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The double condition of "refugee and student": interferences and educational implications

2017, Proceedings of the Refugees in the Middle East “Human security: international community obligations and hosting communities’ role”, Amman, Jordan, pp. 563-581.

استمرار زيادة أعداد اللاجئين حول العالم يؤثر على البلدان المضيفة و يدفعها لإعادة جدولة سياسة الاستقبال وديناميكية التكامل. يساهم هذا العمل في تلبية زيادة الطلب على المعرفة المتعلقة بهذا المجال و يساهم كذلك في فهم أفضل لاحتياجات اللاجئين. تهدف الدراسة بشكل خاص إلى وصف العوامل التي تعزز الرفاه النفسي لللاجئين مع التركيز على الطلاب منهم. لتحقيق هذا الهدف سيقوم البحث أولا بتحليل العوامل التي لها أثر إيجابي أو سلبي على الرفاه النفسي والاجتماعي لللاجئين ، مع عدم الاقتصار على مراعاة الأثر السيئ من صدمات الحرب فقط ، بل لتشمل جميع مراحل الهجرة بما في ذلك مرحلة ما بعد الترحيل أيضا. ثانيا سيقوم البحث بتحليل حالة تعليم الأطفال والمراهقين اللاجئين تحديدا ، مع التركيز على كيفية تأثير ردود الأفعال السلبية بسبب الصدمات على قدرات التعليم. ومن ناحية أخرى ، سيتم التركيز أيضا على إمكانية مساهمة التعليم في آليات التكيف . أخيرا، سنقوم بتحديد التداخلات التي تمت معالجتها في الدراسات السابقة في هذا المجال. في نهاية هذا البحث سيتم تلخيص قائمة من الاستنتاجات التي قد تساعد في تحسين الرفاه النفسي لللاجئين. الكلمات المفتاحية: اللاجئين، صدمة ، تربية ، تعليم ، تعلم ، أطفال، مراهقين Abstract The continued growth of refugee’s number around the world keeps influencing the host countries which have to reschedule their reception policies and integration dynamics. This work is thought to contribute to the increasing demand of knowledge in this field and better understand the specific refugees’ needs. In particular, we aim at describing those factors that foster the psychosocial well-being of refugees, focusing our attention on refugee students. To do this, first we analyse the factors that have a positive or negative impact on the psychosocial well-being of refugees, considering not only the bad influence of war traumas, but all the migration stages, including the post-migration period. Second, we analyse the specific case of teaching refugees children and adolescents, focusing on how a negative reaction to traumas can influence learning abilities and, on the other way, how education can contribute to coping mechanisms. Finally, we specify the intervention

‫‪The double condition of "refugee and student": interferences and‬‬ ‫‪educational implications‬‬ ‫‪Rosella Bianco‬‬ ‫)‪(PhD Student, Institute of Migrations of the University of Granada‬‬ ‫‪Mónica Ortiz Cobo‬‬ ‫)‪(Professor at the Sociology Department of the University of Granada‬‬ ‫ال ل‬ ‫اس ار زادة أع اد الﻼج‬ ‫ح ل العال ي ث على ال ل ان ال‬ ‫اﻻس ال ودي ام ة ال امل‪.‬‬ ‫اه‬ ‫ال ال و‬ ‫اه ه ا الع ل في تل ة زادة ال ل‬ ‫ل في فه أف ل ﻻح اجات الﻼج‬ ‫الع امل ال ي تع ز ال فاه ال ف ي للﻼج‬ ‫ال‬ ‫وال اهق‬ ‫مع ال‬ ‫على ال ع فة ال علقة به ا‬ ‫‪ .‬ته ف ال راسة‬ ‫ل خاص إلى وصف‬ ‫على ال ﻼب م ه ‪ .‬ل ق‬ ‫ه ا اله ف س ق م‬ ‫أوﻻ ب ل ل الع امل ال ي لها أث إ ابي أو سل ي على ال فاه ال ف ي واﻻج اعي للﻼج‬ ‫مع ع م اﻻق‬ ‫اله ة‬ ‫فة و ي فعها ﻹعادة ج ولة س اسة‬ ‫ار على م اعاة اﻷث ال ئ م ص مات ال ب فق ‪ ،‬بل ل‬ ‫ا في ذل م حلة ما ع ال ح ل أ‬ ‫الﻼج‬ ‫ت ي ا ‪ ،‬مع ال‬ ‫على‬ ‫ا‪ .‬ثان ا س ق م ال‬ ‫ة تأث‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ل ج ع م احل‬ ‫ب ل ل حالة تعل اﻷ فال‬ ‫ردود اﻷفعال ال ل ة‬ ‫ال‬ ‫مات‬ ‫ا على إم ان ة م اه ة ال عل في آل ات‬ ‫أ‬ .‫معال ها في ال راسات ال ا قة في ه ا ال ال‬ ‫ال فاه ال ف ي‬ ‫ال‬ ‫س‬، ‫ وم ناح ة أخ‬. ‫على ق رات ال عل‬ ‫ي ال اخﻼت ال ي ت‬ ‫قائ ة م اﻻس اجات ال ي ق ت اع في ت‬ ‫تل‬ ‫ س ق م ب‬،‫ أخ ا‬. ‫س‬ ‫ال‬ ‫في نها ة ه ا ال‬ . ‫للﻼج‬ ‫ م اهق‬،‫ أ فال‬، ‫ تعل‬، ‫ تعل‬، ‫ ت ة‬، ‫ ص مة‬، ‫ الﻼج‬:‫ال ل ات ال ف اح ة‬ Abstract The continued growth of refugee’s number around the world keeps influencing the host countries which have to reschedule their reception policies and integration dynamics. This work is thought to contribute to the increasing demand of knowledge in this field and better understand the specific refugees’ needs. In particular, we aim at describing those factors that foster the psychosocial well-being of refugees, focusing our attention on refugee students. To do this, first we analyse the factors that have a positive or negative impact on the psychosocial well-being of refugees, considering not only the bad influence of war traumas, but all the migration stages, including the post-migration period. Second, we analyse the specific case of teaching refugees children and adolescents, focusing on how a negative reaction to traumas can influence learning abilities and, on the other way, how education can contribute to coping mechanisms. Finally, we specify the intervention practices for refugee’s education that have been studied in literature. We conclude the article with some implications that can help refugee students’ psychosocial wellbeing. Keywords Well-being Welfare Trauma Refugees Education Learning Teaching Children Adolescents INTRODUCTION According to the United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees of 1951, the term “refugee” is applied on every person “owning to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it” (UNHCR, 2010). These features clearly distinguish refugees from economic immigrants. The concept of immigrant refers to a person who has left his country by legal or non-legal means, to find a better life in a third country. According to UN, most of them move to other countries in order to get better opportunities for themselves and their families, which is why they are also called "economic immigrants". Those who moved to another country for economic reasons have full control of their identity path of migrant and can choose when, how, why and where to move. On the contrary, a refugee is not only obliged to escape, but he is even victim of the migratory path modalities. In most cases, he is not free to choose when to leave and where to go, but he is under the thumb of the events from which he escapes. Refugees are forced to flee in order to save their lives and the journey that they undertake sometimes lasts months or years and puts their lives in danger. In this arduous path, the migrant suffers an identity disintegration process, he loses his documents or fails to take them because of not having enough time. He begins his trip with the hope to survive and rebuild his identity of person. A refugee does not have a migration project. He just flee to get his life saved (Mela, 2015). There are various reasons why refugee escapes and between those there are political persecutions, war and torture. A refugee has often witnessed horrific violence, he has seen members of his family and friends being killed, he suffered violence and abuse, he has witnessed bombings. These traumas are added to those he suffers during the long and traumatic journey, during which there is often other violence and he also undergoes in other separations. Upon reaching the promise land, he might sometimes clash with detention and long procedures for granting asylum, which are not always successful. He suffers a precarious socio-economic situation and most likely does not have family or personal ties. METHODOLOGY In this work we review the state of the art of the studies on the factors that affect the psychosocial well-being of the refugees and the impact of these factors in learning. To do this, we consider the three stages of migration (pre-migration period, migration and postmigration period) and the factors that in these phases can affect the refugee well-being. Specifically, first we have made a review of studies on mental health regarding the impact of traumatic experiences in refugee and war victims. Second, we have reviewed the literature of trauma effects on learning. Finally, we have considered the studies on the educational intervention in this regard. To accomplish this revision we have used various information sources: journals, books, internet and reports. We have opted for an automatic search strategy through the Google Scholar and ResearchGate databases. We have also searched in editors and journals databases, mainly those of Taylor & Francis, Elsevier, Springer and PubMed. The criteria for the inclusion in the documents search has been: consider books, book chapters, articles and reports that use qualitative or quantitative methodology on the effects of trauma on refugees and war victims and on trauma impact on learning, regardless of age and gender. We included also works regarding the interventions in this field. The temporal range considered is from the 1990s until today. By this search we have mainly gathered contributions in English, but we also have included some Italian studies, aiming to take into account the state of the art at a global level. We have used the following keywords in various possible combinations: "refugee", "migrant", "immigrant", "victims", "mental health", "effects of trauma", "violence", "impact of trauma", "war", "torture", "mental disorders", "learning", "school performance", "education", "teaching", "school", "children," adolescents", " educational needs", "support", "prevention", "health", "resiliency", "adaptation", "intervention". The relevant works for the review were then selected according to their content and catalogued by subject, obtaining a total of approximately 70 articles. The contents have been then organized into three categories. The first refers to the effects of the refugee status, the second refers to the education of refugees, while the third considers the interventions to improve the psychosocial and educational status of the refugee. Each of these categories encompasses others subcategories that allowed to organize, classify and analyse the information we have found. Finally, as a result of the analysis of the accomplished literature review, we have suggested some implications directed to the concerned institutions. I. THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE MIGRATION PATH ON REFUGEES 1.1. Negative factors that affect the well-being of refugees: from the migration to the psychological consequences There are numerous contributions in