A Survey of Recent Austroasiatic Studies

I Studies in Asian Geolinguistics I — SUN — (Report of ILCAA J R P 2015–2017 “S  A G”) First published 2016 Edited by Mitsuaki E Copyright © 2016 Individual Contributors ISBN 978-4-86337-235-1 (This is an electronic publication in PDF format) Published by Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA) Tokyo University of Foreign Studies 3-11-1, Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi, 183-8534, Tokyo, JAPAN Table of Contents Mitsuaki ENDO, Goals of the Project “Studies in Asian Geolinguistics” 2015-2017 …………… 1 “Sun” in Asian Languages Ryo MATSUMOTO, “Sun” in Tungusic and Uralic ……………………………………………… 5 Yoshio SAITO, “Sun” in Mongolic and Turkic …………………………………………………… 6 Mika FUKAZAWA, “Sun” in Ainu ………………………………………………………………… 8 Takashi UEYA and Kenji YAGI, “Sun” in Sinitic languages …………………………………… 10 Yoshihisa TAGUCHI, “Sun” in Hmong-Mien …………………………………………………… 12 Satoko SHIRAI, Keita KURABE, Kazue IWASA, Hiroyuki SUZUKI, and Shiho EBIHARA, Sun: Tibeto-Burman ………………………………………………………………………… 14 Mitsuaki ENDO, “Sun” in Tai-Kadai …………………………………………………………… 18 Mika KONDO, “Sun” in Austroasiatic ………………………………………………………… 20 Noboru YOSHIOKA, Sun: South Asia …………………………………………………………… 22 Yoichi NAGATO, The Sun: Arabic Languages …………………………………………………… 24 References ……………………………………………………………………………………… 26 Articles Shinsuke KISHIE, Yukichi SHIMIZU, and Yukako SAKOGUCHI, Dialectal Forms Associated with the Word Taiyō (Sun) in Japanese ………………………………………………………… 37 Mika FUKAZAWA, Geographical distribution of ‘daytime’ in Ainu …………………………… 44 Rei FUKUI, The sun in Korean ………………………………………………………………… 55 Liying QIN and Hiroyuki SUZUKI, Chasing a Cat from the Mekong to the Salween: A Geolinguistic Description of ‘Cat’ in Trung and Khams Tibetan in North-western Yunnan ……………… 61 Dawa Drolma and Hiroyuki SUZUKI, Preliminary Report on the Darmdo Minyag Linguistic Area, with a Geolinguistic Description of Terms for ‘Sun’  ……………………………………… 72 Hiroyuki SUZUKI, A Geolinguistic Description of Terms for ‘Sun’ in Tibetic Languages of the Eastern Tibetosphere ……………………………………………………………………… 79 Makoto MINEGISHI, Toshiki OSADA, Nathan BADENOCH, Masaaki SHIMIZU, Atsushi YAMADA, and Yuma ITO, A Survey of Recent Austroasiatic Studies ………………………………… 86 Goals of the Project͆ ͆Studies in Asian Geolinguistics͇2015- 2017 Mitsuaki Endo College of Economics, Aoyama Gakuin University 1 Introduction The goal of this study is to publish The Linguistic Atlas of Asia, Vol. 1 in the academic year 2018. It comprises 9 linguistic properties: 1) the Sun, 2) rice, 3) milk, 4) wind, 5) iron, 6) means to count noun, 7) tonal phenomena including tone, pitch accent and stress, 8) "it rains", and 9) types of manner of articulation of consonant. Research meetings will be held thrice a year, 9 times in total. Each meeting will be devoted to one theme above. It mainly deals with vocabulary, but phonology, morphology, and syntax are also included. Regarding the density, over 1,000 locations of all language families in Asia will be included. Furthermore, the geographical distribution will be interpreted from the viewpoint of linguistic history, language contact, and the transmission of matters as well as the migration of human groups. The tool for mapping is Arc GIS online. Thanks to the great efforts by Mr. Yukichi Shimizu, an additional set of symbols suitable for geolinguistics first designed by Ms. Yuko Okada is open to the public with colorful symbols. Language families are distinguished by colors in order to avoid confusion between one another. In the following chapters, some details of the project are described. 2 Disscussion of linguistic properties 2.1 The Sun The first item of the Linguistic Atlas of Asia is "the Sun". The reason is that is a natural phenomenon and easy to understand. Many linguistic atlases begin with this word, including Atlas Linguarum Europae (Vol. I, fasc. 1, Assen: Van Gorcum, 1983, and following volumes) which we intend to connect with in the future, Zhiyun Cao (ed.) Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects (Beijing: the Commersial Press, 2008), and among others, Ray Iwata (ed.) The Interpretative Maps of Chinese Dialects (Vol.1, Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 2009; Vol. 2, Tokyo: Kobun Shuppan, 2012). The last one is especially important for us, since this project is a follow-up and expansion of the activities on Chinese geolinguistics lead by Professor Ray Iwata from 1989 on. Linguistic Atlas of Asia will be compiled according to this model. An important difference is that each Asian language family is discussed in two pages, and an overview of all of Asia is also given for each item. Such a basic vocabulary may show no lexical varieties in a particular language, like Ainu or Korean, and so on. Still phonological differences can be traced, and even a uniform distribution is meaningful in a wider context surrounding that language. 2.2 Rice The importance of rice in daily life is obvious in Southeast and East Asia. In North Asia, rice isn't grown, and therefore no word exists at all in several languages. Again, this lack is also an interesting fact, and its geographical distribution deserves to be traced. The spreading of rice and its culture along with the words which denote them should be closely related. Collaboration with the specialists of rice is also desirable. This item is chosen as a specimen of agricultural vocabulary.  2.3 Milk Stock raising is also a basic industry especially in Central Asia. Milk is chosen as a representative word in this area. One and the same word is used to denote "milk" and "breast (of mother)" in some languages like Japanese and Chinese. It is a natural semantic derivation process, similar to "the Sun" and "day". Such a phenomenon will also be dealt with. 2.4 Wind See Saito (2013) and Endo (2014). Although this is a basic vocabulary item, similar forms are wide spread among languages in Eastern Asia. Further scrutiny across the whole Asia might be interesting. 2.5 Iron Production of iron uses coal and high temperature technology; hence it was a great innovation dating around 2 thousand years ago. Its invention contributed to the rise of production using solid machines not only in manufacturing industry but also in agriculture. Chang (1972) reconstructed the proto Sino-Tibetan form for 'iron' as *qhleks. Hlek in modern Siamese is a reflection of this form, and tiĕ in Chinese as well as tetsu in Japanese have the same origin despite the difference in appearance. 2.6 Means to Count Noun Classifiers are used to count noun in Southeast and East Asian languages. For examples, "these three books" in Chinese is expressed as follows: zhè (this) sān (three) bĕn (classifier) shū (book). Word order of these items differs according to various languages in Southeast and East Asia. In other areas in Asia, no classifiers are needed. Still, the simpleness of these languages is also significant to draw a map. 2.7 Tonal Phenomena Tone is a shared feature among Southeast and East Asian languages. Synchronically and diachronically speaking, there are abundant variations. In addition, there are pitch accent languages like Japanese and some dialects of Korean, and stress accent languages in Altaic. A system with a fixed position stress also occurs in a wider geographical context. This is a very complicated feature, so about double the space for this topic is considered in the book. 2.8 It rains In Chinese, the word order of "it rains" is VS, although the basic word order is SVO. In Tai-Kadai, SV is dominant, but a VS type is also observed in neighbouring languages with Chinese. In the oracle-bone inscription age in Chinese, "rain" can serve as a noun as well as a verb by itself as in English. In Nivkh, there is no word to express "rain." 2.9 Types of manner of articulation of consonant Voicedness and aspiration are dominant distinctions among Asian languages. Prenasalised consonants are also important issues for many languages. 3 Covered Language Families and Languages All language families and isolated languages in Asia should be included in this Atlas. Fortunately, almost all branches have been covered by specialists: Paleo-Asiatic: Tokusu Kurebito Nivkh: Hidetoshi Shiraishi Ainu: Mika Fukazawa Uralic: Ryo Matsumoto Tungusic: Ryo Matsumoto Mongolic: Yoshio Saito  Turkic: Japanese: Yoshio Saito Shinsuke Kishie, Nobuko Kibe, Takuichiro Onishi, Seiichi Nakai, Yuukichi Shimizu Korean: Rei Fukui Sinitic: Ray Iwata, Takashi Ueya, Kenji Yagi Hmong-Mien: Yoshihisa Taguchi Tai-Kadai: Mitsuaki Endo Tibeto-Burman: Satoko Shirai, Kazue Iwasa, Ikuko Matsuse, Hiroyuki Suzuki, Shiho Ebihara, Keita Kurabe Tibetan in China: Hiroyuki Suzuki Austroasiatic: Makoto Minegishi, Masaaki Shimizu, Mika Kondo Austronesian: Atsuko Utsumi, Noa Nishimoto Indo-Aryan: Noboru Yoshioka Iranian: TBA Dravidian: TBA Arabic: Yoichi Nagato Cartography: Chitsuko Fukushima, Sirivilai Teerarojanarat 4 Measures to Spread the Research Results to the Public The last meeting in Feburuary or March 2018 will be held jointly as the 4th International Conference of Asian Geolinguistics at ILCAA, TUFS. At the same time, a symposium regarding the relationship and formation processes between language distribution and cultural and natural geography will be held with geneticists, archaologists, historians, and geographers focusing on Asia. Nine issues of e-publication Studies in Asian Geolinguistics in English are open to the public in the world through the web site. The contents consist of the draft version of each item to be included in the Atlas, more detailed discussions and supplementary materials, as well as original papers by members. A printed version including 3 issues each will be circulated annually. Longitude and latitude data of each place, lists of source materials, and raw linguistic data will be open to the public on the internet after the end of the project in order to promote future studies by broader range of researchers. Linguistic Atlas of Asia, Vol. 1 will be published hopefully by ILCAA, TUFS, if the publication proposal is accepted. The maps will be open online through Arc GIS Online. 5 Prospective Research Results 1) Orthodox research with classic models has been started in the areas where geolinguistics are still not developed. Further developments are promoted more systematically in the areas where dialect geography has already begun. 2) Descriptions on dialects of each language family are overviewed. The last decades witnessed a huge progress in many Asian countries, and this should be traced thoroughly. Professor Makoto Minegishi tried to do a model survey on Austroasiatic languages this time. As a result, a lack of materials was revealed, and the necessity of further descriptive studies on these dialects was clarified. 3) Comparative linguistics of each language family is also essential for geolinguistic studies; otherwise it is impossible to identify whether some forms are cognate or not. Moreover, exceptional changes due to folk eymology or analogy and so on can be detected only using a strict comparative method. Philological studies are also useful to interpret geographical distribution of linguistic properties. Reversely, linguistic maps can provide positive evidence to determine the originating area of a linguistic feature in an old document. 4) Maps based on a super-macro perspective among languages across the whole of Asia with micro and dense places enable us to find out changing and spreading mechanisms inside a language or a language family as well as facts with concrete instances caused by language contacts. Natural, easy-to-emerge or the opposite changing processes will be detected with a vast range of examples with over thousands of places, and universal patterns will be extracted empirically.  5) Linguistic facts are compared with extra-linguistic factors such as migration history, spreading processes of things, transportation and land shapes. Interdisciplinary and synthetic studies on human groups are expected based on geographical distribution of particular linguistic features. 6 Prospective Biproducts 1) Synergy effects are expected from the close collaboration among domestic specialists of various languages in Asia. They will be cover all the generations in the country. 2) Closer networks will be formed and strengthened with the researchers of geolinguistics, dialectology and historical linguistics in Asia as well as other areas in the world. We can stimulate the autonomous geolinguistic studies in the other countries in Asia. A consortium of geolinguistic studies in Asia is also expected to be formed in the near future, or it is already in the process of formation in the form of the International Conference of Asian Geolinguistics first held in Japan in 2012. 3) Manuals and guides to draw linguistic maps using Arc GIS Online is provided to the public. It will help spread the method of drawing linguistic maps anywhere in the world. Moreover, after providing the longitude and latitude information of places in the Linguistic Atlas of Asia, as well as lists of source materials, it will be far easier for anyone to draw linguistic maps in Asia.. References Chang, K. 1972. Sino-Tibetan 'iron': *qhleks. