The double condition of "refugee and student": interferences and
educational implications
Rosella Bianco
)(PhD Student, Institute of Migrations of the University of Granada
Mónica Ortiz Cobo
)(Professor at the Sociology Department of the University of Granada
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م اهق، أ فال، تعل، تعل، ت ة، ص مة، الﻼج:ال ل ات ال ف اح ة
Abstract
The continued growth of refugee’s number around the world keeps influencing the host
countries which have to reschedule their reception policies and integration dynamics. This
work is thought to contribute to the increasing demand of knowledge in this field and
better understand the specific refugees’ needs. In particular, we aim at describing those
factors that foster the psychosocial well-being of refugees, focusing our attention on
refugee students. To do this, first we analyse the factors that have a positive or negative
impact on the psychosocial well-being of refugees, considering not only the bad influence
of war traumas, but all the migration stages, including the post-migration period. Second,
we analyse the specific case of teaching refugees children and adolescents, focusing on
how a negative reaction to traumas can influence learning abilities and, on the other way,
how education can contribute to coping mechanisms. Finally, we specify the intervention
practices for refugee’s education that have been studied in literature. We conclude the
article with some implications that can help refugee students’ psychosocial wellbeing.
Keywords
Well-being Welfare Trauma Refugees Education Learning Teaching Children
Adolescents
INTRODUCTION
According to the United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees of 1951, the term
“refugee” is applied on every person “owning to well-founded fear of being persecuted
for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or
political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such
fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a
nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of
such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it” (UNHCR, 2010).
These features clearly distinguish refugees from economic immigrants. The concept of
immigrant refers to a person who has left his country by legal or non-legal means, to find
a better life in a third country. According to UN, most of them move to other countries in
order to get better opportunities for themselves and their families, which is why they are
also called "economic immigrants". Those who moved to another country for economic
reasons have full control of their identity path of migrant and can choose when, how, why
and where to move. On the contrary, a refugee is not only obliged to escape, but he is
even victim of the migratory path modalities. In most cases, he is not free to choose when
to leave and where to go, but he is under the thumb of the events from which he escapes.
Refugees are forced to flee in order to save their lives and the journey that they undertake
sometimes lasts months or years and puts their lives in danger. In this arduous path, the
migrant suffers an identity disintegration process, he loses his documents or fails to take
them because of not having enough time. He begins his trip with the hope to survive and
rebuild his identity of person. A refugee does not have a migration project. He just flee to
get his life saved (Mela, 2015). There are various reasons why refugee escapes and
between those there are political persecutions, war and torture. A refugee has often
witnessed horrific violence, he has seen members of his family and friends being killed,
he suffered violence and abuse, he has witnessed bombings. These traumas are added to
those he suffers during the long and traumatic journey, during which there is often other
violence and he also undergoes in other separations. Upon reaching the promise land, he
might sometimes clash with detention and long procedures for granting asylum, which
are not always successful. He suffers a precarious socio-economic situation and most
likely does not have family or personal ties.
METHODOLOGY
In this work we review the state of the art of the studies on the factors that affect the
psychosocial well-being of the refugees and the impact of these factors in learning. To do
this, we consider the three stages of migration (pre-migration period, migration and postmigration period) and the factors that in these phases can affect the refugee well-being.
Specifically, first we have made a review of studies on mental health regarding the impact
of traumatic experiences in refugee and war victims. Second, we have reviewed the
literature of trauma effects on learning. Finally, we have considered the studies on the
educational intervention in this regard.
To accomplish this revision we have used various information sources: journals, books,
internet and reports. We have opted for an automatic search strategy through the Google
Scholar and ResearchGate databases. We have also searched in editors and journals
databases, mainly those of Taylor & Francis, Elsevier, Springer and PubMed. The criteria
for the inclusion in the documents search has been: consider books, book chapters, articles
and reports that use qualitative or quantitative methodology on the effects of trauma on
refugees and war victims and on trauma impact on learning, regardless of age and gender.