the literature on the negative factors affecting the well-being of refugees. The migratory path of the refugee, steeped in pain, separation and trauma, inevitably influences his psychosocial status. Ahearn identifies four essential concepts on which most of the studies of this sector are based: loss, separation, stress and trauma (Ahearn, 2000). Those who flee from wars, dictatorships, and undertake the migratory path looking for a refuge, are subject to one or more of these factors and sometimes to the psychological consequences that they generate. The loss of relatives and friends or that of properties such his own house can give rise to depression, somatic disorders and anxiety disorders (Kondic & Marvar, 1992). The separation is frequently linked to that of children from parents and it is a kind of loss which can produce manifestations of anger (Eisenbruch, 1992). The refugees’ malaise is commonly linked to trauma and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Refugees are often victims of traumatic events such as war, persecution, torture or the migration itself (Ahearn, 2000). Stress can be caused by war, cultural change or by the economic and employment difficulties as well as many other factors that cover the various periods of the migration (Gilbert, 2009). It is clear that refugees are victims of numerous traumas during the entire migration process and not only in the period preceding migration. Although the migration path has ended, once arrived in the host country, the refugee will face other difficulties that may influence his psychosocial wellbeing. For example, the length of the asylum procedure can increase the risk of developing mental disorders, especially anxiety disorders, depression and somatoform disorders (Caroppo, Basso, & Brogna, 2014; Laban, Gernaat, Schreuders, & Jong, 2004). The approval of the asylum application is the first priority for the asylum seekers and it is directly connected to their clinical changes (Onofri, Castelli Gattinara, Ciolfi, Lepore, & Ventriglia, 2014). Imprisonment is another circumstance correlated with low levels of mental health and greater emotional stress (Robjant, Hassan, & Katona, 2009). Many adults and even refugees children suffer detention, during the migration or once arrived in the land of the shelter (Campesi, 2011). Many others suffer violence incidents (Marshall, Schell, Elliott, & Berthold, 2005) and bullying episodes in the host land (Hek, 2005; Jeng, Lim, & Hoot, 2015). Moreover, in the post migration period, adaptation and socio-economic integration are fundamental. Consequently, the inability to succumb to economic needs affects unquestionably the psychological and physical condition with frustration and anger feelings that have an impact on all family members (Gilbert, 2009). In summary, the refugee psychosocial well-being is affected by numerous factors that can be classified, according to Kirmayer et al., in function of the three times of the migration: pre migration, migration and post-migration. According to the authors, for each period there are specific factors that can potentially lead to the development of disorders and that are different for adults and children. Those factors are linked with many life events such the exposure to violence and traumas, changes in the socio-economical position of the individual and the disruption of family and community relations. Specifically about the child, factors can be linked to the age at the migration, to the disruption of education and the separation from family members and caregivers (Kirmayer et al., 2011). The correlation with these events and the possibility to develop a consequent disorder or psychological malaise depend on the extent of the trauma and on the way the refugee reacts to it. In this context, we will refer to the negative response to the trauma, as we will deal with the negative impact that it has in the ability to learn and the factors that must be taken into account by the institutions in order to protect and promote the positive reaction and therefore the well-being of refugees. The negative response to trauma may generate, among other outcomes and more frequently, the onset of the post-traumatic stress disorder. This disorder has a higher incidence among refugees than in the native population of the host country; it is estimated that refugees are approximately ten times more at risk than their peers of the host country (Fazel, Wheeler, & Danesh, 2005). In addition, refugees have a much greater risk of developing this disease compared to immigrants, which highlights the split between refugees and economic migrants (Kandula, Kersey, & Lurie, 2004). Post-traumatic stress symptoms have a duration of more than a month and include: intrusive thoughts, avoidance of trauma related situations, hyper vigilance and negative changes in cognition and mood (Mela, 2015). Torture derived trauma is peculiar of refugees and it has not been a very common field of clinical psychology until few years ago. However, it has captured recently its attention because