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 92:436-446. Endo, M. 2014. The Words for "Wind" in the Eastern Asian Languages. Keizai Kenkyu (Aoyama Gakuin University), 6:117-129. https://www.agulin.aoyama.ac.jp/opac/repository/1000/16658/?lang=0&mode=0& opkey=R144376229510554&idx=1 Saito, Y. 2013. A Preliminary Report on the Geographical Distribution of the Words for "Wind" in the Altaic Languages. Papers from the First Annual Meeting of the Asian Geolinguistic Society of Japan, 1:80-85. https://agsj.jimdo.com/pagsj-1/ Acknowledgements I appreciate Dr. Donna Erickson for checking my English.  "Sun" in Tungusic and Uralic Uralic In Uralic there seem to be several words for sun, but phonologically it could be devided in three: the vowel of the first sillable is A) back vowel, B) front vowel, or C) the first consonant is labial. Its geographical distribuition is also clearly divided in three in same way. As for the first consonant, type A and B have a common character – velar obstruent, but the different change – palatalization, sibilantization – had happened due to the following vowel. Type A is found in Samoyedic, where velar sound is retained. Forest Nenets d'āłła and Selkup čēly are the exceptional form, but these words are the cognate to “day”; ex. Tundra Nenets jallʲa (cf. *jälä “Licht, Tag, Sonne”, *kåjå “Sonne”: Janhunen 1977). On the other hand type B is found around the Ural Mountains, and the affected consonants is č, š, sʲ or x. Type C is found only in the limitied Baltic-Finnic area. In this area the forms are very similar each other, p-initial words possibly appeared after the split from the other Uralic languages. The exceptional forms in Uralic are found in Finnish aurinko, and in Hungarian nap. There words’ origins are still unclear (In Finnish päivä has the meaning “sun”, but mainly used for “day”). Tungusic Many minority peoples inhabit Siberia. Tungusic languages have three words for sun: dilača, šigun and jūlten. Evenki dialects have all these three form, while Ewen has one form jūlten, and the other tungusic languages have one form šigun. The word jūtlen is derived from the root jū- ~ ǰū- ~ňū- “to go out, to appear, to rise”, and the meaning is “the place from where the sun rises”. From the majority distribution and the word formation, one could argue that the form šigun dates back to Proto-Tugusic. Map 1 shows the overlapping distribution of the three forms. Some dialects use two forms concurrently. According to the Map 1, in the central area of Evenki (the south-west Yakutia) only dilača is found, while šigun is located in the peripheric areas. On ther other hand, in Evenki the form jūtlen is found only in the east, where Evenki has contact with Ewen. From the point of view of the theory of language form propagation, the form šigun could be older than the others. There remains the etymological problem of the word dilača, as Kazama (2003: 46) refered to it as “a rather unique vocabulary item”. According to Tsintsius (1975: vol.1, 206), the cognates of dilača are found also in Solon дел'ечá and Negidal дилача, which mean “sun” in both. However its origin is unknown. I propose here one possibility that they might have the same root with dil “head” as a sequel to the personification of sun, as well in Baltic-Finnic: Fin. päivä “day, sun”, pää “head”. “sun” and “day” As already mentioned above, sometimes in some languages the words for “sun” and “day” are not distinguished clearly. Tungusic and Samojed languages consistently have diffetent words: Evenki dilača “sun”, inǝŋi “day” : Tundra Nenets xajerʔ “sun”, jāllʲa “day”. (Ryo Matsumoto) Map 2 “Sun” in Uralic (yellow) A *k + bacl vowel (Blue) B *k + front vowel (red) C labial p-initial (black) others Map 1 “Sun” in Tungusic (red) dilača (blue) šigun (green) jūlten.  “Sun” in Mongolic and Turkic The form kujaš, which meant “sunny place” or “sun heat,” existed in Old Uighur. It had developed from *kuñaš, which is preserved in modern Sakha and Dolgan as kuñās “warm weather.” (Tenishev 2001: 65, Erdal 2004: 72) The Chuvash form xǝvel corresponds to the form küneš, etc. in the other Turkic languages. (The key sound correspondence is l2 : š) The type B word is used (almost?) exclusively for “the sun” in Turkish, Crimean Tatar, and Chuvash, while the type A form is used for both “the sun” and “day” in the other languages. In Turkish, the word for “the sun” is güneš. The word gün is used for “day,” and is only used in the meaning “the sun” in such fixed phrases as gün ağïlï “halo around the sun,” güne bakan “sunflower” (bak“to face”), gün batmasï “sunset” (bat- “to sink”), gün doğ- “(of the sun) to rise” (doğ- “to be born”), etc. In Karaim, kujas/kujaš is used for “the sun,” while kün is used both for “the sun” and “day.” kujas anïklanïred’ batma “the sun has already set,” kujaš balkuvu “sunshine,” kujaš sagatlar “sundial”; kün batïsï “sunset,” birsi kün “the day before yesterday.” In Tuvan, xün is used both for “the sun” and for “day,” and the two meanings are mainly distinguished by context as they are in most other Turkic languages. E.g. xün ünüp kelgen “The sun rose,” törüttüngen xünü “birthday.” But in Tuvan there are some cases where the two meanings, for example as in ol xün “that sun / that day,” are distinguished by difference in pitch and by the presence and absence of pause between the two elements. (A. Syuryun, personal communication) In addition to the above two types of words, there is a word jašïk (< jašu- “bright”), which was used for “the sun” in Karakhanid in the 11th century and survives in only a few modern languages with its original meaning, e.g. Turkish ïšïk “bright.” We can interpret the modern distribution of the Turkic words as the result of a limited spread of the use of the type B word for “the sun” from the Black Sea region. The Mongolic and Turkic languages have been in continuous contact with each other over long periods of time and thus share a certain amount of vocabulary such as tämür/tämir
iron, bütün/bütün
whole, entire, bajan/baj
rich, and so on. But, they use completely different words for
the sun. 1. Mongolic The word forms representing
the sun in Mongolic derived from naran. Some languages lost the word-final nasal in the [human] words in the nominative case while other languages preserved it. In terms of this characteristic, the forms can be classified into the following two categories: A) Forms retaining the word-final nasal in the nominative: naran, narǝn, narn, naraŋ. E.g. Buriad, Dongxiang, Bonan, Moghol, Shira Yughur, Kalmyk. B) Forms without the word-final nasal in the nominative: nara, narə, nar. E.g. Khalkha, Ordos, Dagur, Monguor. The map shows that the forms retaining the word-final nasal appear in marginal zones of the Mongolic-speaking area. This distribution suggests that they are older than those with no word-final nasal, and agrees with the data from written documents. (The Kalmyk language in the lower Volga region should be treated separately because its speakers migrated there from the present-day Xinjiang region in the 17th century.) 2. Turkic The word forms representing
the sun in Turkic can be classified into the following two types: A) kün-type B) küneš-type, including the form kujaš, etc. Voicing of the initial consonant has taken place in the Southwestern group, which includes Turkish, Azeri, Turkmen, etc., producing the forms gün and güneš. Vowel changes have also taken place in some languages. (E.g. Khalaj has both kün and kin.) The form kün, which originally meant
the sun, has extended its meaning to refer also to “day.” This phenomenon is “common in all periods and all languages.” (Clauson 1972: 725) Chulym developed a compound word kün karaɣï with the word karak “eye.” Keywords: day, sunny place, sun heat, warm weather, bright, eye (Yoshio Saitô)  “sun” in Mongolic “sun” in Turkic  “Sun” in Ainu recorded as a special term that older people use. In the text of yúkar, the heroic epics in Ainu, rikóma cup is used for “the sun” in expressions like “He has a face like the sun.” The modifier rikóma is interpretable as rík “sky,” omá “to put O1 (in) O2,” and then rikoma kamuy means “the god in the sky.” The head of the noun phrases for “sun” shows the following variations: a) cúp (kamúy) “(the gods of) the sun and/or the moon,” b) tónpi “the light (of the star),” and c) -p, the classifier for “thing,” which is seen in rikómap and rikomah. A standard form is a) cúp, and the following kamúy (y=[j]), “the god,” is optional except for Type A. In the Ainu culture, the sun and the moon are regarded as important gods; however, unlike the gods of the mountain, village, water etc., these gods are not necessarily worshipped in a visible manner (Uchiyama 2008). Their gender and relationship differ by region: they are either a married couple or siblings (Kitahara 2014: 14; Watanabe et al. 1992: 72–73). The form of b) tonpi occurs in limited areas. In the dialect of Tarantomari, Sakhalin, cup is replaced by tonpi, which stands for “sun,” “moon” and even for “month,” “ ” in Map 1. The lexical form of tonpi could be analyzed into tom “to sparkle; to shine” and –pi (< pe) classifier of “thing” (uncertain) (cf. Tamura 1996: 580). Since at least the middle of the nineteenth century, the terms tó and too, “day,” have been metonymically used for the meaning of “day of the month,” and cúp, for “month,” in the same way as -ka/-nichi ᪥ stands for “day of the month” and -gatsu ᭶, for “month” in Japanese. Keywords: daytime, the moon, the god of the sun (Mika Fukazawa) In Ainu, the term cúp (c=[ʣ, ʤ, ʦ, ʧ]) stands for both “sun” and “moon.” It is distributed over three large dialectal groups of Hokkaido, Sakhalin and northern Kuriles, where “‫ ”ە‬is denoted in Map 1. The form of cuh in Sakhalin, “ࠐ”, originates from cúp in Hokkaido because the most of the Sakhalin dialects have a special phonemic variant /-h/ [h], which is substituted for the coda /-p, -t, -k, -r/ [p˺, t˺, k˺, ɾ] (cf. Chiri 1942: 471–472; Tamura 2000: 20). When specifically referring to the sun, we have to add the word for “daytime” before cup. Then, the terms for “sun” can be classified into 3 types: the A) toono type, B) sírpeker type and C) tókap type. The lexical forms of Type A are distributed over Sakhalin and the northernmost part of Hokkaido and the modifier tóno/toono would be the oldest form for “daytime.” The monosyllabic forms in Type A and C, too and tó, mean “day (24 hours)” in Ainu, since the long vowel oo [oː] in Sakhalin is phonetically equivalent to the pitch accent ó in Hokkaido. The terms tóno and toono would be interpreted as “the middle of the day” if the following morpheme no was related to the locative noun nóski “the middle of.” In Type B, sírpeker originally means “day breaks; it gets light,” consisting of the prefix sír- “sight; view” and the intransitive verb pekér “to be light.” The dialects of eastern Hokkaido and northern Kuriles show this type. In some dialects, the final consonant /-r/ is changed to /-t/ before the consonant /c/. The southernmost dialect of Hokkaido, Samani, uses the short form peker. Western Hokkaido dialects are categorized into Type C. In C-1, the term for “daytime” tókap consists of tó “day” and káp “skin” (uncertain). In C-2, the coda /-p/ [p˺] of káp is changed to /-m/ [m], possibly by analogy with the meaning of kám “meat.” The history of this type is unclear. The word tókap for “daytime” is considered as a homonym for “(older woman’s) breast” or a polyseme (for more details see Fukazawa 2015). In addition to the three types above, the rikóma type is often used as a reverential form in a specific context. When people pray to the god of the sun, and sometimes the god of the moon, they are called rikoma kamuy in the Shizunai dialect, and rikomá tonpi in the Yakumo dialect. In Raichisika, one of the Sakhalin dialects, rikomah (< rikómap, as in Biratori) is Map 1. “sun” and “moon”  “Sun” in Ainu A. toono type A-1 toono cup type A-2 toono tonpi B. sírpeker type B-1 sírpeker cup (kamuy) type B-2 peker cup kamuy C. tókap type C-1 tókap cup (kamuy) C-2 tókam cup (kamuy)  "Sun" in Sinitic languages in Chinese can classified into two main categories - ri  type(Type A) and taiyang  type(Type B)-. It is estimated that the oldest form may be the monosyllabic form ri (A1). But its distribution is limited to a certain part of southeast China. The main form of ri  type is “ri +tou (suffix)”(A2). It includes retou  (“hot”+suffix) and yuetou  (“moon”+suffix). Both of them are forms derived from ritou  . (Matsue2009:64-65) ri  type and taiyang  type are coexistent in many areas. As an overall tendency, ri  type is seen throughout all of China. On the other hand, taiyang  type is very rare in southern China. Bw- type (Type C) is the form including /bw/. /bw/ is Bilabial Plosive + Rounded vowel. It tends to change to unvoiced-aspirated consonants or unvoiced aspirated consonants /pʰw-//pw-/ derived from voiced consonants. Yangpo  (C1) is seen in Shanxi area. /bw/ in Shanxi represents "old woman (Po )". Ritou pu  (C3) and ritou pusa  (C5) are distributed in two separate areas, Zhejiang and Sichuan. In these areas /bw/ represents the "Buddhist saint (Pusa )". In southern dialect, jinri  “today” is called jinbu [ʨeŋ pu]. It may suggest that they are related to each other somehow. The form ritou bao  (C2) is distributed in Sichuan and Guangdong. In type D, Ye  is the morpheme meaning the kinship term “grandfather”. ye  can be seen as the form that omitted the "sun" morpheme of   (Matshue2009). However, the first syllable of C1 has largely lost its original nasal coda -ŋ, yangpo  then the pronunciation of yang  and ye  can be identical in these areas. wo (type E), yan (type F), kong (G2), ke  (G4) all have forms which are related with "hole", therefore folk-etymology that looks upon "sun" as "hole in the sky" probably influenced the formation of these types. ritou kong  (G2) shows a scatter distribution in Anhui, Zhejiang, Shanxi, Hebei. Ritou kong  (G1) is densely distributed in Anhui and Zhejiang. Kong !/khong/" represents "hole". In its neighboring areas, ritou gong   (G3) is distributed rather broadly. Gong  means " male, grandfather ". We can hypothesize that the form ritou kong   was derived from ritou gong  . (/kong/#/khong/). (Takashi Ueya, Kenji Yagi) 1. Classification of word forms With respect to the Chinese language atlas, there are two main previous studies, Cao2008 and Iwata2009. These atlases both include maps of Sun-related terms. The maps of Sun-terms contained in Iwata2009 are made by Takashi Matsue. The distribution of the main forms of terms for “the sun” in China has already been explained in Matsue2009. This map was made to emphasaize the other forms of Sun-terms. In this map, word forms representing "the sun" in Chinese are classified into 9 categories. A. ri  type A1
