and that the reason is that the method is poorly understood. In what follows, we will try to resolve Gerring’s paradox and help case study research gain wider use and acceptance.

Pakistan's constitution has experienced a thorough evolution in her short history. This paper explores this constitutional development thoroughly through the pre- and post- independence years. The clashes of various interest groups in a diverse society packed in a small piece of land, this journey explores how a third-world society may go through political exploitation and lead onto better democratic values.

El texto "Los derechos humanos en el marxismo jurídico. Análisis crítico para una revisión de las concepciones teóricas de los derechos humanos en Cuba" hace una revisión teórica de cómo se conciben los ddhh en el marxismo jurídico, sobre todo en el iusmarxismo ortodoxo ecléctico, teorías elaboradas a partir de los años sesenta del siglo XX en el socialismo real. Estos son los aparatos teóricos que arriban a Cuba desde los años sesenta y condicionan la elaboración de toda su institucionalidad jurídica en los años setenta (Constitución de 1976). El iusmarxismo ortodoxo, que he denominado ecléctico permea la elaboración teórica, regulaciones y conformación de toda la estructura institucional cubana. El trabajo ilustra estos conceptos, pensando las regulaciones cubanas actuales (2016) y realizando una crítica de lo que se debe modificar y de lo que es rescatable en las mismas.

Charter 88 was committed to achieving one central aim—shifting the nature of British democracy from a highly majoritarian polity to a more pluralistic or consensual model of democracy. This article argues that New Labour has not demonstrated a clear commitment to a more consensual or pluralist model of democracy but has instead implemented a bi-constitutional system whereby a system of ‘modified majoritarianism’ has been retained at the national level while at the same time creating more consensual and pluralistic polities in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. However bi-constitutionalism within a unitary state is unlikely to prove unstable in the long-term. A focus on future dynamics opens up space not only for the assertion that it may still be too soon to comprehend the legacy and impact of Charter 88 (because the organisation’s work planted certain seeds that may in the long-term indirectly lead to systemic change of the nature it campaigned for) but also because there exists a contemporary need for groups like Charter 88 in providing a new narrative in the form of a holist approach to understanding and shaping the constitutional configuration, thereby providing a form of constitutional morality and ending the current situation of constitutional anomie.

The present publication is the first volume in a series on “Intellectual Property, Practice and Analysis”. It is dedicated to draft guidelines for examination of trademarks in “Sakpatenti”, the National Intellectual Property Center of Georgia, according to European Union Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO) guidelines on European Union Trademarks. The guidelines are designed to bring together, systematically, the principles of practice derived from the jurisprudence of National and European courts, the case-law of Sakpatenti’s Chamber of Appeals as well as EUIPO’s Boards of Appeals. They provide an important source to develop coherent, predictable decisions in the field of intellectual property rights in Georgia, in harmony with EU law.
The accurate enforcement of intellectual property rights is the next stage of the Georgian and EU law approximation process. It is therefore important to acknowledge international approaches and to reflect the general practice of the European Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO). Intellectual Property Rights are emphasized in the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement which is an essential part of the Association Agreement between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and Their Member States, Of the One Part, and Georgia, of the other Part (“Association Agreement”). It contains an economic integration mechanism with the EU and opens up the EU market for Georgia. According to the Association Agreement, each final decision taken by Sakpatenti shall be duly reasoned.
The current publication is drafted to ensure that the obligations according to the Association Agreement are met and that the respective trademark registration legislation and procedures in Georgia are transparent, rational and well-grounded. This publication examines one of the absolute grounds for the refusal of trademark applications: namely, public order and the accepted principles of morality. Various cases are analysed in detail, examples are presented and the Guidelines for the investigation of the Georgian law on Trademarks, Article 4(1)(g) are drafted. This norm stipulates one of the absolute grounds of refusal for trademark registration, namely, if a sign or a combination of signs “insults or is contrary to national dignity, religious sentiment and traditions and moral standards”. Consequently, Georgian law as well as EU and international trademark legislation stipulates public order and accepted principles of morality as grounds for the refusal of trademark registrations which shall be assessed according to the EUIPO’s Guidelines for Examination and both National and EU case-law.
The aim of this publication is to raise public awareness about intellectual property rights. It is intended to be used in practice by trademark experts, applicants, trademark attorneys, lawyers, judges and any person interested in this subject-matter.
Insofar as it is the first publication in the series “A Commentary on the Georgian Law on Trademarks”, Sakpatenti would be grateful to receive any comments and suggestions.