of the increasing presence of refugees worldwide, which calls the field on the need to have appropriate therapeutic professionals and methodologies (Gorman, 2001). Some refugee, victims of dictatorial governments were political prisoners and have suffered detention and torture. As already demonstrated, refugees who have suffered imprisonment and torture show higher levels of anxiety and have lived more traumatic events than the refugees who were not political prisoners (Crescenzi et al., 2002). The peculiarities of torture derived trauma are described by Gorman, who gives us the strategies to cure it, which find their foundations in the psychology of multicultural diversity and that of trauma and rehabilitation (Gorman, 2001). According to Gorman, torture can generate diverse symptoms such as somatization, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, dissociative disorders, intrusive thoughts, memory problems, insomnia, denial, repression and many other symptoms. Torture is sometimes difficult to be detected and the victims are often reluctant to tell their stories. Sometimes they may feel ashamed or guilty, even for surviving. Moreover, it is not always easy to find experts who agree to listen to the atrocities of which these individuals were victims. 1.2. Consequences in children and adolescents As already wrote, refugees could potentially develop mental problems due to their migration history, those disorders are essentially divided between depression, prolonged grief disorder, post-traumatic stress and anxiety disorders. Only few studies in the literature have focused on more severe mental problems and psychotic disorders (Hassan et al., 2015). The outcome of the trauma depends on the suffered traumas, or else the possibility to experience greater stress due to a particular trauma is correlated to the quantity of traumas experienced. In a study on Lebanese children victims of war, it has been studied that a child in a country under war is on average victim of six traumas and also that the type of trauma varies between: exposure to combat and bombardments, bereavement, displacement, witnessing violent acts, emigration, separation from parents, extreme deprivation, victim of violence, physical injuries and involvement in hostility (Macksoud & Aber, 1996). Moreover, children who have lost their parents are more prone to develop depression. A more recent study on nearly 7,000 refugees finds high rates of post-traumatic stress and depression in children. The results show that one out of 10 children suffers post-traumatic stress, 1 in 20 depression and 1 in 25 of anxiety disorders. These numbers imply a great potential presence of mental disorders among refugees. The typical symptoms of children are divided between: nightmares, difficulty in concentration, hyper vigilance, irritability or psychosomatic disorders such as enuresis, migraine, muscles aches, or, ultimately, affective disorders such as uncontrollable crying spells, depression and isolation (Cerniglia & Cimino, 2012). The characteristics that lead to the developing of a disorder due to a traumatic experience vary according to certain factors. It has been proved that in children, female gender is a predictor of post-traumatic stress disorder, whereas the age factor gave divergent results (Kolltveit et al., 2012; Macksoud & Aber, 1996). These results differ from those obtained in adults, in which the age factor, as well as being retired, favourite the onset of PTSD and depressive disorder. Other predicting factors are also poverty, eradication from the culture of belonging and from the caregivers, trauma during the migration and integration problems in the new country (Cerniglia & Cimino, 2012; Marshall et al., 2005). II. LIFE IN THE HOST COUNTRY AND WELL-BEING FACTORS The refugee well-being can be compromised even once he has reached the host country and the migration path is completed. Although he has escaped from war and persecutions, passing through serious difficulties, and the host country could look like a safe refuge, the new life and the socioeconomic integration can pose more than a threat. The socio-cultural framework of the shelter country seems to have a great influence on the probability to develop or not a post-traumatic disorder. Moving to a country with similar culture prevents the development of disorders caused by the exposure to trauma. According to this, the study of Geltman et al. who compares the rate of post-traumatic stress among a group of Sudanese and a group of Bosnian refugees in America (from a Weine study) (Geltman et al., 2015; Weine et al., 1995). Bosnians, who are native from a Western culture, have a similar culture to that of Americans, show low rate of PTSD, despite the high exposure to trauma. Another protective factor is religion and spirituality, which are thought to prevent the development of symptoms such as post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and anxiety disorders (Mollica, Cui, Mcinnes, & Massagli, 2002; Shrestha et al., 1998). The religious and spiritual