ri [zit] A2
ritou  [ʐʅ tʰou], retou  [nieʔ tʰeu], yuetou  [ŋue tʰeu] B. taiyang  type [tʰai iaŋ], taiying [tʰɛ iŋ] C. Bw- type C1 yangpo  [iɑŋ pʰə] [iɛ pʰɛ] C2 taiyang bao [tʰai iaŋ pau] C3 ritou pu  [ȵiɪʔ dæʏ bu] [ȵieʔ də və], taiyang fo [tʰa ji vai] C4 pusa yeye [pʰu sɿ ie ie] C5 ritou pusa  [ȵiɪʔ dæʏ bu sɐʔ], taiyang pusa [tʰa ɦiaŋ bu saʔ] D. ye  ("grandfather") type [iɛ] [iɛ iɛ], laoye [lau iər], ritou ye  [ər tʰou ie] E. wo  "burrow" type yewor [ia uɔr], yangpo wozi   [iɑŋ pʰɤɯ vɤɯ ʦəʔ] F. yan  "eye" type ritouyan  [ʐʅ tʰəu ȵiɐr], taiyang yan [tʰa ioŋ ŋɑŋ], yeye yan [ia ia ȵiɐr] G. Kw- type ("sun" + /k-/,/kʰ-/) type G1 [kong] "male, grandfather" ritou gong   [zik tʰau koŋ] , taiyang gonggong [tʰɑ ɦiaŋ koŋ koŋ] G2 [khoŋ] "hole" ritou kong  [ȵiəʔ tiu kʰoŋ] G3 [ku] "cow"
ritou gu  [ȵi tʰæ ku] etc. G4 [khu] "burrow" ritou ke  [ni diɤ kʰu] H. Taiyang di  ("emperor") type tiandi [tʰiaŋ tier], taiyang di [tʰai iaŋ ti] I. others: nair [nɐr], nair nair  [nɐr nɐr] 2. Geographical distribution and interpretation To put it shortly, word forms representing "the sun"  “Sun” in Sinitic  “Sun” in Hmong-Mien C: tau2 ƾN‫ܥ‬u1’ D: qa3/4/8 ha1 (QࡢL4/6/8 tau2 or ni2 tau2 1. Classification of word forms Most languages belonging to Hmong-Mien exhibit a word-form that has a root with a nasal onset. Based on the comparative work in Hmong-Mien linguistics, this root goes back to a Proto-Hmong-Mien root that has a voiceless nasal onset and Tone 1. We represent all the forms cognate with this proto-form as QࡢV1, and call the languages that have QࡢV1 as the root for “the sun” Type A languages (the number on each word-form represent historical tone). In these languages, the form QࡢV1 is also used as the word-form for “day”. The Type A languages are divided into several subgroups. First, the most numerous subgroup A-1 uses QࡢV1 as a monosyllabic word-form. Other languages in this group can be divided according to the element that is added to the root. Subgroups A-2 to A-19 are languages where the additional element is placed before the root, and subgroups A-20 and A-21 are languages where the additional element is placed after the root. A-1: QࡢV1 as a monosyllabic word The element before the root in subgroups A-2 to A-19 is as follows. A-2: pu2/ bu2/ pa2/ pԥ2/ bԥ2/ pe3 A-3: qh‫ܤ‬7/8 A-4: ‫ ݦ‬Ѻ 1/‫ݦ‬a1 A-5: ha8 A-6: ci5 A-7: khu4 A-8: TKDƾ3 “hole” A-9: p‫ܧ‬7 A-10: qoB A-11 po3 “father” A-12: vei3 “wife” A-13: a6 ‫ܧ‬Ѻ1 A-14: a2 Oࡢ D5 qa3/4 “moon” (first two syllables) A-15: QDƾ1 A-16: la3 A-17: nui2 A-18: mwԥ1 A-19: a1/4/7 The element after the root in subgroups A-20 and A-21 is as follows. A-20: k‫ܧ‬3 A-21: ntou2 “sky” The remaining forms are divided into four types. %URRWLVQDƾ6 RUQWRƾ6 2. Geographical distribution and interpretation Type A-1, which is monosyllabic, has the widest geographical distribution. Since this form also exhibits the widest distribution in terms of the phylogenetic tree of the Hmong-Mien languages, it can be interpreted as preservation of the oldest state among the A type forms. The other forms with some additional element must have been formed in each language/dialect. Type A-2, which has a bilabial element before the root, is concentrated in Guangxi and Vietnam, but this is a feature of two branches of Mienic, Iu-mien and Kim-mun. The root of the Type A forms is considered as a loan from some Tibeto-Burman language (Benedict 1987, Ratliff 2010:235). The other types than Type A indicate a limited distribution. The etymology of Type C and Type D is unclear. The forms of Type E seem to be a loan from Chinese “ᰕཤ” or “✝ཤ”. What might attract interest is Type B. It shows periphrastic distribution both in terms of geography and phylogeny. The Type B forms (QDƾ6 and QWRƾ6) are distributed in one of the North Hmong languages in Hunan and Jiong-nai in Guangxi (based on Rafliff 2010, the proto-form for these forms can be reconstructed as *ndԥngC). Furthermore, the reflex of this proto-form has a meaning “sunshine” in some languages including one of the other North Hmong (Xiang 1992) and Pa-na, both of which have a Type A form for “the sun”. This fact suggests two possible stories. Based on the assumption that the Type A forms derive from a loanword, the Type B forms might be the retention of the original Hmong-Mien form for “sun”. After borrowing the root of Type A, the Type B forms shifted the meaning to “sunshine” through a metonymic semantic change (or narrowed the original meaning). The other story is that the original word for “sunshine” has acquired a meaning of “sun” in the Type B languages. The issue is still to be settled.  "Sun" in Hmong-Mien A-1: QࡢV1 as a monosyllabic word A-QDƾ1 A-16: la3 Polysyllabic word with an element before root: A-17: nui2 A-2: pu2/ bu2/ pa2/ pԥ2/ bԥ2/ pe3 A-18: mwԥ1 A-3: qh‫ܤ‬7/8 A-19: a1/4/7 A-4: ‫ ݦ‬Ѻ 1/‫ݦ‬a1 A-5: ha8 Polysyllabic word with an element after the root: A-6: ci5 A-20: k‫ܧ‬3 A-7: khu4 A-21: ntou2 “sky” A-TKDƾ3 “hole” A-9: p‫ܧ‬7 Others A-10: qoB %QDƾ6 RUQWRƾ6 A-11 po3 “father” C: tau2 ƾN‫ܥ‬u1’ A-12: vei3 “wife” D: qa3/4/8 ha1 A-13: a6 ‫ܧ‬1Ѻ (QࡢL4/6/8 tau2 or ni2 tau2 A-14: a2 Oࡢ D5 qa3/4 “moon”  Sun: Tibeto-Burman 2. Geographical distribution and interpretation It is certain that Ax (N- <*nΩy type) is the oldest of the types. It can be traced back to Proto Sino-Tibetan *nyiҌ (Coblin 1986, STEDT). From the geolinguistic point of view, Ax is the most commonly and broadly found type in all of the southern, western and northern parts of the whole TB area. Most of the spots are of Burmese and Tibetan dialects, since they preserve reflexes inherited from Written Burmese ne and Old Tibetan (g)nyi ma (ma is a suffix), respectively. However, the Ax type is also found in other languages: Akha naƾ, Haka Lai nîi, Khir ࠺i55wΩ33, Nusu ࠺i35ъ55, etc. Moreover, all of these spots are located in the neighboring or inner areas of the Burmese and Tibetan speaking regions. 1. Classification of word forms In Tibeto-Burman (TB), the most common word form of “sun” is with an initial nasal (n/࠺/ƾ). However, this type originates from two different proto-forms: Proto Tibeto-Burman (PTB) *nΩy or *s-nΩy ‘sun/day/dwell’ and *g-nam ‘sun/sky’ (Matisoff 2013, STEDT). In the maps below, we distinguish these two types: Ax) N- <*nΩy type and A0) N- <*g-nam type. (Although Ax can be further classified into a number of subtypes, they are not distinguished on the map). Additionally, more than six other types of stem are found: B) b/p- type, C) m- type, D) ts(h)/s/d҉/tюV [-front] type, E) g/tѺ/d҉/tюV [+front] type, F) l/lֈ - type. Some types of stem such as F (l/lֈ -) are found only in compounds. The forms compounded with other stems are distinguished on the maps (e.g., ne21ge21 : Ax + E). Forms are classified independently of affixes, although some forms do contain an affix/affixes. (e.g., ࠺i-ma : Ax type). Examples of each type follow: Compound forms involving the Ax type, such as Ax + E, C + Ax, Ax + C, are also commonly found—more commonly than the other stems. They are found in Loloish languages that are spoken in the central and southeastern parts of the TB area. Ax + C and C + Ax show ABA distribution; therefore, Ax + C is considered older than C + Ax. Ax + E is broadly found in the eastern area of Loloish. A0 type (N- <*g-nam) is concentrated in the Nungic languages in the central part of the TB area, e.g., Rawang nam31, Trung nѧm53, etc. Compound types such as Trung nъm31loƾ55 (A0 + F) are also found in the same area, with some exceptions such as gSerpo Tibetan nъ xtsa and sTau nъmtsъ (both A0 + D) that are found in the northeastern and northerly-central parts of the TB area. Interestingly, some Tibetan dialects spoken in the immediate area to Trung also have compound types with A0: e.g., Jesha Tibetan ўnэ˾ lֈ a. A0 type and its compounds are apparently new, because its distribution is narrow and concentrated in the central area. B type (b/p-) is the second-most commonly found. Geographically, it is found both in the southerlycentral area and the northerly-central area. In the southerly-central area, Northern Burmish languages such as Lashi pêi and Zaiwa buí, have this type. Burling (1967) provides a Proto-Burmish form *pwei1a ‘sun’. In the northerly-central area, Qiangic languages such as Nyagrong Minyag jbΩ24 and Stau ћbΩ24 have B type. Compound types involving B are not so common. C type (m-) is not so common as A and B but is found in both the southern and northern areas: in Ax. N- <*nΩy type A-1: n- type. ne, nƯ, n΃i, nò, ning, naƾ, etc. A-2: ࠺/ƾ- type. ࠺i-ma, ࠺Ω-ma, nyim, ࠺iã, ࠺э˾:, ࠺Ω-mõ, ngin-ma, etc. A0. N- <*g-nam type nam31, nΩm53, nѓm31, nъm53+nΩm53, ћnΩ55. B. b/p- type pêi, paF, jbΩ24, ћbΩ24, ѹmbћi, ўΩ22ўbΩ44, etc. C. m- type mѧթmé, maև ѧևƾ, miэ31, ъ55-mu֍ 21-ћѧ55, etc. D. ts(h)/s/d҉/tюV [-front] type ъ33-tshu55, jan, kє-jam, etc. E. g/tѺ/d҉/tюV [+front] type gi33, d҉iΩ21, tюi22, d҉i33-mo21, etc. In addition, various types of compounds are found, such as: Ax + C type ni55mэ33, nэ55ma33, naƾ55ma33, etc. C + Ax type mѧ21࠺i33, mΩ21࠺i33, a55-mu21࠺i33-ma33ௗ, etc. Ax + E type ne21ge21, ni44gi21-mэ33, ࠺i21nd҉i21, etc. A0 + F type (F: l/lֈ - type) nъm31loƾ55, nam55+nam31lэƾ55, etc. C + D type mΩsi, mesΩ, mi55tsi55, etc. F + E type (F: l/lֈ - type) li55tюi33, lo21tѺi33-mщ33, lo21gѧ33, etc.  Karenic languages such as Hpa-an Pwo mѧթmé in the south, Loloish languages such as Lalu Yi ъ55m֌ 21ћѧ55 in the southerly-center, and Qiangic languages such as Mawo Qiang mun in the north. Consequently, we can conclude that it is a rather old type—at least older than D and E. Proto-Loloish *mo2 ‘sun’ (Bradley 1979) is one of its origins; moreover, STEDT provides a Proto-Karen form *mѠࢊ. Compound types involving C are also found in a wide area. However, some of the stems with initial m- in such compounds may have a different origin. Matisoff (2013) points out that the final syllables of the Luish forms mean “eye” (e.g., the second syllable of Cak cΩmíҌ (D + C type)). It is not known whether we can trace C type back to the common etymology with “eye” (PTB *s-mik / *s-myak; Matisoff 2003). In this work, we tentatively do not distinguish these possible etymologies of the C type. D type (ts(h)/s/d҉/tюV [-front]) is scattered in the central area: Southern Yi A55 tshu21, Jinghpaw jan, etc. Compound types involving D are of the D + C type, such as Cak cΩmíҌ, that are found in the southwestern area and C + D type, such as Northern Qiang mΩsi, that are found in the central area. In the Sal group of languages (Jinghpaw, Cak, and Kadu, etc.) this form originates from the common root *sal (Burling 1983), and Matisoff (2013) points out that it is derived from PTB *tsyar ‘sunshine.’ Interestingly, the compound types (D + C and C + D) and the plain D type form an ABA distribution. This may suggest that C type is older than D, and in the older stage D had to be compounded with C to mean “sun”. E type (g/tѺ/d҉/tюV [+front]) is found in the central and southeastern areas. All the languages that have plain E type are Loloish, e.g., Axi Yi tюi22. The distribution is rather narrow; thus, we can conclude that this type is newer than Ax, B, C, and D. The proto form of E is unknown. Since Written Northern Yi has gѧ33, we consider that the older form of this type is gV and affricate initials result from palatalization by a front vowel. E is more commonly found as a part of the compound type Ax + E than by itself. Ax + E type shows more peripheral and broad distribution than plain E. Moreover, as we mentioned above, Ax is considered older than other types. This may suggest that E was first used as part of a compound, and later became an independent word meaning “sun.” Another compound type, F (l-) + E, is found only in the southern parts of the Ax + E area. F (l-) + E is newer than Ax + E. F type (l/lֈ -) is not found as an independent word for “sun,” but it is found in several types of compound: A0 + F type (e.g., Trung nъm31loƾ55), which is found in the central part, F + E type (e.g., Axi Yi li55tюi33) in the southeastern part, and F + C type (e.g., Bwe lΩmu) in the southern part. One possible origin of the F-type stem is PTB *s-la(m/p) “dry (by fire / sun)” (STEDT). The A0 + F type is also found in some Tibetan dialects spoken in the central part of the TB area (or the southeastern end of the Tibetan area), e.g., Jesha Tibetan ўnэ˾ lֈ a. Suzuki (this volume) points out that such compounds literally mean “heaven-deity” (Written Tibetan gnam lha). That is, F-type stems here probably do not originate from PTB *s-la(m/p) “dry (by fire / sun)” but do originate from a word that means “deity.” The etymology of the F type is a subject for future investigation, and we tentatively do not distinguish these possible etymologies on the maps. The distribution of the F type suggests that each type of compound has been newly developed in each area. 3. Conclusion In the present work, we collected Tibeto-Burman data of “sun” from 354 languages and dialects, and found more than seven stems that mean “sun.” On the maps, we distinguished six types of plain form and seven types of compound form. We also analyzed its geographical distribution and tentatively conclude the chronological order of plain forms as follows: [Older] >>>>>> [Newer] Ax > B/C > D > E/A0 Interestingly, some compound types are considered older than plain types from the geolinguistic viewpoint: for example, compound types with D (D + C and C + D) are apparently older than the plain D type, while Ax + E seems older than E. This may suggest that some stems such as D and E cannot mean “sun” by themselves at the older stage. Keywords: Tibeto-Burman, geolinguistics, compound, chronological order, “sun” and “eye” (Satoko Shirai, K. Kurabe, K. Iwasa, H. Suzuki and S. Ebihara)  Legend: Map 1: “Sun” in Tibeto-Burman: The whole area  Map 2: “Sun” in Tibeto-Burman: Closeup  "Sun" in Tai-Kadai The word forms representing "the sun" in Tai-Kadai can be classified into A) van type, B) ta van type, C) tang ngon type, and D) others. Logically speaking, the monosyllabic form van meaning "the sun" should be the oldest form. It has the meaning "day" in many other dialects, which is more abstract and consequently should be due to a secondary derivation "sun" > "day (time period while the sun shines)". This type A is seen in the peripheral area, Li language in Hainan Island, Shan languages in Myanmar and Dehong, Yunnan, and the Surat dialect in the southern part of Thailand. In Surat, "the sun" is tone 1 and "day" is tone 4 of the same form "wan", thus the differentiation between two meanings is made by tone change in this dialect. Otherwise, it was the original meaning "the sun" which developed a disyllabic form in order to distinguish with "day": ta van, or "eye" + "day", meaning "the eye of day", since an attributive is placed after the head in Tai-Kadai. Indonesian matahari "the sun" consists of the same word formation mata "eye" + hari "day". Similar calque phenomena are observed as well in Austroasiatic (for example, Aslian). Since iambic is the dominant rhythm pattern in Tai-Kadai, the first syllable taa is shortened in several dialects, for example, tawan in Siamese. As a result, it became a sesquisyllabic word, and the etymological meaning of first syllable faded away. First syllables appear to be aspirated forms in the western part of Guangxi as well as Hainan. The aspiration was caused by medial -r- according to Li (1977:119) who reconstructed its proto-Tai form as *traa, or *praa, taking the Saek form into consideration. Nishida (2000:95) supposed a different process from Austronesian *mata' > (*m-)tha > tha㹼 ha. The form starting with ha is seen in Vietnam and beyond. Doan (1996:104) drew a precise map of these forms in northeastern Vietnam. On the other hand, the form ngon for "day" is a cognate word with van, for which Li (1977: 239,240,271) reconstructed *ŋwən. In Map 1, " ‫" ܉‬ denotes the places where the onset of "day" starts from ŋ-, while "ؒ" denotes the v- type. Map 2 shows the geographical distribution of the first syllable ending with a coda, " ‫" ۑ‬, while "-" without coda -ŋ (the northern part shows no information compared to map 1, since the data for Buyi were available only for "day"). As seen from Map 3, which synthesized both maps 1 and 2, the coda -ŋ of the first syllable emerged mainly in the area where the second syllable starts with ŋ-. The dominant form in this area is tang ngon which means "lamp of day", as Chen (2011:170) pointed out. This is an example of paronymic attraction, where the new forms came about by folk etymology. In Siamese, ดวงอาทิตย์ duang aathít or พระอาทิตย์ phrá aathít from Sanskrit ādityā, "a solar deity", are also used. (Mitsuaki Endo) Map 1. Onset of second syllable of first syllable Map 2. Coda  Map 3. Synthesis of 1 & 2 "Sun" in Tai-Kadai A. "van" type: monosyllabic word denoting "sun" and "day" B. "ta van" type: "eye" + "day" D. Others B-1: first syllable is long B-2: first syllable is short B-3: first syllable is aspirated B-4: first syllable is "ha" B-5: first syllable is "tsha" C. "tang ngon" type: "lamp" + "day" C-1: first syllable is unaspirated C-2: first syllable is aspirated C-3: first syllable is "tɕang" C-4: first syllable is "kjang" (meaning "time")  “Sun” in Austroasiatic G-2: mat + preah (mat p'rah) IV. Others qehen (qə³¹hən¹³), tawe (tawe, tawuj, tawɪn: originated from ta van in Tai-Kadai), oyuŋ Many compound forms have the first element mat, meaning “eye.” A combination of “eye” + “day” meaning “sun” can be observed in other language families (e.g., matahari in Indonesian). Other than “day,” the second element of compound forms beginning with mat can mean “sky” or “god.” However, the element mat is not used independently to denote “sun.” The presence or absence of the first element mat is shown in Figure 2, which shows that compound forms including mat are used in Eastern and Southern Mon–Khmer. In Vietnamese, the form mat ʈɤ:j “eye of the sky” is used. Besides this form, there is also the form oŋ͡m ʈɤ:j. The first syllable of it is the honorific term meaning “grandfather.” Keywords: day, sky, god, eye (KONDO Mika) Most word forms representing “sun” in Austroasiatic have other meanings, such as “day,” “sky” or “god,” or consist of elements denoting these meanings. They can be classified as follows: I. Word forms including an element meaning “day” A) ŋaj type A-1: ŋaj (ŋaj, tŋaj, thŋaj, sŋi, siŋaj, cuŋɛ, hãi, təhã́ j…) A-2: ŋaj + ŋaj (ŋaːj sŋʔiːʔ, ŋàj-ŋíʔ) A-3: mat “eye” + ŋaj (mat təŋaːj, mát ŋhã́ j, mua coŋʌj…) A-4: Others le:ŋ “sky” + ŋaj (lʊːɁ thŋaj), ŋaj + lə:j “sky” (ŋaːj pɣíːʔ), ŋaj + cando (siJ cando) The forms of this type are seen most widely in Austroasiatic; therefore, it is quite likely that this is the oldest type. There are monosyllabic forms, disyllablic forms and compound forms. Most of them have the initial consonant ŋ-, but in the northeast of Thailand we can see the forms with initial consonants h-. Focusing on the rhyme, -j spreads most widely, mainly in Munda and Northern Mon–Khmer. According to distribution drawn in this map, it is possible that the forms with rhymes -j are older than others in the ŋaj type (Figure 1). B) nar/dar type B-1: nar/dar (nar, naːr, dar) B-2: mat + nar/dar (madal) C) ktɔʔ type C-1: ktɔʔ (kit ktɔʔ, kitkatɔʔ) C-2: mat + ktɔʔ (mit ktɔʔ, met-katɔk, mɛt katɔʔ) In Aslian, ktɔʔ is the word representing not only “day” but also “sky” and “time.” D) Others mat + ji:s (mat ɟis, mat jiːs), mat + ʔareʔ (mataʔareʔ), heŋ (heŋ, hɛŋ) II. Word forms including an element meaning “sky, heaven” E) le:ŋ type E-1: le:ŋ (harbaaŋ, carɔŋ…) E-2: mat + le:ŋ (mtaŋ, mat mbaaŋ, mát khalâːŋ, mat plɛŋ…) F) lə:j type mat + lə:j (mat ʈɤ:j, mᵊʌ́t pləːj, mat briıʔ…) III. Word forms including an element meaning “god” G) preah type G-1: preah + athit (preak ʔatʰit, preah ʔatit) The second syllables of these forms are related to Aditya “the sun god.” Figure 1. Rhymes of the ŋaj type forms : -j, : -ie~e~ɛ, : -aj/-j, : -ɛj, : -aj, : -ik, :-wa Figure 2. Presence or Absence of First Element mat : presence, : absence  “Sun” in Austroasiatic I. Word forms including an element meaning II. Word forms including an element meaning “day” “sky” A) ŋaj type E) le:ŋ type A-1: ŋaj E-1: le:ŋ A-2: ŋaj + ŋaj E-2: mat + le:ŋ A-3: mat + ŋaj F) lə:j type A-4: Others mat + lə:j B) nar/dar type III. Word forms including an element meaning B-1: nar/dar “god” B-2: mat + nar/dar C) ktɔʔ type G) preah type C-1: ktɔʔ G-1: preah + athit C-2: mat + ktɔʔ G-2: mat + preah D) Others  Sun: South Asia (IE (Indic, Iranian, Nuristani), Āftāb forms are located in the western Islamic area. The forms of this type are derived from the Persian word āftāb ‫‘ آﻓﺘﺎب‬the sun, sunshine’. The next divākara type can be seen in middle-north India and Sri Lanka. It is certain that this type of form is derived from the original form divasakāla and its meaning is ‘daytime’ (divasá ‘heaven, day’ + kālá ‘time’). The Ravi type is observed in peripheral areas. Assamese languages are located in the north-east end of South Asia, Kashmiri in the north-west end, Konkani facing onto the Arabian Sea, and Oriya fronting the Bay of Bengal. Sanskrit also has the word ravi र व ‘sun, mountain’. The difference in meaning between sūrya and ravi is uncertain there. Miθra is the name of a god, who originally presided over promises, but later assimilated the characteristics of the sun god. In I Pahlavi (Middle Persian), the form was mihr meaning ‘sun’. This type is mainly seen in Iranian languages, whereas Bengali also has the form mihir. Ṇēsara originally meant ‘sun’ in Prakrit but the forms of this group are widely distributed just among Dravidian languages, including the Brahui spoken in Pakistan and Afghanistan. I was unable to find any Aryan languages employing a ṇēsara form. Vēlā वेला means ‘sun’ in Sanskrit. This type is also employed by Dravidian languages, but not by Aryan. Porutu seems to have meant ‘time’ originally. This type is only observed in Dravidian languages. Hiru type forms are distributed in the southern islands, i.e. Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The original form and meaning of this type are not clear. The Wakhi form yir may be classified into this type, but it is geographically the most separate from the other forms. Nepali (Aryan) ghām, Pashto (Iranian) γarma, and Nihali (language isolate) gōmōej are clearly derived from Sanskrit gharma घम ‘hot’. Gujari and Hindko in the northwest part of India and in Northern Pakistan employ dĩ and deõ, respectively. These forms may be cognate with the word din ‘daytime’ in Hindi-Urdu. Three Pashto forms nmar, nwar, and lmar and xorogna with the of the Persian word xoršīd are cognate Pahlavi (Middle Persian) word xwar ‘sun’. Nēra originally meant ‘time’. This type can only be observed in Southern Dravidian languages. (YOSHIOKA Noboru) Dravidian, Andamanese, Nihali, Burushaski) 1. Classification of word forms In this map, there are eight major categories of word form: sūrya, āftāb, divākara, ravi, miθra, ṇēsara, vēlā, and porutu, and five minor categories. A. sūrya: sūrya, sūryu, sūryo, sūri, suurí, súuri, sṻrĕ, sirĕ, sūr, šūr, sūrô, sūrjya, sūraja, sūraj, šūrj, sūrzô, suj, su, sūryan, sūran, cūriyan̠ , suryya, suryyaya, sūryuḍu B. āftāb: āftāb, āftābu, oftob C. divākara: divākara, dabākara, ditakara, dinayara D. ravi: ravi, rav, rabi, rôbi E. miθra: mihir, mehr, mier, mira, mer F. ṇēsara: nēsar̠ (u), ñāyir̠ u, ñö·r̠ , dē G. vēlā: vēla, vēle, vēṛa, vēḍa, verra, bēru, bīṛī H. porutu: por̤ utu, por̤ tu, poṛt, portu, poṛd, podd, poddu, proddu, pod I. hiru: hiru, iru, ira, yir, irapojja J. garm: ghām, γarma, gōmōej K. din: dĩ, deõ L. xwar: xoršīd, nwar, nmar, lmar M. nēra: ne·ra, nēram N. others: ṭóo, yoór, roč, sa, bódó-da, pute, díe, díu, éké, pi·s̠ , dūmbu, ḍevta 2. Geographical distribution and interpretation The lexical forms representing the sun can be classified into A) sūrya type, B) āftāb, C) divākara, D) ravi, E) miθra, F) ṇēsara, G) vēlā, H) porutu, I) hiru, J) garm, K) din, L) xwar, M) nēra, and N) others. The most major type is sūrya, which can be verified even in Ardha-Māgadhī, a kind of Prakrits, sūr सूर, sūria सू रअ, sūriya सू रय, and in Sanskrit sūrya सूय ‘sun’. Forms of this type are observed throughout South Asia, from the northern part of Pakistan to Sri Lanka, from Aryan languages, to Nuristani and even Dravidian languages, but not in Iranian languages. Some of the forms include /d͡ ʑ/, /d͡ ʒ/, /ɟ/, or /z/ sounds, which have been regularly changed from y /j/.  