We included also works regarding the interventions in this field. The temporal range
considered is from the 1990s until today. By this search we have mainly gathered
contributions in English, but we also have included some Italian studies, aiming to take
into account the state of the art at a global level. We have used the following keywords
in various possible combinations: "refugee", "migrant", "immigrant", "victims", "mental
health", "effects of trauma", "violence", "impact of trauma", "war", "torture", "mental
disorders", "learning", "school performance", "education", "teaching", "school",
"children," adolescents", " educational needs", "support", "prevention", "health",
"resiliency", "adaptation", "intervention". The relevant works for the review were then
selected according to their content and catalogued by subject, obtaining a total of
approximately 70 articles. The contents have been then organized into three categories.
The first refers to the effects of the refugee status, the second refers to the education of
refugees, while the third considers the interventions to improve the psychosocial and
educational status of the refugee. Each of these categories encompasses others
subcategories that allowed to organize, classify and analyse the information we have
found. Finally, as a result of the analysis of the accomplished literature review, we have
suggested some implications directed to the concerned institutions.
I. THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE MIGRATION PATH ON REFUGEES
1.1. Negative factors that affect the well-being of refugees: from the migration to the
psychological consequences
There are numerous contributions in the literature on the negative factors affecting the
well-being of refugees. The migratory path of the refugee, steeped in pain, separation and
trauma, inevitably influences his psychosocial status. Ahearn identifies four essential
concepts on which most of the studies of this sector are based: loss, separation, stress and
trauma (Ahearn, 2000). Those who flee from wars, dictatorships, and undertake the
migratory path looking for a refuge, are subject to one or more of these factors and
sometimes to the psychological consequences that they generate. The loss of relatives and
friends or that of properties such his own house can give rise to depression, somatic
disorders and anxiety disorders (Kondic & Marvar, 1992). The separation is frequently
linked to that of children from parents and it is a kind of loss which can produce
manifestations of anger (Eisenbruch, 1992).
The refugees’ malaise is commonly linked to trauma and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder
(PTSD). Refugees are often victims of traumatic events such as war, persecution, torture
or the migration itself (Ahearn, 2000). Stress can be caused by war, cultural change or by
the economic and employment difficulties as well as many other factors that cover the
various periods of the migration (Gilbert, 2009). It is clear that refugees are victims of
numerous traumas during the entire migration process and not only in the period
preceding migration. Although the migration path has ended, once arrived in the host
country, the refugee will face other difficulties that may influence his psychosocial wellbeing. For example, the length of the asylum procedure can increase the risk of
developing mental disorders, especially anxiety disorders, depression and somatoform
disorders (Caroppo, Basso, & Brogna, 2014; Laban, Gernaat, Schreuders, & Jong, 2004).
The approval of the asylum application is the first priority for the asylum seekers and it
is directly connected to their clinical changes (Onofri, Castelli Gattinara, Ciolfi, Lepore,
& Ventriglia, 2014). Imprisonment is another circumstance correlated with low levels of
mental health and greater emotional stress (Robjant, Hassan, & Katona, 2009). Many
adults and even refugees children suffer detention, during the migration or once arrived
in the land of the shelter (Campesi, 2011). Many others suffer violence incidents
(Marshall, Schell, Elliott, & Berthold, 2005) and bullying episodes in the host land (Hek,
2005; Jeng, Lim, & Hoot, 2015). Moreover, in the post migration period, adaptation and
socio-economic integration are fundamental. Consequently, the inability to succumb to
economic needs affects unquestionably the psychological and physical condition with
frustration and anger feelings that have an impact on all family members (Gilbert, 2009).
In summary, the refugee psychosocial well-being is affected by numerous factors that can
be classified, according to Kirmayer et al., in function of the three times of the migration:
pre migration, migration and post-migration. According to the authors, for each period
there are specific factors that can potentially lead to the development of disorders and that
are different for adults and children. Those factors are linked with many life events such
the exposure to violence and traumas, changes in the socio-economical position of the
individual and the disruption of family and community relations. Specifically about the
child, factors can be linked to the age at the migration, to the disruption of education and
the separation from family members and caregivers (Kirmayer et al., 2011).