factor has been analysed in various studies and literature reviews that have demonstrated the relationship between this factor and the mental well-being; the wellbeing seems to increase when there are higher levels of religiosity or spirituality (Cotton, Larkin, Hoopes, Cromer, & Rosenthal, 2005; Pearce, Little, & Perez, 2003; Wong, Rew, & Slaikeu, 2006). Religion remains the only door of hope and the only reference point in extremely difficult situations (Taddei, 2010). Through religion and spirituality, refugees search the meaning of their trauma and look for their future, while being accompanied in the identity reconstruction (Boehnlein, 2007). The economic well-being and the possibility of working in the host country are also other influential factors. Refugees who work are less likely to develop depression compared to those who do not work and thus contribute to the welfare of the whole family (Mollica et al., 2002). From the studies mentioned so far, the economic well-being, the employment, the cultural and linguistic integration and the absence of detention and violence in the new country are determining factors for the psychophysical health of the refugee. In the absence of these and other factors that contribute to have a positive response to the trauma, the refugee can develop disorders that can require clinical and therapeutic treatment. These treatments become very complex in this area, due to real cultural walls. Mental disorders are often marked by the stigma and mental health even not known in some countries which greatly hinders the treatment of the disorders. The importance of the treatment of these diseases is high if we think that these disorders may persist and even worsen. In fact, although in the literature there are scarce longitudinal contributions, there is evidence on the persistence of psychiatric disorders even after twenty years after the arrival in the new country (Marshall et al., 2005). III. REFUGEES STUDENTS AND EDUCATION IN THE HOST COUNTRY 3.1. Policies, access to the new school and integration The education of refugees is a field that has been rather neglected in the literature and the policies on the education of the refugees have so far considered only partly the needs of this particular category of students. Mainly, this is due to the prevalent absence of distinction between refugees and migrants and the consequent incorporation of refugee student needs to those of migrants. Evidence is shown in the Australian system, in which refugees converge with other categories of students in programs that promote multiculturalism and the host country language teaching (Sidhu, 2007). To the best of our knowledge, the Italian case is similar, where refugee students are not considered a distinguished audience from that of economic migrants and the different learning needs are ignored. Policy makers seem to have ignored the special needs of refugees, focusing only on the education of migrants and multiculturalism (Taylor & Sidhu, 2012). This mistake gave origin to the lack of interventions designed to overcome the educational disadvantages of refugees. In general, we can say that until now the attentions on the refugee students have considered only part of their complexity, focusing mainly on learning a second language as a means of integration and socio-emotional needs, while many other needs have been left out. Between the problems that a refugee student has to face surely one is accessing the new school. The access to the education for refugees is not simple as it appears in the Geneva Convention, which guarantees in its articles the same treatment reserved for the citizens of the host country (UNHCR, 2010). Very often, refugees do not have the documents certifying the previous studies. Other times they live far from schools and without means to get there, others cannot pay for the books (Al-qdah & Lacroix, 2010). And often when still children they go to work or they are forced to beg in the streets in order to help their family (Human Rights Watch, 2013). In addition, the time between their arrival in the host country and the admission in the school is often very long. Moreover, there is the possibility that the course of study has already been interrupted in the country of origin because of war, during which the students are unable to attend classes because reaching the school is difficult or because schools are destroyed or became the refuge of those who got their home destroyed or cannot return to it (Unicef connect, 2015). The access to the education in the host country appears to be the first problem to be faced by the refugee student. In addition to the reasons mentioned above, most of the time the student will have to wait some time before starting his studies in the new country. Moreover, inclusion will not be easy, as he will have to face an education system which is often completely different from the one in which he previously studied. The diversity of school curriculum can lead the student to absenteeism or to leave school (UNHCR, 2013), with the danger