(In Georgian language : ევროკავშირის ინტელექტუალური საკუთრების უწყების (EUIPO) ექსპერტიზის სახელმძღვანელო პრინციპები და საქართველოს პრაქტიკა )

წინამდებარე წიგნში ეროვნული და ევროკავშირის კანონმდებლობის სისტემური, შედარებით-სამართლებრივი მეთოდით ანალიზის საფუძველზე, ასევე, საერთაშორისო პრაქტიკის, კერძოდ, ევროკავშირის ინტელექტუალური საკუთრების უწყებაში (EUIPO) ექსპერტიზის სახელმძღვანელო პრინციპების, ადამიანის უფლებების, ეროვნული სასამართლო და კონსტიტუციური სამართალწარმოების პრაქტიკიდან გამომდინარე, განხილულია სასაქონლო ნიშნები, რომელთა რეგისტრაცია ეწინააღმდეგება ზნეობრივ ნორმებს: საჯარო წესრიგს და მორალის აღიარებულ პრინციპებს; განმარტებულია სასაქონლო ნიშნის რეგისტრაციაზე უარის თქმის ერთ-ერთი საფუძველი, რომელიც განსაზღვრულია „სასაქონლო ნიშნების შესახებ“ საქართველოს კანონის მე-4 მუხლის პირველი პუნქტის „ზ“ ქვეპუნქტით. ზემოაღნიშნული ნორმა გაანალიზებულია საქართველოს კონსტიტუციითა და ადამიანის უფლებათა და თავისუფლებათა ევროპული კონვენციით გარანტირებულ გამოხატვის თავისუფლებასთან მიმართებით, ასევე, საქართველოს სახელმწიფოსა და საქართველოს სამოციქულო ავტოკეფალურ მართლმადიდებელ ეკლესიას შორის დადებული შეთანხმების ჭრილში. ნაშრომში ჩამოყალიბებულია სასაქონლო ნიშნის რეგისტრაციისას ექსპერტიზისთვის სახელმძღვანელო პრინციპები საერთაშორისო სტანდარტების შესაბამისად, რაც სასარგებლო იქნება მოსამართლეებისთვის, საქპატენტის თანამშრომლებისთვის, პატენტრწმუნებულებისა და ინტელექტუალური საკუთრების უფლებებით
დაინტერესებული ნებისმიერი პირისათვის.
© საქპატენტი, ელენე სეხნიაშვილი

In this paper we argue that the use of the communicative theory of Jürgen Habermas in planning theory is problematic because it hampers an understanding of how power shapes planning. We posit an alternative approach based on the power analytics of Michel Foucault which focuses on ‘what is actually done’, as opposed to Habermas’s focus on ‘what should be done’. We discuss how the Foucauldian stance problematises planning, asking difficult questions about the treatment of legitimacy, rationality, knowledge and spatiality. We conclude that Foucault offers a type of analytic planning theory which offers better prospects than does Habermas for those interested in understanding and bringing about democratic social change through planning.

This paper attempts to demonstrate how the Westminster-Style of democracy adopted at independence instigated the spiral of polarization that led to the Sri Lankan civil war. The underlying analysis will focus on political entrepreneurship and how the majoritarian system of democratic governance incentivized the Sinhalese majority to promulgate sectarian policies and exclude the Tamil minority from access to political power. The paper will seek to rationalize the failure of inter-ethnic co-existence and elucidate the radicalization of the Tamil minority through the lens of the relative deprivation theory.

The Human Rights malfeasance mass tort case against The Queen in Right of Canada and The Queen in Right of the Provinces regarding the Intentional usurpation of our collective human rights to self-determination and self governance, political and civil rights as the final decision makers (VETO rights) in the Canadian Constitution and the Charter of Rights and freedoms.

Given the capacity, as well as the success and lack thereof, of article
58(2b), in providing a constitutional solution to Pakistan parallel
political instability through a detailed analysis of its legislative genesis
as well as judicial interpretation, application and evolution. Also
determine apart from quality and consistency of the judgments delivered
by the courts of article 58(2b).
The effects on
(i) Independence both real and perceived of the judiciary.
(ii) (ii) Dissolution of the nature and extent or significance &
agreeability of avoidable fall outs.