The correlation with these events and the possibility to develop a consequent disorder or
psychological malaise depend on the extent of the trauma and on the way the refugee
reacts to it. In this context, we will refer to the negative response to the trauma, as we will
deal with the negative impact that it has in the ability to learn and the factors that must be
taken into account by the institutions in order to protect and promote the positive reaction
and therefore the well-being of refugees. The negative response to trauma may generate,
among other outcomes and more frequently, the onset of the post-traumatic stress
disorder. This disorder has a higher incidence among refugees than in the native
population of the host country; it is estimated that refugees are approximately ten times
more at risk than their peers of the host country (Fazel, Wheeler, & Danesh, 2005). In
addition, refugees have a much greater risk of developing this disease compared to
immigrants, which highlights the split between refugees and economic migrants
(Kandula, Kersey, & Lurie, 2004).
Post-traumatic stress symptoms have a duration of more than a month and include:
intrusive thoughts, avoidance of trauma related situations, hyper vigilance and negative
changes in cognition and mood (Mela, 2015).
Torture derived trauma is peculiar of refugees and it has not been a very common field of
clinical psychology until few years ago. However, it has captured recently its attention
because of the increasing presence of refugees worldwide, which calls the field on the
need to have appropriate therapeutic professionals and methodologies (Gorman, 2001).
Some refugee, victims of dictatorial governments were political prisoners and have
suffered detention and torture. As already demonstrated, refugees who have suffered
imprisonment and torture show higher levels of anxiety and have lived more traumatic
events than the refugees who were not political prisoners (Crescenzi et al., 2002). The
peculiarities of torture derived trauma are described by Gorman, who gives us the
strategies to cure it, which find their foundations in the psychology of multicultural
diversity and that of trauma and rehabilitation (Gorman, 2001). According to Gorman,
torture can generate diverse symptoms such as somatization, depression, post-traumatic
stress disorder, dissociative disorders, intrusive thoughts, memory problems, insomnia,
denial, repression and many other symptoms. Torture is sometimes difficult to be detected
and the victims are often reluctant to tell their stories. Sometimes they may feel ashamed
or guilty, even for surviving. Moreover, it is not always easy to find experts who agree to
listen to the atrocities of which these individuals were victims.
1.2. Consequences in children and adolescents
As already wrote, refugees could potentially develop mental problems due to their
migration history, those disorders are essentially divided between depression, prolonged
grief disorder, post-traumatic stress and anxiety disorders. Only few studies in the
literature have focused on more severe mental problems and psychotic disorders (Hassan
et al., 2015). The outcome of the trauma depends on the suffered traumas, or else the
possibility to experience greater stress due to a particular trauma is correlated to the
quantity of traumas experienced. In a study on Lebanese children victims of war, it has
been studied that a child in a country under war is on average victim of six traumas and
also that the type of trauma varies between: exposure to combat and bombardments,
bereavement, displacement, witnessing violent acts, emigration, separation from parents,
extreme deprivation, victim of violence, physical injuries and involvement in hostility
(Macksoud & Aber, 1996). Moreover, children who have lost their parents are more prone
to develop depression. A more recent study on nearly 7,000 refugees finds high rates of
post-traumatic stress and depression in children. The results show that one out of 10
children suffers post-traumatic stress, 1 in 20 depression and 1 in 25 of anxiety disorders.
These numbers imply a great potential presence of mental disorders among refugees. The
typical symptoms of children are divided between: nightmares, difficulty in
concentration, hyper vigilance, irritability or psychosomatic disorders such as enuresis,
migraine, muscles aches, or, ultimately, affective disorders such as uncontrollable crying
spells, depression and isolation (Cerniglia & Cimino, 2012).
The characteristics that lead to the developing of a disorder due to a traumatic experience
vary according to certain factors. It has been proved that in children, female gender is a
predictor of post-traumatic stress disorder, whereas the age factor gave divergent results
(Kolltveit et al., 2012; Macksoud & Aber, 1996). These results differ from those obtained
in adults, in which the age factor, as well as being retired, favourite the onset of PTSD
and depressive disorder. Other predicting factors are also poverty, eradication from the
culture of belonging and from the caregivers, trauma during the migration and integration
problems in the new country (Cerniglia & Cimino, 2012; Marshall et al., 2005).
II. LIFE IN THE HOST COUNTRY AND WELL-BEING FACTORS
The refugee well-being can be compromised even once he has reached the host country
and the migration path is completed. Although he has escaped from war and persecutions,
passing through serious difficulties, and the host country could look like a safe refuge,
the new life and the socioeconomic integration can pose more than a threat.