of incurring the marginalization and become a subject at risk, easy prey for radicalization and, for girls, victims of sexual exploitation or early marriage (Sirin & Rogers-Sirin, 2015). In addition, the student who lost school years is in a situation of disadvantage compared to his peers of the host country, and this may affects the school integration, as much as being isolated, confused or often having to learn a new language and having to face the challenge of the adaptation and acculturation (Macnevin, 2012). To these basic issues, we can add those caused by the painful and sometimes traumatic experiences, which lead to cognitive and relational problems and can develop to real disorders. This dimension of psychological suffering and educational disadvantage can affect learning, resulting in an increased discomfort of the student, who may enter into a vicious circle of psychological suffering and educational failure. In addition, possible cognitive and social skills problems of the child, due to his psychological discomfort, affect the relationship with peers and can cause relationship problems in the classroom and at home (Howes, 2000). The relationship with the other students could also be compromised due to the different language and it is not uncommon that these differences bring refugees to suffer bullying (Hek, 2005). This is more common especially among younger children between which the acceptance of the new member in a group occurs with more difficulty (Patalay et al., 2015). Often, bullying is linked to the division between refugees and natives. The parents of the natives fear that the level of education and health of their children could be undermined by the presence of refugees and ask teachers for their children being separated from them, fuelling discrimination (UNHCR, 2013). The teacher plays a key role in this because he can prevent such situations and ensure the welfare of the newcomer, promoting integration among students. In this sense, knowledge or membership of a particular culture may be a deciding factor. Many studies turn their attention to the importance of the presence of a teacher having the same linguistic and cultural background of the refugee, as it facilitates the integration in the classroom by reducing the confrontation with the new environment. In line with this concept, the work of Geltman et al. on the importance of the similarity of the culture of the host country (Geltman et al., 2015). 3.2. Effects of the trauma on learning abilities Literature on refugee learning difficulties is scarce and mainly it has been approached by a clinical perspective. However, various clinical studies have demonstrated the correlation between a traumatic past, learning skills and academic achievement. Studies on neglected and abused children show that these characteristics imply lower school performance compared to students who do not have suffered such trauma. Furthermore, children who are victims of abuse are particularly prone to show behavioural disorders (Kurtz, Gaudin, & Howing, 1993). Other works find negative educational outcomes in maltreated children who have been neglected or were victims of physical and sexual abuse. In particular, the outcomes are based on test results, final grade, school failure and absences (Leiter & Johnsen, 1994). A correlation also has been found between the effects of post-traumatic stress disorder and the school performances (Saigh, Mroueh, & Bremner, 1997). It should be noted that this kind of disorder often occurs in comorbidity with others (Fazel et al., 2005), having so a heavier influence on the well-being of the student and, consequently, on the school performance. In this regard, a more recent study detected comorbidity between various disorders in a group of 90 teenage girls. The comorbidity was present between post-traumatic stress, depression, anxiety and substance abuse. The performance of these girls was found highly corrupted by disorders, showing a high rate of school failure than the peers without disturbs. It is hypothesized that the presence of insomnia, intrusive memories and difficulty in concentrating may be the cause of the academic failure of these subjects. In addition, people with PTSD also have higher rates of school suspension, a phenomenon that probably can be attributed to the externalization behaviours typical of this disorder (Lipschitz, Rasmusson, Anyan, Cromwell, & Southwick, 2000). Further research finds a correlation between the exposure to violence, presence of post-traumatic stress and reading deficits or low IQ in children. The violence seems interfering with the reading skills and the IQ level, while the copresence of violence and post-traumatic stress causes even lower levels of Q.I. and reading skills (Delaney-black et al., 2002). Although these works refer to typical symptoms of refugees, studies of this sector on the specific case of the refugees are scarce. In the particular context of war trauma, we find the three works of Mosallam & Thabet, Ahmed et al. and Aziz and Majdalawi (Ahmed et