Map 1. ‘Sun’ in South Asia  The Sun: Arabic languages 1. Classification of word forms In this map, word forms are classified as 5 large categories according to the root: ʃ-m-s, ʃ-m-ʃ, s-m-s, s-m-ʃ, and others. Many of the words of Semitic languages consist of three consonants, and vowels are allocated to the root on a different level. A. ʃ-m-s root type (‫)ە( )ﺷﻤﺲ‬ ʃams, ʃəms, ʃims in the singular form. ʃamsa, ʃimeːse in the singular form with the feminine ending (-a or -e ‫)ـﺔ‬. ʃimuːs, ʃumuːs in the plural form. hams. B. ʃ-m-ʃ root type (‫)ۑ( )ﺷﻤﺶ‬ ʃamʃ, ʃəmʃ, ʃemʃ, ʃimʃ. C. s-m-s root type (‫( )ﺳﻤﺲ‬㸩) sams, səms, sims, sémsi. D. s-m-ʃ root type (‫)™( )ﺳﻤﺶ‬ səmʃ. E. others ḥarraːya [ħaraːja], harraːy [haraːj], har(r)á [haɾa~ hara] nahaːṛ [nɑhɑːᵳ] 2. Geographical distribution and interpretation A. The oldest form of “the sun” in Arabic is ʃams and the root of it is ʃ-m-s. This form is used in Classical Arabic and is widely distributed throughout the Arabic-speaking areas. ʃams is used also in the less investigated areas. And even in the areas where other forms are dominant, the prestigious form ʃams is frequently used in forml speech. hams is used by some tribes in South-west Saudi Arabia. These dialects have undergone a phonological change *ʃ > h, for example *ʃarib > harb. This change is exceptional in Arabic dialects (Behnstedt 2011: 403)ࠋ B. The root ʃ-m-ʃ is a result of assimilation of the third radical s to the first radical ʃ. In Malta ʃemʃ (orthographically ‘xemx”) is the form of the official language, Maltese. Thus the root is dominant in Morocco while in the other areas such as Sudan and a part of west Yemen and the Upper Egypt both ʃ-m-ʃ and ʃ-m-s forms are used. C. The root s-m-s is a result of assimilation of the first radical ʃ to the third radical s. This form is found in a wide area of North Africa including Egypt, Mauritania and Mali, and some parts of Yemen but  only sporadically in dominantly ʃ-m-s areas. D. The s-m-ʃ is a result of metathesis of the first radical and the third radical of the original ʃ-m-s. This form is found in Algeria and Tunisia but only sporadically and there is no s-m-ʃ dominant area. E. There are other words for “the sun”. The words found in Tchad and Nigeria are ḥarrāya, harrāy, har(r)á with the common root of ḥārr “hot” of Classical Arabic. nahaːṛ used in Anatolia originally meant “day” in Classical Arabic. The vowel pattern added to the roots depends on the rule of each dialect. ʃəms, ʃəmʃ, səmʃ can be found in Maghreb dialects (the North Africa except Egypt) as there are only two short vowels ə (< *a and *i) and u in these dialects. The vowel i in ʃims (Oman, Ḏ̣afār), ʃimʃ (Dakhla, Kharǧa oasis) and sims is chosen probably because of non-emphatic environment. Maltese e in ʃemʃ (orthographically ‘xemx’) was originally *a in Arabic. The Arabic *a was divided into a and e: in the neighbourhood of an emphatic consonants (*ṭ, *ḍ, *ṣ, *ð̣) or pharyngeal consonants (*ʕ, *ħ) an open vowel a was retained, and in other environments the vowel was changed to e. Some dialects, such as Baghdad (ʃamis), Babylon (ʃemes), Irbid Jordan (ʃames), have an epenthetic vowel between m and s. The final vowels in Anatolian ʃamse “Morning sun” and Uzbekistan ʃamsa are the feminine endings. Diminutive form (*ʃumaysa) are also found: ʃmeːse (Palestinian) and simeːsa (Baḥriyya). The plural form ʃumuːs is also found in Yemen. ʃimuːs is a variant of it. The roots ʃ-m-ʃ or s-m-s as results of assimilation are interesting because of the fact that, in Semitic laguages, a general principle in root-formation states that the first and the third radicals may not be identical in principle. In Morocco, besides ʃəmʃ, there is also a root word *zawj ‘a pair’ > ʒuʒ ‘two’. Thus Moroccan dialects seem to have a weak constraint against the identical radical rule. However, in a number of Semitic languages the roots of “the sun” are the first- third radical identical root: ʃ-m-ʃ (e.g. ʃemeʃ in Hebrew, ʃimʃa in Syriac, ʃamʃu in Akkadian, ʃapʃu (< ʃ-m-ʃ) in Ugaritic. This is result of the merger of *θ into *š [ʃ] of Proto-Semitic. Only a few Semitic languages have the first-third not identical root: Arabic ʃ-m-s and South Arabian languages such as Sabaean ś-m-ʃ. Keywords: assimilation, merger, root (Youichi Nagato) ʃ-m-s root ʃ-m-ʃ root  References (the other languages will be included in the following issues) Ainu Chiri, Mashiho. 1942. The Study of Ainu Grammar: Specially for Sakhalin Dialects (࢔࢖ࢾㄒ  ἲ◊✲―ᶟኴ᪉ゝࢆ୰ᚰ࡜ࡋ࡚―). Collected Workes of Chiri Mashiho (▱㔛┿ᚿಖⴭస㞟),  3. 455–586. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Fukazawa, Mika. 2015. Geographical Distribution of 'Daytime' in Ainu. Studies in Asian  Geolinguistics. Hattori, Shiroo & Mashiho Chiri. 1960. A Lexicostatistic Study on the Ainu Dialects, The  Japanese Journal of Ethnology, 24(4): 31-66. Tokyo: Seibundo Sinkosha. Hattori, Shiroo (ed.). 1964. Ainu Dialect Dictionary (࢔࢖ࢾㄒ᪉ゝ㎡඾), Tokyo: Iwanami  Shoten. Kitahara, Jiroota. 2014. The Study of Inaw in Ainu's Religious Ritual (࢔࢖ࢾࡢ⚍ල࢖ࢼ࢘ࡢ◊  ✲). Sapporo: Hokkaido University Press. Nakagawa, Hiroshi. 1995. 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A Preliminary Study on the Bisu Language: A Language of Northern Thailand, Recently Discovered by Us [ࣅࢫㄒࡢ◊✲ : ࢱ࢖ᅜ໭㒊࡟࠾ࡅࡿࣅࢫ᪘ ࡢゝㄒࡢணഛⓗ◊✲]. Southeast Asian Studies [ᮾ༡࢔ࢪ࢔◊✲] 4.1: 65-87. (Bisu (L)) Norman, Rebecca. 2001. Getting Started in Ladakhi: A Phrasebook for Learning Ladakhi (Revised and Expanded Edition) Leh: Melong Publications. (Tibetan (TB)) Ohno, Toru [኱㔝ᚭ]. 2000. A Burmese (Myanmar) - Japanese Dictionary [ࣅ࣐ࣝㄒ㸦࣑࣐࣮ࣕࣥ ㄒ㸧㎡඾] . ᮾி: ኱Ꮫ᭩ᯘ. (Burmese (BD)) Otsuka, Kosei [኱ሯ⾜ㄔ]. 2014. A basic vocabulary of the Palaw dialect of Burmese [ࣅ࣐ࣝㄒࣃ ࣮ࣟ᪉ゝᇶ♏ㄒᙡ]. Asian and African Languages and Linguistics [࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ࡢゝㄒ࡜ ゝㄒᏛ] 8: 163-200. Fuchu: ILCAA, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. (Palaw (BD)) Qin Liying. unpublished. Trung Vocabulary. (ms.) (Trung) Qu, Aitang & KerangTan [▞㟭ᇽ & ㆓ඞㆸ] 1983. Ngari Tibetan [㜿㔛⸝ㄒ]. Beijing: Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Press [୰ᅜ♫఍⛉Ꮫฟ∧♫]. (Tibetan (TB)) Sawada, Hideo [⃝⏣ⱥኵ]. 2004. A tentative etymological word-list of Lhaovo (Maru) language. Approaches to Eurasian Linguistic Areas, pp. 61-122. Kobe: Kobe City College of Nursing. (Lhaovo (NB)) Shintani, Tadahiko L.A. 2009. The Pyen (or Phen) language: Its classified lexicon. Fuchu: ILCAA, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. (Pyen (L)) Shintani, Tadahiko L.A. 2014. The Zayein Language. Fuchu: ILCAA, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. (Zayein (K)) Solnit, David. 1997. Eastern Kayah Li: Grammar, Texts, Glossary. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. (Eastern Kayah Li (K)) Sprigg, Richard Keith. 2002. Balti-English English-Balti dictionary. Richmond: Routledge Curzon. (Tibetan (TB)) Srinuan Duanghom. 1976. An Mpi Dictionary. Bangkok: Indigenous Languages of Thailand Research Project, Central Institute of English Language. (Mpi (L)) STEDT. (online database). STEDT Database. (https://stedt.berkeley.edu/~stedt-cgi/rootcanal.pl). SUN Hongkai, Katia CHIRKOVA and LIU Guangkun. 2007. A Study of Baima [ⓑ㤿ㄒ◊✲]. ୰ᅜ ᪂ⓐ⌧ㄒゝ◊✲ྀ᭩. Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe [Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫]. (Baima Pema (T)) Sun, Hongkai & Guangkun Liu. 2009. A Grammar of Anong: Language Death under Intense Contact. Leiden: Brill. (Anong, Nusu, Zauzou) Taylor, L. F. 1921. The dialects of Burmese (I). The Journal of the Burma Research Society 11: 89-97. (Arakanese (BD), Danu (BD), Intha (BD), Tavoyan (BD)) van Driem, George. 1992. The Grammar of Dzongkha. Bhutan: RGoB, Dzongkha Development Commission (DDC). (Tibetan (TB)) VanBik, Kenneth. 2009. Proto-Kuki-Chin: a Reconstructed Ancestor of the Kuki-Chin Languages. Berkeley: University of California. (Falam Lai (KC), Haka Lai (KC), Khumi (KC), Mara (KC), Mizo (KC), Sizang (KC), Tedim (KC), Thado Kuki (KC), Zaiwa (NB)) Wannemacher, Mark and Zau Mo. 2000. A Preliminary Zaiwa - English Lexicon with English Zaiwa Glossary. Chiang Mai: Payap University. (Zaiwa) Xu Xianming, Bai Bibo et al. [チ㩭᫂㸪 ⓑ☐Ἴ ➼]. 2013. Studies on the Hlersu Language [ᒣ⸽ ᙤㄒ◊✲]. Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe [Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫]. (Yi Central (TB)) Yabu, Shiro [⸭ྖ㑻]. 1980. Linguistic data of the Yaw dialect of the Burmese language [ࣅ࣐ࣝㄒ ࣮ࣚ᪉ゝࡢ㈨ᩱ]. Journal of Asian and African Studies [࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲] 19: 164-182. Fuchu: ILCAA, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. (Yaw (BD)) Yabu, Shiro [⸭ྖ㑻]. 1981. Linguistic data of the Taung'yo dialect of the Burmese language [ࣅࣝ  ࣐ㄒࢱ࢘ࣥࣚ࢘᪉ゝࡢ㈨ᩱ]. Journal of Asian and African Studies [࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ ໬◊✲] 21: 154-187. Fuchu: ILCAA, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. (Taungyo (BD)) Yabu, Shiro [⸭ྖ㑻]. 1988. A preliminary report on the study of the Maru, Lashi and Atsi languages of Burma. Historical and cultural studies in Burma, pp. 65-132. Tokyo: Sophia University. (Lashi (NB)) Yuan, Jiahua [⿁ᐙ㦟]. 1953. 㜿⣽Ẹḷཬ඼ㄒゝ. Beijing: Zhongguo Kexue Chubanshe [୰ᅜ⛉ Ꮫ㝔ฟ∧] (Yi Southeastern (Axi) (TB)) Yunnansheng Lunan Yizu zizhixian Wenshi Yanjiushi (ed.) [ப༡┬㊰༡ᙤ᪘⮬἞⦩ᩥྐ◊✲ᐊ⦅]. 1982. ᙤ₎⡆᫂モ඾. Kunming: Yunnan Minzu Chubanshe [ப༡Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫]. (Yi Southeastern (Sani) (TB)) Zangmianyu Yuyin he Cihui Bianxiezu [ࠓ⸝⦉ㄒㄒ㡢࿴モ༂ࠔ⦅෗⤌]. 1991. ⸝⦉ㄒㄒ㡢࿴モ༂. Beijing: Zhongguo Shehuikexue Chubanshe [୰ᅜ♫఍⛉Ꮫฟ∧♫]. (Yi, Lisu, Hani, Lahu and Jinuo (All TB)) Zhongyangminyuan Yizu Lishi Wenxian Bianyishi, Zhongyangminyuan Yizu Lishiwenxianban [୰ ኸẸ㝔ᙤ᪘Ṗྐᩥ⊩⦅㆞ᐊ㸪୰ኸẸ㝔ᙤ᪘Ṗྐᩥ⊩⌜]. 1984. ⁜ᕝ㯯᱇ ᙤ₎ᇶᮏモ༂ᑞ ↷モ඾. (Mimeographed version [Ἔ༳ᮏ]. (Yi orthography) Zhou mao cao [࿘ẟⲡ]. 2003. A Study on rMachu Tibetan [⍨᭤⸝ㄒ◊✲]. Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe [Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫]. (Tibetan (TB))  Dialectal Forms Associated with the Word Taiyō (Sun) in Japanese Shinsuke Kishie1 Yukichi Shimizu1 Yukako Sakoguchi1 Keywords: Japanese Dialect, Ryukyuan dialects, Geographical Distribution, Chinese Origin, Honorific. 1. Introduction There is a variety of dialectal word-forms associated with the term Taiyō (sun) in Japanese. They can roughly be classified into four groups: word-forms of Japanese origin, word-forms of Chinese origin, indigenous word-forms of Ryukyu dialect as well as the word-forms of sun with affixation of honorific formatives. As for Ryukyu dialect, we discuss whether or not this has connection with the word form in southern language. We herewith will put forward a geographical distribution of the dialectal word-forms associated with the word Taiyō (sun) along with a description of their constituents followed by a discussion. 2. Distribution of Dialectal Word-forms Associated with the term Taiyō (sun) in Japanese We know about the distribution of dialectal forms associated with the word Taiyō (sun) in Japanese from the studies including Nihon-Gengo-Chizu (Language Atlas of Japanese) (1974) Vol. 6㸦LAJ Vol.6㸧compiled by the National Institute of Japanese Language and Linguistics, Gendai- Nihongo-Hogen-Daijiten (Contemporary Japanese Dialect Dictionary) (1992) compiled by Hirayama Teruo et al. and Nihon-Hogen-Daijiten (Japanese Dialect Dictionary) (1989) compiled by Tokugawa Munemasa Shougaku-tosho. Similarly we also know about distribution of word-forms of Ryukyu dialect from the work of Nakamoto (1981). The outcome of LAJ has been published as a simplified dialect map in the Shougaku-tosho (1991) and compiled version of it by Sato (2002) as well as the Nihon-Hogen-Daijiten (Japanese Dialect Dictionary). Dialect map-1 depicts a dialect distribution based on the result published in the Gendai-Nihongo-Hogen-Daijiten. Though this dialect map has been drawn based on the data from very few locations, it significantly coincides with the result presented in the dialect map 251 of LAJ Vol. 6. According to dialect map-1, the dialectal forms representing the word Taiyō (sun) can be grouped into several lineages such as hī [çi:]㸪hidon [çidoN]㸪ohīsama [oçiːsama]㸭ohīsan [oçiːsaN]㸪otentōsama [otentoːsama]㸭otentōsan [otentoːsaN]㸪kon'nichisan [konnitʃisaN]㸪 nichirinsama [nitʃirinsama]㸪nittensama [nittensama] and tida [tida]. These dialectal forms can be characterized with four following features: abundance of word-forms of Japanese origin, abundance of word-forms of Chinese origin, idiosyncratic word-forms in Ryukyuan dialect of Okinawa and abundance of dialectal forms with the honorific affixes. 1 The Tokushima University  Dialect map1. “Sun” in Japanese Source: HIRAYAMA Teruo, et al. eds.(1992-1994) Dictionary of Japanese Dialects (Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten), Meijishoin Tokyo Firstly the word-forms having Japanese origin are realized with the dialectal forms, all of which are constituted of formative hi [çiː], for example ohīsama [oçiːsama], ohīsan [oçiːsaN] and hidon [çidoN] etc. Except these word-forms, all other are the word-forms of Chinese origin which includes shared word form taiyō [taijoː]. Accordingly this is now evident that otentōsama [otentoːsama]㸪nichirinsan [nitʃirinsaN], nittensan [nittensaN] and kon'nichisan [konnitʃisaN] have respectively derived from the words of tentō [tentoː], nichirin [nitʃiriN], nitten [nitteN]㸪 konnichi [konnitʃi], which are of Chinese origin. In highlighting the countrywide geographic distribution of this dialect map, Sato (2002) along with some other dialectologists have pointed out that otentōsama [otentoːsama] /  otentōsan [otentoːsaN] and ohīsama [oçiːsama] / ohīsan [oçiːsaN] are respectively distributed mostly in the center and the periphery of the Archipelago. From this distribution of dialectal forms, it is can now be inferred that the word-forms of ohīsama [oçiːsama] / ohīsan [oçiːsaN] of Japanese origin are older than the words-forms of otentōsama [otentoːsama] / otentōsan [otentoːsaN] of Chinese origin. In connection with this inference, we can now fervently expect the studies on the dialectal distribution of word-forms derived from the word Taiyō (sun) of Chinese origin in other Asian languages. 