The socio-cultural framework of the shelter country seems to have a great influence on
the probability to develop or not a post-traumatic disorder. Moving to a country with
similar culture prevents the development of disorders caused by the exposure to trauma.
According to this, the study of Geltman et al. who compares the rate of post-traumatic
stress among a group of Sudanese and a group of Bosnian refugees in America (from a
Weine study) (Geltman et al., 2015; Weine et al., 1995). Bosnians, who are native from
a Western culture, have a similar culture to that of Americans, show low rate of PTSD,
despite the high exposure to trauma.
Another protective factor is religion and spirituality, which are thought to prevent the
development of symptoms such as post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and anxiety
disorders (Mollica, Cui, Mcinnes, & Massagli, 2002; Shrestha et al., 1998). The religious
and spiritual factor has been analysed in various studies and literature reviews that have
demonstrated the relationship between this factor and the mental well-being; the wellbeing seems to increase when there are higher levels of religiosity or spirituality (Cotton,
Larkin, Hoopes, Cromer, & Rosenthal, 2005; Pearce, Little, & Perez, 2003; Wong, Rew,
& Slaikeu, 2006). Religion remains the only door of hope and the only reference point in
extremely difficult situations (Taddei, 2010). Through religion and spirituality, refugees
search the meaning of their trauma and look for their future, while being accompanied in
the identity reconstruction (Boehnlein, 2007).
The economic well-being and the possibility of working in the host country are also other
influential factors. Refugees who work are less likely to develop depression compared to
those who do not work and thus contribute to the welfare of the whole family (Mollica et
al., 2002). From the studies mentioned so far, the economic well-being, the employment,
the cultural and linguistic integration and the absence of detention and violence in the
new country are determining factors for the psychophysical health of the refugee. In the
absence of these and other factors that contribute to have a positive response to the
trauma, the refugee can develop disorders that can require clinical and therapeutic
treatment. These treatments become very complex in this area, due to real cultural walls.
Mental disorders are often marked by the stigma and mental health even not known in
some countries which greatly hinders the treatment of the disorders.
The importance of the treatment of these diseases is high if we think that these disorders
may persist and even worsen. In fact, although in the literature there are scarce
longitudinal contributions, there is evidence on the persistence of psychiatric disorders
even after twenty years after the arrival in the new country (Marshall et al., 2005).
III. REFUGEES STUDENTS AND EDUCATION IN THE HOST COUNTRY
3.1. Policies, access to the new school and integration
The education of refugees is a field that has been rather neglected in the literature and the
policies on the education of the refugees have so far considered only partly the needs of
this particular category of students. Mainly, this is due to the prevalent absence of
distinction between refugees and migrants and the consequent incorporation of refugee
student needs to those of migrants. Evidence is shown in the Australian system, in which
refugees converge with other categories of students in programs that promote
multiculturalism and the host country language teaching (Sidhu, 2007). To the best of our
knowledge, the Italian case is similar, where refugee students are not considered a
distinguished audience from that of economic migrants and the different learning needs
are ignored. Policy makers seem to have ignored the special needs of refugees, focusing
only on the education of migrants and multiculturalism (Taylor & Sidhu, 2012). This
mistake gave origin to the lack of interventions designed to overcome the educational
disadvantages of refugees.
In general, we can say that until now the attentions on the refugee students have
considered only part of their complexity, focusing mainly on learning a second language
as a means of integration and socio-emotional needs, while many other needs have been
left out.
Between the problems that a refugee student has to face surely one is accessing the new
school. The access to the education for refugees is not simple as it appears in the Geneva
Convention, which guarantees in its articles the same treatment reserved for the citizens
of the host country (UNHCR, 2010). Very often, refugees do not have the documents
certifying the previous studies. Other times they live far from schools and without means
to get there, others cannot pay for the books (Al-qdah & Lacroix, 2010). And often when
still children they go to work or they are forced to beg in the streets in order to help their
family (Human Rights Watch, 2013). In addition, the time between their arrival in the
host country and the admission in the school is often very long. Moreover, there is the
possibility that the course of study has already been interrupted in the country of origin
because of war, during which the students are unable to attend classes because reaching
the school is difficult or because schools are destroyed or became the refuge of those who
got their home destroyed or cannot return to it (Unicef connect, 2015).