al., 2011; Aziz & Majdalawy, 2008; Mosallam & Thabet, 2016). The latter, based on a study of Gaza children, finds a correlation between exposure to trauma, presence of post-traumatic stress disorder and academic performance. More in detail, the study finds lower grades and lower grades average. Not to be forgotten that the school performance itself can be a further cause of stress and can influence more the suffering of the subjects that have this kind of disorders (Fratini, 2007). It is clear that the school can on the one hand create new suffering, on the other hand help in the treatment or prevention of the onset of the disorder. The school is the place where a student spends more time away from home and the teacher is a reference point, sometimes the main one in case of absence of the parental presence. After all, the preparation of the school in this kind of situation is still lacking. Some students drop out of school due to the lack of professionalism of the teachers, who are not prepared to deal with the behavioural problems of this specific group of students (Al-qdah & Lacroix, 2010). Despite the worldwide increase in the presence of refugees, in most of the countries that host them there is no specific training for teachers, who have to learn from their own experience and that often occur even in discriminating the refugee students (Mcbrien, 2005, 2014, 2016). 3.3. Education as a coping mechanism As already mentioned, the school is a place where coping mechanisms can be developed. School can represent the way out, the means by which face up to the past and build the future. It is demonstrated that refugee education represents the way not to lose his own rights and a means to rebuild his life (Alzaroo & Hunt, 2003). Education serves to reconstruct the identity and becomes a means to start over, as well as a way to try to intervene in social, economic and political control. Education is a means to promote change and to take in hand his rights and obligations as a citizen (Taddei, 2010). Nevertheless, nowadays the education is still not considered an essential element and therefore does not receive sufficient funds from the concerned organizations (Qumri, 2012). Qumri estimated that in 2012 43 million refugees hosted in developing countries were excluded from education. IV. INTERVENTION PRACTICES 4.1. Professional and non-professional intervention As shown in the literature, refugees are at high risk to develop mental disorders that may interfere with the normal learning process. Consequently, monitoring and screening are essential in the timely prevention and intervention in the treatment of these disorders. In light of the number of hours they spend with students, teachers hold in this an important role. Moreover it has already been studied that they are helpful in identifying subjects with mental problems (Dwyer, Nicholson, & Battistutta, 2006). For this reason, the first intervention action can be undertaken by the teacher. His contribution can be crucial in countries with limited resources where services for mental health are part of a series of specialized services to which the access and even the mere presence in the area is often extremely limited. Recent studies in countries with scarce resources for specialized services have demonstrated the possibility to intervene with basic tools and have also shown the need for adequate training of the school personnel (Jordan, 2006; Syed, Hussein, & Yousafzai, 2007). Further subsequent research have confirmed in these countries the benefits of educating teachers to an early identification of disorders in children (Hussein & Vostanis, 2013). In fact, not all refugee children are in need of a professional therapeutic intervention. Often, it is enough the support of teachers that have received an adequate preparation. Those can help them by giving them listening and attention, as well as accompanying them into regular school and recreational activities, and as result supporting the development of resilience (Melzak & Kassabova, 1999). The need to have a therapeutic presence but not a psychotherapeutic treatment has already been shown (R. Papadopoulos, 1999). The refugee hardly asks for a psychotherapeutic service; however, he needs a support to tackle the obstacles encountered by the arrival in the new country. It is important, in order to prevent the onset or aggravation of posttraumatic stress disorder, to avoid systematic screening in favour of interventions designed only to capture any typical symptoms (Pottie, Greenaway, Hassan, Hui, & Kirmayer, 2016). In the wake of Papadopoulos, the work of Onofri et al. who write that it is better to work on the current needs of the refugees, given the precariousness of their present, rather than focusing on past traumas (Onofri et al., 2014). In this perspective, it is important that those who work in refugees field (consequently also the teachers working with refugees) may be prepared to catch the signals that mental disorders can launch. The teacher support in the prevention and sometimes in the