2. On Etymology of the Word-form tida Tida [tida] is a word-form that only can be found in the Ryukyuan dialect. There are several theories in connection with etymology of word-form tida [tida] including the theory of southern language lineage. The affiliation with the southern languages was first postulated by Izuru Shinmura in the early year of Showa era. Shinmura (1927) hypothesized that tida [tida] is a word-form of Amis language of Taiwan which is associated with chidaru [tsidar] that represent meaning of Taiyō. This is the first hypothesis to associate the tida [tida] with theory of southern language lineage. Subsequently Ando (1935) showed etymological connection of chidaru [tsidar] of Amis language as hypothesized by Shinmura (1927) with word-forms todaru [todaru] and chidaru [tʃidaru] that appeared in the Kojiki as well as the word-form sinar [sinar] that is used to mean light in Malay language. Tida [tida] being a word-form of archaic Yamato language is considered to share the origin with southern language. Thus he hypothesized that tida [tida] holds etymological connection both with archaic Yamato language and southern languages. According to Mamiya (2014), Yoshitada Nakahara is the first to mention the connection of tida with teru. Nakahara in his thesis Omoro Shinyaku (1957) demonstrated that tida has derived from teru with the analogy that teriya became tera which changed to teda due to the confusion between the sound of syllable of ra-row to that of da-row. Sun in Ryukyu Dialects NAKAMOTO Masachie(1981). Zusetsu Ryukyugo Jiten, Kinkeisha Dialect map- 2-1 Nakamoto(1981)  Sun in Ryukyu Dialects NAKAMOTO Masachie(1981). Zusetsu Ryukyugo Jiten, Kinkeisha Dialect map- 2-2 Nakamoto(1981) On the other hand Kamei (1973), Uemura (1963) and Mamiya (2014) have demonstrated that tida [tida] has derived from the word tendō [tendoː] of Chinese origin. If tida [tida] is taken to be derived from the word-form of the tendō [tendoː], then it can be regarded to share the origin with word otentōsama [otentoːsama] of mainland dialect. According to Mamiya (2014) if tida [tida] is taken to be word-form derived from tendō [tendoː], then both Yamato language and Ryukyuan language essentially share not only the word-forms having origin in hi[çiː] and tendō [tendoː] of Japanese language, but also the suffixational honorific formatives like ohisama [oçiːsama] and otentoːsama [otentoːsama]. Though there have been several hypotheses with regard to the etymological origin of the word-form tida, Nakamoto (1981), Hokama (1981) and Mamiya (2014) demonstrated that none of them is decisive. Of these hypotheses, the hypothesis of showing connection of tida [tida] with tendo [tendoː] is considered to be irrefutable at this time. This hypothesis endorsed in particular by a number of dialectologists in Japan. Nakamoto (1981), as shown in dialect map-2, presented a distribution of dialectal word-forms for the sun in Ryukyuan language showing its etymological connection in the following 6 probable lineages. These word-forms: tidan [tidaN], tida[tida], tiida [tiːda], tira [tira], chida [tʃida] and shira [ʃira]. shira [ʃira] (or shina [ʃina]), as described in the above, is thought to have connection with Amis language and Malay language, while Nakamoto (1981) hypothesized to have derived they from tida [tida] through morphological change, both of which contrast Murayama`s (1976) claim, for which it cannot directly be connected with the southern languages. Though distribution of dialects in the dialect map-2 shows that shira [ʃira] and shina [ʃina] are seen in some locations of Main Island in Okinawa and Hateruma, it cannot be concluded that they bear etymological origin to the word-form tida [tida]. One of the reason for endorsing this hypothesis lies with presence of extensive word-forms having lineage to the word tida [tida] distributed throughout the Ryukyu Island for which derivation of shira [ʃira]  and shina㹙ʃina㹛etc. can be described as change analogous to change from [t] to [ʃ] and that from [d] to [ r]. According to Mamiya (2014) it is alarming to show connection of tida [tida] excessively with chidar (sun) of Amis language and sinar (sunshine) of Malay language. Though these resemble with the word-form and meaning of southern languages such comparison should be avoided for not having evidence in favor of the familial relationship between Japanese and these southern languages. 3. On the Dialectal Forms and Suffixational Titles Associated with Word Taiyō (sun) In Japan, the sun, like God or Buddha, has been worshiped and embraced for its reverence since ancient time. This custom has not been focused only on the sun, but on other similar things. Therefore the moon and the lightning as well as large trees, large stones and natural materials had also been object of worship. There are several dialectal forms for the Taiyō (sun), which include word-forms with the prefixation of `o (go)` representing respect and the suffixation of “san (sama)” representing courtesy title as well as the word-forms with the suffixation of formative don derived from dono (tono) in the dialect of southern Kyushu region. These dialectal forms are distributed throughout the whole region of Honshu. There are also word-forms such as o-tentou-sama [otentoːsama] and o-hī-san [oçiːsaN] which carry both of prefix and suffix. Yet there is a small number of word-forms as to taiyō which carry honorific affixes, for example taio-sama [taijoːsama] and taio-san [taijoːsaN]. Still there is a word-form like tidaganashi [tidaganaʃi] that carries a courtesy title ganashi [ganaʃi] for the sun in the several Ryukyuan dialects, hence shares a common characteristic with the Mainland dialect that both of them carry formative of courtesy title. The word-forms containing the honorific formatives show an idiosyncratic geographical distribution. Firstly the word-forms carrying an honorific formative, e.g. Nichirin-san [nitʃiɾinsaN], Nitten-san [nittensaN] and Kon'nichi-san [konnitʃisaN] are widely distributed in western Japan contrary to Eastern Japan where it is scarcely distributed. Distribution maps which have been created focusing on the regional differences with regard to honorific suffixes with the data from Teruo Hirayama et al. (1992) and LAJ Vol.6 are shown in the dialect maps 3-1 and 3-2. Although there remains a difference in the number of locations surveyed, the two dialect maps show the identical results in comparison. However it can be noted that the distributions of sama and san show contrast along the line of east-west opposition. While sama is distributed in Eastern Japan, san is distributed in western Japan representing an opposition between these two linguistic situations. In strict sense, however, the distribution of Sama-San opposition can said to be an A-B-A type arrangement rather than an arrangement of East-West opposition, since sama is heavily concentrated in the regions like western Midland and southern Shikoku as well as Kyushu showing a distribution of old word-form in the periphery. Though san cannot be said to derive from sama by change, the dialect map 3-2 shows a dialect situation that san is distributed from central Kansai district towards the different regions of western Japan. This change, however, can be said to reflect prompted by custom of deep affection as well as respect towards the sun in the Kansai region. Therefore it would be interesting to know if there is any language or dialect in Asia, like Japanese, which contains the honorific word-forms for the sun, the moon and the thunder for having custom of worshipping, and faith and reverence towards the sun, the moon and the thunder.  -sama or -san Hirayama Teruo et al.䠄1992䠅. Contemporary Japanese Dialect Dictionary (Gendai Nihongo Hogen Daijiten) , Meijishoin Figure3-1. Sama/San in Japanese -sama or -san National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics(1974). Linguistic Atlas of Japan Vol.6, Okura sho Insatsu kyoku Figure3-2. Sama/San in Japanese  4. Conclusion Though there are dialectal word-forms of Japanese origin hi and numerous dialectal word-forms of Chinese origin representing the Taiyō (sun) in Japanese, it can be recognized form the dialectal situation of geographical distribution that the dialectal forms associated with hi is the oldest of all in the Japanese archipelago. In addition there are numerous dialectal-forms of Chinese origin including the tentō, they tend to be distributed towards western Japan. Though the dialectal word-forms associated with tida and tida distributed in different regions of Ryukyu had been hypothesized to be connected with Austronesian languages by conducting comparative study in the early period of Showa era, there are some dialectologists who think tendou to bear connection with the Inland dialect. Therefore it would be premature to conclude on the forms of two different languages having no phylogenetic relationship to share same lineage with the analogy that they match in meaning and forms. It is remarkable to see that word-forms associated with taiyō (sun) in Japan characteristically bear abundant honorific formative in the dialects distributed throughout the country. The distribution of word-form sama and that of san show difference by regions given that san has changed to sama which likely dispersed from central Japan toward the peripheral regions. We therefore expect the study aimed to reveal the phenomena with regard word-forms denoting the sun in other languages of Asia as we revealed the phenomena of dispersion of dialectal forms originated from word of Chinese origin and that of presence of word-forms affixed by honorific formatives for the sun being object of reverence in Japanese. Acknowledgements: We would like to give special thanks to Mr.Yasuo Kumagai and Mr.Takuichiro Onishi for giving us a chance to use Linguistic Atlas of Japan Database. Reference: Shinmura Izuru(1927) : Nihonjin to Nanyo, Toho Gengoshi Ronso, Iwanami Shoten. Ando Masatsugu(1935) : Koten to Kogo, Sanseido. Kamei Takashi(1973) : Tida no Gogen, Nihongo Keitoron heno Michi, Yoshikawakoubunkan. National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics㸦1974㸧: Japan Linguistic Atlas Vol.6, Ookurashou Insatsukyoku. Murayama Shichiro(1979) : Nihongo no Tanjo, Chikuma Shobo. TOKUGAWA Munemasa, supervisor. Shōgaku Tosho (1991): Comprehensive Dictionary of Japanese Dialects, (Nihon Hōgen Daijiten). Nakamoto Masachie(1981): Zusetsu Ryukyugo JIten, Kinkeisha. Kamimura Takaji (1963) : Ryōkyu Hōgen no Taiyō wo Imisuru Go ni tuite: Kagoshimadaigaku Bunka Hōkoku. Hokama Shuzen (1981): Taiyō wo Imisuru Okinawa Kogo :Nihongo no Sekai, 9:Okinawa no Kotoba, Chuōkōronsha. Teruo Hirayama (1992) : Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten, Meijishoten. Satō Ryōichi (2002): Hōgen no Chizuchō : Okuni Kotoba o Shiru, Shōgakukan. Mamiya Kōji (2014): Okinawa Kogo no Shinso ,Shinwasha.  Geographical distribution of ‘daytime’ in Ainu Mika Fukazawa Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Chiba University Abstract This paper attempts to describe the geographical distribution of ‘daytime’ in Ainu. To demonstrate the origin and history of the words for ‘daytime,’ we researched the compound nouns for ‘the sun’ and the expressions for time divisions of the day: ‘morning,’ ‘noon,’ ‘afternoon,’ ‘evening’ and so on. As a result, we classified the words for ‘daytime’ into three types, and suggested that the first toono type, which has the root tó/too‘day (24 hours),’ would be older than the other two. The second sírpeker type etymologically comes from the meaning of ‘day breaks; it gets light,’ and is distributed over the eastern Hokkaido and Kuril Islands. The third tókap type shows the different meanings of ‘(older woman’s) breast’ and ‘daytime’ and it is uncertain how the homonymy or polysemy occurred. However, the term tókap for ‘breast’ seems to limit the use and meaning to avoid the homonymic clash. If the sense of ‘daytime’ was derived from ‘breast,’ the semantic shift would be related to some “sociocultural change” in Ainu. 1 Introduction This article describes the geographical distribution of ‘daytime’ in Ainu and sheds light on the historical process of it. The Ainu language1 is one of the indigenous languages in Japan, spoken throughout Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the Kuril Islands. Its genetic relationship with Japanese and any other languages has not been demonstrated, namely, it is a language isolate. It has five vowels /i, e, a, o, u/ and eleven consonants /p, t, k, c, s, m, n, r, w, y, h, (‘)/. The first, in the next section, is to show the words for ‘night’ and ‘daytime,’ and the compound nouns ‘the moon’ and ‘the sun.’ After the classification of these words, we will survey the words that seem to share the same root as the words for ‘daytime,’ and the expressions for the time divisions of the day with the focus on the time of ‘noon.’ Finally, we will suggest the origin and history of the words for ‘daytime,’ through the geographical distributions and the etymological analysis of them. 2 Large bright stars in the daytime and the night In this section, we will see the distributions of the words for ‘daytime’ and ‘night,’ and the compound nouns for ‘the sun’ and ‘the moon.’ In Ainu, the term cup stands for both ‘the sun’ and ‘the moon.’ When we distinguish them individually, the former is expressed as “the daytime cup” and the latter, as “the night cup.” It should be noted that the words for ‘the sun’ show dialectal variation. 2.1 ‘Night’ and ‘the moon’ Before we will introduce the geographical distributions of ‘night’ and ‘the moon,’ we have to note that the Sakhalin and Hokkaido dialects show the typical differences in the phonological and/or phonetic structures (see Chiri 1942, Tamura 2000 etc.), as follows: (a) Accent: the majority of Hokkaido dialects have a pitch accent, and instead, in the Sakhalin dialects, vowel length is distinctive. A few dialects in Hokkaido have no accent. The language is a polysynthetic SV/AOV, basically head-marking type and allows ‘pro-drop,’ which is compensated with verbal agreement (singular/plural forms and personal affixes/clitics). 