The access to the education in the host country appears to be the first problem to be faced
by the refugee student. In addition to the reasons mentioned above, most of the time the
student will have to wait some time before starting his studies in the new country.
Moreover, inclusion will not be easy, as he will have to face an education system which
is often completely different from the one in which he previously studied. The diversity
of school curriculum can lead the student to absenteeism or to leave school (UNHCR,
2013), with the danger of incurring the marginalization and become a subject at risk, easy
prey for radicalization and, for girls, victims of sexual exploitation or early marriage
(Sirin & Rogers-Sirin, 2015). In addition, the student who lost school years is in a
situation of disadvantage compared to his peers of the host country, and this may affects
the school integration, as much as being isolated, confused or often having to learn a new
language and having to face the challenge of the adaptation and acculturation (Macnevin,
2012). To these basic issues, we can add those caused by the painful and sometimes
traumatic experiences, which lead to cognitive and relational problems and can develop
to real disorders. This dimension of psychological suffering and educational disadvantage
can affect learning, resulting in an increased discomfort of the student, who may enter
into a vicious circle of psychological suffering and educational failure. In addition,
possible cognitive and social skills problems of the child, due to his psychological
discomfort, affect the relationship with peers and can cause relationship problems in the
classroom and at home (Howes, 2000). The relationship with the other students could also
be compromised due to the different language and it is not uncommon that these
differences bring refugees to suffer bullying (Hek, 2005). This is more common
especially among younger children between which the acceptance of the new member in
a group occurs with more difficulty (Patalay et al., 2015). Often, bullying is linked to the
division between refugees and natives. The parents of the natives fear that the level of
education and health of their children could be undermined by the presence of refugees
and ask teachers for their children being separated from them, fuelling discrimination
(UNHCR, 2013). The teacher plays a key role in this because he can prevent such
situations and ensure the welfare of the newcomer, promoting integration among students.
In this sense, knowledge or membership of a particular culture may be a deciding factor.
Many studies turn their attention to the importance of the presence of a teacher having
the same linguistic and cultural background of the refugee, as it facilitates the integration
in the classroom by reducing the confrontation with the new environment. In line with
this concept, the work of Geltman et al. on the importance of the similarity of the culture
of the host country (Geltman et al., 2015).
3.2. Effects of the trauma on learning abilities
Literature on refugee learning difficulties is scarce and mainly it has been approached by
a clinical perspective. However, various clinical studies have demonstrated the
correlation between a traumatic past, learning skills and academic achievement. Studies
on neglected and abused children show that these characteristics imply lower school
performance compared to students who do not have suffered such trauma. Furthermore,
children who are victims of abuse are particularly prone to show behavioural disorders
(Kurtz, Gaudin, & Howing, 1993). Other works find negative educational outcomes in
maltreated children who have been neglected or were victims of physical and sexual
abuse. In particular, the outcomes are based on test results, final grade, school failure and
absences (Leiter & Johnsen, 1994). A correlation also has been found between the effects
of post-traumatic stress disorder and the school performances (Saigh, Mroueh, &
Bremner, 1997). It should be noted that this kind of disorder often occurs in comorbidity
with others (Fazel et al., 2005), having so a heavier influence on the well-being of the
student and, consequently, on the school performance. In this regard, a more recent study
detected comorbidity between various disorders in a group of 90 teenage girls. The
comorbidity was present between post-traumatic stress, depression, anxiety and substance
abuse. The performance of these girls was found highly corrupted by disorders, showing
a high rate of school failure than the peers without disturbs. It is hypothesized that the
presence of insomnia, intrusive memories and difficulty in concentrating may be the cause
of the academic failure of these subjects. In addition, people with PTSD also have higher
rates of school suspension, a phenomenon that probably can be attributed to the
externalization behaviours typical of this disorder (Lipschitz, Rasmusson, Anyan,
Cromwell, & Southwick, 2000). Further research finds a correlation between the exposure
to violence, presence of post-traumatic stress and reading deficits or low IQ in children.
The violence seems interfering with the reading skills and the IQ level, while the copresence of violence and post-traumatic stress causes even lower levels of Q.I. and
reading skills (Delaney-black et al., 2002). Although these works refer to typical
symptoms of refugees, studies of this sector on the specific case of the refugees are scarce.