treatment of minor disorders of the refugee could be fundamental, but surely not always sufficient, especially when it is necessary a true therapeutic or pharmacological treatment. These are not always easy to implement, because of the enormous cultural differences that may exist, and the frequent presence of the stigma against mental problems. Due to the stigma, some refugees would hardly address mental health services, while others, coming from cultures that use other healing methods, including magic, are not yet aware of the existence of this kind of sanitary service. For these reasons, the idea of incorporating mental health services into schools has recently attracted an increasing interest. In England, the use of this type of intervention in children with behavioural disorders reduced the onset of symptoms in subsequent years, demonstrating the usefulness of timely and early intervention in the treatment of mental health (Deighton et al., 2013). However, the integration of such distant and different systems is not easy. In order to ensure the success of this type of intervention, there is a need for common training among the various sectors, in order to ensure communication and, therefore, the cooperation (O’Reilly et al., 2013). This type of intervention is one of the educational programs focusing on the well-being of refugee children, which includes, in addition to the above, those that focus on activities that foster adaptation and the establishment of relationships with the host society, those designed to train teachers to assist refugees and those who provide for special intervention methodologies such as artistic expression (Rousseau & Guzder, 2008). Other types of educational intervention in the field of mental health use the distribution of self-help pamphlets at school, although this method has been proved to be ineffective (Sharpe et al., 2016). In the last decades, the idea of promoting intercultural services has received a general and growing consensus. Whether in cooperation or independently, the two services must operate with respect and knowledge of the refugee's cultural background (Colucci, Minas, Szwarc, Guerra, & Paxton, 2015). For example, with volunteers or teachers from the same country of the refugees (Qumri, 2012), in order to ensure the communication with the parents of the refugee and traumatized children or to teach in their mother tongue in order to limit the stress of the change (Van Bueren, 1998). V. CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS The complex and long migration path of the refugee can include one or more traumatic experiences that can possibly evolve in mental disorders. As shown in the literature, refugees are in a more high risk to develop such disorders if compared with their peers of the host country and also with economic migrants. In particular they are at risk to develop post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, prolonged grief disorder and anxiety disorders. This is due to the peculiar events a refugee face during his migration path. As widely described in this article, refugees face big losses, separation and multiple traumas like witnessing war, being victim of violence or torture, and of not less importance they often encounter problems while integrating in the new socioeconomic environment of the host country. For a refugee student, those can be factors that can lead to low scholastic achievements and also school withdrawing, as well as low I.Q. levels. Also, the integration into the new school system is often problematic due to both bureaucratic issues and peculiar refugees’ situations. Moreover, the education of refugees has not taken into account the specific needs and peculiarities of these students, including them in bigger programs for immigrants which only partly address their needs by promoting second language acquisition as means of integration and multiculturalism. Consequently, teachers have to learn on their own experience how to deal with these particular group of students. The well-being of the refugees is crucial for rebuilding a new life in the host country and hence for the refugee student to continue his studies successfully. In order to guarantee the well-being, the host country institutions must take into consideration some actions. They must consider those factors that favour the well-being of the refugees in the new country, remembering that the well-being can be affected not only by the events connected with the migration, but also with the events related to the period that follows the migration. As mentioned in this article, those factors are related to the socioeconomic integration, the possibility to work, the absence of detention processes, racism and violence. But also, they are directly related with the asylum length application and the separation from relatives and friends. Finally, it must not be forgotten that other factors can contribute to their well-being such as religion and a familiar sociocultural environment. 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