In the particular context of war trauma, we find the three works of Mosallam & Thabet,
Ahmed et al. and Aziz and Majdalawi (Ahmed et al., 2011; Aziz & Majdalawy, 2008;
Mosallam & Thabet, 2016). The latter, based on a study of Gaza children, finds a
correlation between exposure to trauma, presence of post-traumatic stress disorder and
academic performance. More in detail, the study finds lower grades and lower grades
average.
Not to be forgotten that the school performance itself can be a further cause of stress and
can influence more the suffering of the subjects that have this kind of disorders (Fratini,
2007). It is clear that the school can on the one hand create new suffering, on the other
hand help in the treatment or prevention of the onset of the disorder. The school is the
place where a student spends more time away from home and the teacher is a reference
point, sometimes the main one in case of absence of the parental presence. After all, the
preparation of the school in this kind of situation is still lacking. Some students drop out
of school due to the lack of professionalism of the teachers, who are not prepared to deal
with the behavioural problems of this specific group of students (Al-qdah & Lacroix,
2010). Despite the worldwide increase in the presence of refugees, in most of the
countries that host them there is no specific training for teachers, who have to learn from
their own experience and that often occur even in discriminating the refugee students
(Mcbrien, 2005, 2014, 2016).
3.3. Education as a coping mechanism
As already mentioned, the school is a place where coping mechanisms can be developed.
School can represent the way out, the means by which face up to the past and build the
future. It is demonstrated that refugee education represents the way not to lose his own
rights and a means to rebuild his life (Alzaroo & Hunt, 2003). Education serves to
reconstruct the identity and becomes a means to start over, as well as a way to try to
intervene in social, economic and political control. Education is a means to promote
change and to take in hand his rights and obligations as a citizen (Taddei, 2010).
Nevertheless, nowadays the education is still not considered an essential element and
therefore does not receive sufficient funds from the concerned organizations (Qumri,
2012). Qumri estimated that in 2012 43 million refugees hosted in developing countries
were excluded from education.
IV. INTERVENTION PRACTICES
4.1. Professional and non-professional intervention
As shown in the literature, refugees are at high risk to develop mental disorders that may
interfere with the normal learning process. Consequently, monitoring and screening are
essential in the timely prevention and intervention in the treatment of these disorders. In
light of the number of hours they spend with students, teachers hold in this an important
role. Moreover it has already been studied that they are helpful in identifying subjects
with mental problems (Dwyer, Nicholson, & Battistutta, 2006). For this reason, the first
intervention action can be undertaken by the teacher. His contribution can be crucial in
countries with limited resources where services for mental health are part of a series of
specialized services to which the access and even the mere presence in the area is often
extremely limited. Recent studies in countries with scarce resources for specialized
services have demonstrated the possibility to intervene with basic tools and have also
shown the need for adequate training of the school personnel (Jordan, 2006; Syed,
Hussein, & Yousafzai, 2007). Further subsequent research have confirmed in these
countries the benefits of educating teachers to an early identification of disorders in
children (Hussein & Vostanis, 2013). In fact, not all refugee children are in need of a
professional therapeutic intervention. Often, it is enough the support of teachers that have
received an adequate preparation. Those can help them by giving them listening and
attention, as well as accompanying them into regular school and recreational activities,
and as result supporting the development of resilience (Melzak & Kassabova, 1999).
The need to have a therapeutic presence but not a psychotherapeutic treatment has already
been shown (R. Papadopoulos, 1999). The refugee hardly asks for a psychotherapeutic
service; however, he needs a support to tackle the obstacles encountered by the arrival in
the new country. It is important, in order to prevent the onset or aggravation of posttraumatic stress disorder, to avoid systematic screening in favour of interventions
designed only to capture any typical symptoms (Pottie, Greenaway, Hassan, Hui, &
Kirmayer, 2016). In the wake of Papadopoulos, the work of Onofri et al. who write that
it is better to work on the current needs of the refugees, given the precariousness of their
present, rather than focusing on past traumas (Onofri et al., 2014). In this perspective, it
is important that those who work in refugees field (consequently also the teachers working
with refugees) may be prepared to catch the signals that mental disorders can launch. The
teacher support in the prevention and sometimes in the treatment of minor disorders of
the refugee could be fundamental, but surely not always sufficient, especially when it is
necessary a true therapeutic or pharmacological treatment. These are not always easy to
implement, because of the enormous cultural differences that may exist, and the frequent
presence of the stigma against mental problems. Due to the stigma, some refugees would
hardly address mental health services, while others, coming from cultures that use other
healing methods, including magic, are not yet aware of the existence of this kind of
sanitary service. For these reasons, the idea of incorporating mental health services into
schools has recently attracted an increasing interest. In England, the use of this type of
intervention in children with behavioural disorders reduced the onset of symptoms in
subsequent years, demonstrating the usefulness of timely and early intervention in the
treatment of mental health (Deighton et al., 2013). However, the integration of such
distant and different systems is not easy. In order to ensure the success of this type of
intervention, there is a need for common training among the various sectors, in order to
ensure communication and, therefore, the cooperation (O’Reilly et al., 2013). This type
of intervention is one of the educational programs focusing on the well-being of refugee
children, which includes, in addition to the above, those that focus on activities that foster
adaptation and the establishment of relationships with the host society, those designed to
train teachers to assist refugees and those who provide for special intervention
methodologies such as artistic expression (Rousseau & Guzder, 2008). Other types of
educational intervention in the field of mental health use the distribution of self-help
pamphlets at school, although this method has been proved to be ineffective (Sharpe et
al., 2016). In the last decades, the idea of promoting intercultural services has received a
general and growing consensus. Whether in cooperation or independently, the two
services must operate with respect and knowledge of the refugee's cultural background
(Colucci, Minas, Szwarc, Guerra, & Paxton, 2015). For example, with volunteers or
teachers from the same country of the refugees (Qumri, 2012), in order to ensure the
communication with the parents of the refugee and traumatized children or to teach in
their mother tongue in order to limit the stress of the change (Van Bueren, 1998).
V. CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
The complex and long migration path of the refugee can include one or more traumatic
experiences that can possibly evolve in mental disorders. As shown in the literature,
refugees are in a more high risk to develop such disorders if compared with their peers of
the host country and also with economic migrants. In particular they are at risk to develop
post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, prolonged grief disorder and anxiety disorders.
This is due to the peculiar events a refugee face during his migration path. As widely
described in this article, refugees face big losses, separation and multiple traumas like
witnessing war, being victim of violence or torture, and of not less importance they often
encounter problems while integrating in the new socioeconomic environment of the host
country.
For a refugee student, those can be factors that can lead to low scholastic achievements
and also school withdrawing, as well as low I.Q. levels. Also, the integration into the new
school system is often problematic due to both bureaucratic issues and peculiar refugees’
situations. Moreover, the education of refugees has not taken into account the specific
needs and peculiarities of these students, including them in bigger programs for
immigrants which only partly address their needs by promoting second language
acquisition as means of integration and multiculturalism. Consequently, teachers have to
learn on their own experience how to deal with these particular group of students.
The well-being of the refugees is crucial for rebuilding a new life in the host country and
hence for the refugee student to continue his studies successfully. In order to guarantee
the well-being, the host country institutions must take into consideration some actions.
They must consider those factors that favour the well-being of the refugees in the new
country, remembering that the well-being can be affected not only by the events
connected with the migration, but also with the events related to the period that follows
the migration. As mentioned in this article, those factors are related to the socioeconomic
integration, the possibility to work, the absence of detention processes, racism and
violence. But also, they are directly related with the asylum length application and the
separation from relatives and friends. Finally, it must not be forgotten that other factors
can contribute to their well-being such as religion and a familiar sociocultural
environment. It could be useful to this extent to increase the help funds to refugees in
countries with a similar religion and culture, such as Syrians and Iraqis in Jordan.
School environment is also crucial in order to build the well-being of the refugee student.
Actions must be taken in order to guarantee the student integration and access in the new
school in the fastest possible times. Finally, it is important to provide teachers for specific
preparation courses in order to address this particular class of learners and meet their
peculiar needs.
Those actions contribute not only to the refugee’s well-being, but also to the country
security, because the maintenance of the refugees’ well-being and the favouring of their
integration may prevent them from incurring the marginalization and become an easy
prey for radicalization.
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