1  (b) Phonetic correspondence: the codas /-p, -t, -k/ in Hokkaido have historically changed to /-h/ in most Sakhalin dialects, and /-r/ has changed to /-h/ or /-rV/ in Sakhalin. The words for ‘night’ are kúnne in Hokkaido and kunne in Sakhalin2 (Hattori and Chiri 1960). In northern Kuriles, Krascheninnikov’s “Vocabularium Latino-Curilice3” takes the form sirkunne ‘night,’ consisting of sir- ‘view’ and kunne ‘to be dark/black.’ Hattori (1999 [1959]: 152) suggested that kunne originated from √kur + the copula ne, and the following words were based on the root: kur ‘shadow,’ niskur ‘cloud’ and ekurok ‘to be dark.’ If so, the other terms in the Kuril dialects could also be constructed with √kur: sirikuruko (Krascheninnikov) for ‘to be dark,’ sirkurka (Dybowski 1892) and sirekorak (Torii 1903) for ‘night.’ The words for ‘the moon’ show a similar distribution to the ones for ‘night.’ Along the rules of (a) and (b) above, the terms for ‘the moon’ are kúnne cup or kunne cup in the Hokkaido dialects, and have turned into kunne cuh in most Sakhalin dialects. 2.2 ‘Daytime’ and ‘the sun’ The distributions of the words for ‘daytime’ and ‘the sun’ are different from the ones for ‘night’ and ‘the moon.’ The lexical forms are classified into three types, as in Table 1, and plotted out on three dialectal areas respectively: A) Sakhalin, B) eastern Hokkaido and northern Kuriles, C) western Hokkaido. This distributional pattern is not reported in Nakagawa (1996), though it can be realized if “Eastern-Western Type” and “Sakhalin Type” are merged into one type. A) toono type A-1 B) sírpeker type B-1 B-2 C) tókap type C-1 C-2 C-3 ‘daytime’ ‘the sun’ toono toono cup type sírpeker/sirpeker ̿ sírpeker cup (kamuy) type peker cup kamuy tókap/tokap tókap cup (kamuy) tókam tókam cup (kamuy) tóykapne ̿ Table 1: ‘daytime’ and ‘the sun’ A) toono type Type A is observed in Sakhalin and the northernmost part of Hokkaido, Sooya. The long vowel oo [o 䁴] in Sakhalin is phonetically equivalent to a pitch accent ó in Hokkaido. The monosyllabic form too means ‘day,’ although it is uncertain what the following morpheme no is. I will discuss how it might be related to the locative noun nóski ‘the middle of,’ and how this type is older than Type B and C, in section 3. B) sírpeker type The basic term sírpeker means ‘day breaks; it gets light,’ which consists of the prefix sír- ‘sight; view’ and the intransitive verb pekér ‘to be light.’ In the Hokkaido dialects of Obihiro and Bihoro, the final consonant /r/ [ɾ] is changed to /t/ [t] before the consonant /c/ [ʣ, ʤ, ʦ, ʧ]. Since this type is found also in the Kuril Islands, it may be older than Type C. 2 In addition to this, Hattori and Chiri (1960) recorded the word for ‘the moon’ as kuɴne cuh in Ochiho, Sakhalin. Sometimes, maybe idiolectally, [ɴ] is pronounced as /n/, but not [n] in Ainu. 3 The year of completion is unknown.  C) tókap type This type has three subtypes: tókap/tokap, tókam and tóykapne. In most Hokkaido Ainu, “[i]f the first syllable is open, the accentual nucleus is on the second syllable” (Tamura 2000: 21), but “[f]or compound nouns and derived words, because the first element’s accent takes priority, exceptions may arise,” i.e., rékor ‘to have a name’ from re ‘name’ + kor ‘to have’ (ibid.: 23). Sato (2015: 2) reexamined the accentuation rules of compounds and exhibited the strong tendency in the case that the former element is CV. This would be the reason why the words of type C have exceptional accents on the first syllables. In C-1, the former CV element, tó, of tókap represents ‘day (24 hours)’ and/or ‘breast,’ and the following káp may come from ‘skin.’ See a more detailed discussion in section 3. In C-2, the coda /m/ of kám would be changed from /p/ of káp in C-1, which may be phonetically attracted by analogy with the meaning of kám ‘meat.’ The word tóykapne of C-3, uncertainly from tóykap ‘daytime’ + the copula né, is in Sooya near the Sakhalin Island. The element tóy of tóykap could be affected by a long vowel, i.e., too [to䁴] ‘day’ in the Sakhalin dialects. Map 1: ‘daytime’ Type A/ toono : Raichisika Type B/ sírpeker sirpeker : Obihiro, Nayoro, Hombetsu : Bihoro Type C/ tókap tokap tókam tóykapne : Yakumo, Horobetsu, Biratori, Chitose, Mukawa : Sizunai : Asahikawa, Nayoro : Sooya  Map 2: ‘the sun’ Type A/ toono cuh tóno cup toono tonpi : Ochiho, Maoka, Shiraura, Raichishika, Nairo : Sooya : Tarantomari Type B/ sírpeker cup (kamuy) sirpeker cup (kamuy) siripekeri cup sírpeket cup (kamuy) sirpeket cup peker cup kamuy : Sooya, Hombetsu, : Kushiro, Shizunai : Shumshu : Obihiro : Bihoro : Samani Type C/ tókap cup (kamuy) : Yakumo, Oshamanbe, Horobetsu, Biratori, Nukibetsu, Niikappu, Chitose, Mukawa : Asahikawa, Nayoro tókam cup (kamuy) 3 The origin and history of the words for ‘daytime’ This section aims to demonstrate the history of the words for ‘daytime’ through seeing the distributions of the related words. 3.1. ‘Noon’ Map 3 shows the distributions of the words for ‘noon’ in Ainu. The terms tónonoski and tónanoski are older than any other lexical forms. The word tónonoski can be decomposed into tóno ‘daytime’ and nóski ‘the middle of.’ The element tóno would be the same origin as the word for ‘daytime,’ toono, in Sakhalin. The word tónoski can also be decomposed into tó ‘day’ and nóski ‘the middle of,’ but it could be simply interpreted as the contracted form of tónonoski. The dialects of Yakumo and Horobetsu have both types of the words, tónonoski and tónoski.  Map 3: ‘noon’ and ‘lunch’ Type: tónonoski tónonoski tónonoskeipe tónonnoski tónanoski tónanoskeipe tonanoski tonanoskiipe to nān /tonan/ Type: tónoski tónosiki tónoski tónoskiipe toonoske; toonoski toonoskiipe ‘noon’ : Yakumo, Sooya ‘lunch’ : Sooya ‘noon’ : Biratori ‘noon’ ‘lunch’ ‘noon’ ‘lunch’ : Nayoro : Nayoro : Bihoro : Bihoro : Shumshu4 ‘noon’ ‘noon’ ‘lunch’ ‘noon’ ‘lunch’ : Yakumo : Horobetsu, Biratori, Asahikawa, Mukawa : Biratori : Raichishika : Raichishika The words for ‘noon’ include a complicated problem̿What time is ‘noon’? For example, the word tókes means ‘noon’ in the south-eastern dialects of Hokkaido, while it means ‘afternoon’ and/or ‘evening’ in the other regions. In Obihiro (Sawai and Tamura 2005: 339; Hattori (ed.) 1964:92, 252): tókes pákno ‘morning’ (lit. before the noon) tókes ‘noon’ In northern Kuriles, the other lexical forms for ‘noon’ are also reported: toanonoschki /toanonoski/ and dohnonōskȳ /tononoski/ (Torii 1903; Krascheninnikov’s Vocabularium Latino-Curilice; Klaproth 1823). 4  tókes’ipé tókes oráno; tókes wano oúman ‘lunch’ (lit. a noon meal) ‘afternoon’ (lit. from the noon) ‘evening’ In Shizunai (Watanabe et al. 1984: 100-101): tokap etok ‘morning’ (lit. before the noon) (unknown) ‘noon’ tokap’ipe ‘lunch’ (lit. a noon meal) tokes ‘afternoon’ onuman ‘evening’ In Asahikawa (Watanabe et al. 1982: 91; Hattori (ed.) 1964: 92, 252; Oota (ed.) 2005:218): (unknown) ‘morning’ tókam; tónoski ‘noon’ tókam’ipé; tónoski’ipé ‘lunch’ (lit. a noon meal) tókes; onúman ‘afternoon; evening; about 3:00p.m. - 6:00 p.m.’ In Bihoro (Watanabe et al. 1986: 104; Hattori (eds.) 1964: 92, 252): tonanoski etok ‘morning’ (lit. before the noon) tonanoski ‘noon’ tonanoski’ipe ‘lunch’ (lit. a noon meal) tonanoski ipe okaketa ‘afternoon’ (lit. after the lunch) tonanoski wano ‘afternoon’ (lit. from the noon) tokes; onuman ‘evening’ In Raichishika, Sakhalin (Hattori (eds.) 1964: 252): (unknown) ‘morning’ toonoske; toonoski ‘noon’ toonoski’ipe ‘lunch’ (lit. a noon meal) Map 4: What time of ‘noon’? tookes ‘afternoon; about 4:00 p.m. - 5:00 p.m.’ onuuman ‘evening; after the time of tookes’ In the 19th centuries, some written materials are made by a translator between Japanese and Ainu, so that the time expressions in the Japanese-Ainu glossaries are along “unequal hour5,” which Japan has used until the Edo period. In Notoya (1868)’s the Japanese-Ainu glossary: sirpeker㸦ࢩࣜ࣋ࢣࣞ㸧 ㎮ࣀ᫬㸭ᮅ஬ࢶ {about 7:00 a.m. - 9:00 a.m.} tókap’etoko㸦ࢺ࢘࢝ࣇ࢖ࢺࢥ㸧 ᕭࣀ᫬㸭᫨ᅄࢶ {about 9:00 a.m. - 11:00 a.m.} tókap㸦ࢺ࢘࢞ࣇ㸧 ༗ࣀ᫬㸭᫨஑ࢶ {noon; about 11:00 a.m. - 1:00 p.m.} 㸦ࢺ࢘ࢣࢩ㸧 ᮍࣀ᫬㸭᫨ඵࢶ {about 1:00 p.m. - 3:00 p.m.} tókes㸦 onuma(n)㸦ࣤࢾ࣐㸧 ⏦ࣀ᫬㸭᫨୐ࢶ {evening; about 3:00 p.m. - 5:00 p.m.}  It is the twelfth period of the daytime (from sunrise to sunset), and the night (from sunset to sunrise). The hours are “unequal” because the length of daytime and night varies according to the seasons and the geographical latitude. 5  Undoubtedly, the original meaning of the word tókes must be ‘afternoon’ and/or ‘evening’ because it can be analysed into tó ‘day’ and the locative noun kés ‘the end of.’ The meaning of ‘noon’ by semantic shift occurred in the limited geographical area, as shown in Map 5. Also in English (c.f. OED 1989: 508), the word noon meant “[t]he ninth hour of the day, reckoned from sunrise according to the Roman method, or about three o’clock in the afternoon,” coming from the Latin word of nona (hora). It was the name of the time to pray and prayers. By the 14th century, the sense has been shifted to ‘twelve o’clock in the day’ and fixed, because the time for praying (and eating a meal)6 has been changed from 3. p.m. to 12 p.m.. Map 5: ‘noon’ and ‘lunch’ tókapnoski tókap'ipe tokap'ipe tókamnoski tókam tókam'ipe ‘noon’ ‘lunch’ ‘lunch’ ‘noon’ ‘noon’ ‘lunch’ : Biratori, Chitose, Mukawa : Yakumo, Horobetsu, Biratori, Mukawa : Shizunai : Nayoro : Asahikawa : Aasahikawa tókes tokes tókes'ipe ‘noon’ ‘noon’ ‘lunch’ : Obihiro : Samani : Nayoro, Obihiro, Hombetsu According to the report of Obihiro, where the word for ‘noon’ is tókes, the native speaker said “I do not call the sun tókes cup” (Sawai and Tamura 2005: 272). In contrast, the words tókapnoski for ‘noon’ and tókap’ipé for ‘lunch’ are used in the same place there is tókap for ‘daytime’ (see also Map 1). 6 One of the semantic shifts due to “sociocultural change” (Blank 1999) is the names for meals in European languages (Blank 1999, González 1993) and Jamaica (Hock 1986). For example, in French, “the binary system of the Middle Ages thus developed through a ternary to a fourpartite structure shifting the words along the temporal contiguity of meals”; until the 16th century, people used to have a lighter meal, souper, in the afternoon, but souper now serves to designate a late-evening meal in the 19th/20th century (Blank 1999:73-74).  3.2. ‘Breast’̿ ̿The same lexical form as ‘daytime’ Here, let us consider the words for ‘breast’ on Map 6, which take the same lexical forms as the ones for ‘daytime.’ The monosyllabic forms tó/to and too must be oldest for ‘breast,’ and the words tótto/totto are the reduplicated form of it. The type of tókap, coming from the compound tó ‘breast’ + káp ‘skin,’ is distributed over Hokkaido. In Asahikawa, Nayoro, and Horobetsu, where some lexical forms are overlapped with each other, there are various forms with different meanings and uses: tó means ‘breast,’ tótto is used in baby talk, and tókap stands for ‘older woman’s breast,’ vis-a-vis tókap/tókam for ‘daytime.’ Then, why are the words for ‘breast’ and ‘daytime’ taking the same form? There is no answer for now; however, the sense of ‘breast’ seems to have been not used or limited to the meaning of ‘older woman’s breast,’ and sometimes the form itself was shortened as káp/kap (lit. skin). It may be caused by a “homonymic clash.” Otherwise, the semantic shift from ‘breast’ to ‘daytime’ would be motivated by the metonymy, i.e., the custom of breast-feeding for lunch, and some kinds of “sociocultural change” as we saw in section 3.1. above7. Map 6: ‘breast’ to, -ho too, -ho : Horobetsu, Nayoro, Asahikawa : Raichishika tótto, (-ho) totto : Yakumo, Horobesu, Biratori, Asahikawa, Nayoro, Sooya, Chitose : Samani, Shizunai tókap : Yakumo, Horobetsu, Obihiro, Asahikawa, Nayoro, (Hombetsu) In the 1st meeting, academic year 2015 of Studies in Asian Geolinguistics at AA Institute (October, 3rd, 2015), Prof. Chitsuko Fukushima and Prof. Kazue Iwasa told me how to consider the homonymic clash and semantic change. I still could not have a clear answer, but their suggestions inspired me to reconsider the history of tókap/tókam. 7  4 káp & tókap kap, -u & tokap : Hombetsu : Bihoro nonāka /nonaka/ : Shumshu Conclusion The following table summarizes the types of the lexical forms for ‘daytime,’ ‘sun’ and ‘noon.’ ‘daytime’ ‘the sun’ A) the toono type A-1 toono toono cup type A-2 ̿ ̿ B) the sírpeker type B-1 sírpeker/sirpeker sírpeker cup (kamuy) type B-2 peker cup kamuy ̿ C) the tókap type (related to ‘breast’?) C-1 tókap/tokap tókap cup (kamuy) C-2 tókam tókam cup (kamuy) C-3 tóykapne ̿ D) the tókes type (originating from ‘afternoon’) D-1 ̿ ̿ Table 2: ‘daytime,’ ‘sun’ and ‘noon’ ‘noon’ tónonoski type tónoski type ̿ ̿ tókapnoski tókamnoski ̿ tókes/tokes The noun root tó/too means ‘day (24 hours)’ in Type A, C and D. We suggested the derived noun tóno/toono would be the oldest form for ‘daytime,’ and the words for ‘noon,’ i.e., tónonoski and tónoski, are constructed with it and the locative noun nóski ‘the middle of.’ These words are widespread, and this is the evidence that A) the toono type is oldest. B) the sírpeker type is not used for ‘noon,’ but must be older than the types of tókap and tókes. The word sírpeker originally has the meaning of “day breaks; it gets light,” and this type can be also seen in northern Kuriles. The words for ‘breast’ also have tó as the noun root, and might be the source of C) tókap type. They are distributed over Hokkaido, and the places using the term tókap for ‘breast’ and ‘daytime’ are overlapped with each other. However, the term tókap for ‘breast’ appears to be limited for use and meaning due to homonymic clash. Among the lexical forms for ‘noon,’ D) the tókes type is newest, as a result of the semantic shift from ‘afternoon.’ Appendix List of Used Data: Dialects Yakumo/ Horobetsu/ Nayoro/ Sooya/ Raichishika Oshamambe/ Nukibetsu/ Niikappu/ Kushiro/ Ochiho/ Tarantomari/ Maoka/ Shiraura/ Nairo (Sakhalin) Biratori, Fukumitsu Samani Obihiro Bihoro Materials Hattori and Chiri (1960) and Hattori (ed.) (1964) Hattori and Chiri (1960) Hattori and Chiri (1960), Hattori (ed.) (1964) and Tamura (1996) Hattori and Chiri (1960) and Watanabe et al. (1985) Hattori and Chiri (1960) and Sawai & Tamura (2005) Hattori and Chiri (1960), Hattori (ed.) (1964)  Asahikawa Chitose Shizunai Mukawa Hombetsu Shumushu (Northern Kuril) and Watanabe et al. (1986) Hattori and Chiri (1960), Hattori (ed.) (1964), Oota (ed.) (2005) and Watanabe et al. (1982) Nakagawa (1995) and Watanabe et al. (1994) Okuda (1999) and Watanabe et al. (1984) Nakagawa (ed.) (2014) Sawai (2006) and Watanabe et al. (1987) Torii (1903) and Murayama (1971) The Atlas of Ainu Dialects Hokkaido: 1. Yakumo, 2. Oshamambe, 3. Horobetsu, 4. Biratori, Fukumitsu, 5. Nukibetsu, 6. Niikappu, 7. Samani, 8. Obihiro, 9. Kushiro, 10. Bihoro, 11. Asahikawa, 12. Nayoro, 13. Sooya, 14. Chitose, 15. Shizunai, 16. Hombetsu, 17. Mukawa, 18. Nemuro Sakhalin: 19. Ochiho, 20. Tarantomari, 21. Maoka, 22. Shiraura, 23. Raichishika, 24. Nairo Kuril Islands: 25. Shumshu References Blank, A. 1999. Why do new meanings occur?: A cognitive typology of the motivations for lexical semantic change, Historical semantics and cognition. Berlin; NewYork: Mouton de Gruyter. Chiri, M. 1942. Ainu gohoo kenkyuu: Karafuto hoogen wo chuusin toshite [The study of Ainu grammar: Specially for Sakhalin dialects]. Chiri Mashiho chosakushuu [Collected works of Chiri Mashiho], 3, 1973[1993]. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Dybowski, B. S. 1982. Słownik narzecza Ainów, zamieszkują wyspę Szumszu w łańcuchu Kurylskim przy Kamczatce. Kitachishima Ainugo [Northern Kuril Ainu], 134–244, Murayama, S., 1971. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. González, F. R. 1993. The naming of meals, English Today, 36(9)/4: 45–52. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hattori, S. 1999[1959]. Nihongo no Keitoo [The genealogy of the Japanese language]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.  Hattori, S. (ed.). 1964. Ainugo hoogen jiten [Ainu dialect dictionary]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Hattori, S. and M. Chiri. 1960. Ainugo shohoogen no kisogoi tookeigakuteki kenkyuu [A lexicostatistic study on the Ainu dialects]. Minzokugaku kenkyuu [The Japanese Journal of Ethnology], 24(4): 31–66. Hock, H. H. 1986. Principles of historical linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Klaproth, J. 1823. Asia Polyglotta. Kitachishima Ainugo [Northern Kuril Ainu], 43-65, Murayama, S., 1971. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. Krascheninnikov, S. P. unknown. Vocabularium Latino-Curilice. Kitachishima Ainugo [Northern Kuril Ainu], 11-20, Murayama, S., 1971. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. Murayama, S. 1971. Kitachishima Ainugo [Northern Kuril Ainu]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. Nakagawa, H. 1995. Ainugo Chitose hoogen jiten [The Ainu-Japanese dictionary: Chitose dialect]. Tokyo: Sofukan. Nakagawa, H. 1996. A historical study of the Ainu language through linguistic geography[in Japanese]. Bulletin of the Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center, 2: 1–17. Sapporo: The Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center. Nakagawa, H. (ed.). 2014. Ainugo Mukawa hoogen Nihongo Ainugo jiten [The Japanese-Ainu dictionary: Mukawa Dialect]. https://cas-chiba.net/Ainu-archives/. Chiba: Chiba University. Notoya, E. 1868. Bannin Enkichi ezoki. Published in Ainugo shiryoo soosho bannin Enkichi ezoki. Narita Shuuichi (ed.) 1972. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai. Okuda, O. 1999. Ainugo Shizunai hoogen bunmyaku-tsuki goishuu (CD-ROM tsuki) [Ainu Shizunai dialect lexicon in context (with CD-ROM)]. Ebetsu: Sapporo Gakuin University. Oota, M. 2005. Asahikawa Ainugo jiten [The dictionary of Asahikawa dialect]. Asahikawa: Asahikawa ainugo kenkyuujo. Sato, T. 2015. On the accentuation rules for Ainu compounds and their exceptions [in Japanese]. Issues in Ainu Linguistics. 1–13, Bugaeva, A and I. Nagasaki (eds.). Sapporo: Hokkaido Publication Project Center. Sawai, H. 2006. Ms. Tomeno Sawai's basic vocabulary of the Tokachi dialect of Ainu[in Japanese]. Sapporo: The Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center. Sawai, H. and S. Tamura (eds.) 2005. Ainu language: Transcribed materials of the Obihiro Dialect ̿Basic vocabulary of Haru Hirono recorded by Suzuko Tamura [in Japanese]. Ebetsu: Sapporo Gakuin University. Simpson, J. A. and E. S. C. Weiner. 1989. The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed, 10: 508–509. New York: Oxford University Press. Tamura, S. 1996. Ainugo Saru hoogen jiten [The Ainu-Japanese dictionary: Saru dialect]. Tokyo: Sofukan. Tamura, S. 2000. The Ainu language. Tokyo: Sanseido. Torii, R. 1903. Chishima Ainu [Kuril Ainu]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. Watanabe, H. et al. 1982–1999. Urgent field research on ethnography of the Ainu [in Japanese], 1–18. Sapporo: Hokkaido Board of Education, Hokkaido Government Office.  The sun in Korean Rei Fukui Department of Korean Studies, Graduate School of Humanities and Sociology, The University of Tokyo Abstract This paper discusses dialectal and derivational variation, history and etymology for words meaning the ‘sun’ in Korean. Native and Sino-Korean words are taken into consideration. Also the native word for the sun has a polysemic relationship with the temporal meaning ‘year’, which is peculiar to this language. 1 Introduction In modern standard Korean two words are used to refer to the sun: one is the native word /hɛ/ (䟊) and the other a Sino-Korean word /thɛjaŋ/ (䌲㟧, ኴ㝧). Dialectal variation, history and etymology for these words will be discussed in this paper. 2 Vhɛ/ This native word for the sun shows virtually no dialectal variation. In some dialects the vowel /ɛ/ is pronounced slightly different from the standard [ɛ], but aside from such minor phonetic details we have virtually no dialectal variation. Therefore drawing a map for this lexical item is almost of no use so far as the Korean Peninsula alone is concerned. In Ogura (1944, 1st vol.: 3) the description for this item is as simple as the following:  ᪥ (1) [hɛ] ୍⯡ࠋ(2) [pit-tʃ‘i] ࠝဒ༡ࠞ⏥ᒣ㸦ᒣேཧ᥇ྲྀᴗ⪅ࡢ㞃ㄒ㸧 (The sun: (1) [hɛ] in general. (2) [pit-tʃ‘i]ࠝHamNamࠞKapsan (slang used by wild Ginseng hunters.) ) Here ‘in general’ means that the form in (1) is generally used throughout the Korean Peninsula. The only exception to this is the form shown in (2), which is apparently derived from the word /pich/ (‘light’) by adding the suffix /-i/. But as noted above this is a kind of slang used by wild Ginseng hunters often referred as ‘Simmani’,1 so that this form is by no means a normal variety of this word used in everyday life in certain fixed locations. As to the quality of the vowel /ɛ/, two kinds of additional explanation is necessary. First, some dialects, typically the Kyeongsangdo dialects, are known to have lost the distinction between the vowel /ɛ/ and /e/, and the vowel in question is pronounced somewhere between the two vowels. Secondly, Ogura Shinpei gives a slightly different description of this vowel for Cheju dialects (Ogura (1931a, 1931b, 1944: 2nd vol.)). The origin of the vowel /ɛ/ in standard Korean goes back to one of the two diphthongs /ai/ and /ʌi/ in Middle Korean (abbreviated as MK hereafter). The Cheju dialects are the only ones that are (or, had been) preserving the distinction of these two diphthongs in the forms of two different monophthongs, 1 In some cases they are known to use borrowings from Tungusic langauges but this case clearly shows a Korean origin.  while in other dialects the distinction is completely lost and both have merged into /ɛ/. What follows is his description of the vowel corresponding to the MK diphthong /ʌi/ ( ) in this dialect (Ogura (1931b: 146).  ୍⯡࡟ࡣ㞶࡜ྠ㡢࡛࠶ࡿᨾ࡟㸪ɛ ࢆ௨ࡗ࡚⾲ࡣࡍࠋణࡋ㸪῭ᕞᓥ᪉ゝ࡟࠶ࡾ࡚ࡣ㸪 ࡣ୧၁ࡢ෇ࡳࢆᖏࡧࡓ㡢࡛࠶ࡿᨾ࡟㸪㞶ࡢዴࡃ඲↛㛤ཱྀ㡢࡜ࡣ࡞ࡽࡎ㸪㣎㸦඼ࡢ᮲ཧ↷㸧 ✀ࡢ㡢࡜࡞ࡾ㸪၏㣎ࡼࡾࡶ⛮ࠎ㛤ཱྀࡢᙧࢆྲྀࡿࠋ⚾ࡣஅ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ ö ࡢグྕࢆ୚࠼ࡿࠋ῭ᕞ ᓥேࡀ㞶࡜ ࡜ࢆ᫂ࡽ࠿࡟༊ูࡋ࡚Ⓨ㡢ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ㸪㝣ᆅேࡢወ␗࡟ឤࡎࡿ⛬࡛࠶ࡿࠋ౛ ࠼ࡤ㝣ᆅ᪉㠃࡛ࡣ╖㸦➉㸧࣭ 㸦ᑐ㸧࡜ࡶఱࢀࡶ tɛ: ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡍࡿࡀ㸪῭ᕞᓥேࡣ๓⪅ࢆ tɛ:㸪 ᚋ⪅ࢆ tö ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡋ㸪ཪ㝣ᆅ᪉㠃࡛ࡣ䟊㸦ᐖ㸧࣭ 㸦᪥㸧࡜ࡶఱࢀࡶ hɛ: ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡍࡿࡀ㸪ᓥ ேࡣ๓⪅ࢆ hɛ:, ᚋ⪅ࢆ hö ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡋ࡚༊ูࡍࡿࠋ His transcription of the vowel ö (umlaut italic o) is somewhat unusual (using italic is essential here but easy to be overlooked). In the framework of the current IPA system the vowel symbol that comes most closely to such a vowel would be [œ], front, half-open, rounded vowel. Similar explanation is also found in Ogura (1931a: 32-33, also 1944: 2nd vol.). ࡜㞚࡜ࡢ㛫࡟᫂࠿࡟Ⓨ㡢ୖࡢ༊ูࡢᏑࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ㸪௨ୖࡢ౛࡟ࡼࡗ࡚▱ࡽࢀࡼ࠺࡜ᛮࡩ ࡀ㸪඼ࡢᛶ㉁ࡣ⊂ࡾ༢ẕ㡢ࡢሙྜ࡟᪊࡚ࡢࡳ࡞ࡽࡎ㸪Ṉ➼ࡀ௚ࡢẕ㡢࡜⤖ྜࡋࡓሙྜ࡟᪊ ࡚ࡶⓎ㡢ୖ࡟༊ูࡀ⌧ࡣࢀ࡚᮶ࡿࠋ༶ࡕ ࡜㞶࡜ࡢ㛫࡟ࡶ᫂ⓑ࡞ࡿ༊ูࡀ༊ูࡀ⾜ࢃࢀࡿ ࡢ࡛࠶ࡿ㸦ẕ㡢ᅗཧ↷㸧ࠋ౛࠼ࡤ㸪   ͐͐㸦୰␎㸧͐͐ 㸦᪥㸧ࠋ   䟊㸦ᐖ㸧ࠋ ࡢዴࡁࡣྛᆅ࡜ࡶ᭱ࡶ᫂ࡽ࠿࡟Ⓨ㡢ୖࡢ༊ูࢆಖᏑࡍࡿࠋ ͐͐㸦ᚋ␎㸧͐͐ As we have seen above, he gives us no further description than ‘[ɛ] in general’ in Ogura (1944: 1st vol.: 3). It may be the case that minor phonetic details are neglected in this expression. ġ Now let us turn our attention to the works on dialect survey made in Korea. Unfortunately, however, the word for the ‘sun’ is not included in the dialect dictionary compiled by Choi (1978) and in the linguistic atlas compiled by Lee et al. (2008). A large-scale dialect survey had been done in Korean in the 1980s and the results of which have been published in Han’guk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏn’guwŏn (ed.) (1987-1995) in 9 vols., but the item for the ‘sun’ is not included either. The lack of this entry in these works seems to be the result of the fact that there is very little variety for this word in Korean. There is however another native word which can be used instead of /hɛ/ (䟊). It is formed by attaching the honorific suffix ‘–nim’ to it: /hɛnim/ (䟊┮) or /hɛnnim/ (䟝┮)2. This formation is quite similar to that of the Japanese word ‘Ohisama’ formed by attaching the honorific suffix ‘–sama’ and a prefix ‘o-’ to ‘hi’. But again we don’t have any data for these words in order to draw a linguistic map and, if any, it would be difficult to do so because in most cases /hɛ/ and /hɛ(n)nim/ can be used by the same speaker and are in a kind of stylistic variation, not a regional one. Finally I would like to point out a cross-linguistically interesting question. The word /hɛ/ has a homonym with the meaning of ‘year’. Synchronically it is possible to treat them as homonyms but there is a clear semantic relationship so that it is also possible to treat them as a single lexical item having two different meanings. As to the relationship between the sun and temporal notions, it is interesting to note Although we find two forms for this item in modern Korean dictionaries, the actual pronunciation is invariably the latter /hɛnnim/ in my experience. 2  that in many languages including Japanese and Chinese, it is related to ‘day’, but in Korean it is ‘year’. I have no knowledge of other languages of the latter type, but this poses cross-linguistically an interesting question. As compared to the sun, the moon seem to be more closely related to the temporal notion ‘month’ in much wider range of languages including Korean. 2.1 The history of the word /hɛ/ In Middle Korean the word corresponding to the modern /hɛ/ was /hʌi/ ( ) with a high tone (abbreviated as H below). This word too had another meaning ‘year’ in MK, and the forms corresponding to these two meanings are completely homophonous including the tone. A few examples containing this word are shown below: ᬗ⤗௣G ╟G ሟ ሻG <1447 Yongbi ŏch’ŏn ka (㱟㣕ᚚኳḷ) 50>   hʌi-n mɨcikei hʌi-yǝi pskǝi-ni-ŋi-ta “a white rainbow is penetrating the sun.”  GGG槡 ⒛ ᭏ሟG G歬႗൫G⛋∳᧋G⒛ ᭏╻GG<1459 Wŏrin sŏkpo (᭶༳㔚㆕) 2:50a> ᪦-ʌn achʌm-i-ni hʌi ᮾ nyǝk-ɨi isi-myǝn achʌm-i-o “(the character)‘᪦’ means morning, if the sun is in the east, it is morning ...” If we go back to the times before the Hangul script was invented, we have two documents containing the Korean word for the sun. One is the Cháoxiānguăn yìyŭ (ᮅ㩭㤋ヂㄒ), compiled in the beginning of the 15th century, in which the item sun (᪥) is recorded as follows: ᪥ᐖᚸ㸦cf. MK hʌi zil㸧 The Korean part of this item consists of two characters, of which the first character ‘ᐖ’ corresponds to the native Korean word and second character ‘ᚸ’ the Sino-Korean reading of the character ‘᪥’. The sound of the character ‘ᐖ’ is quite similar to the MK form of the word3. Another document is the Jīlín lèishì (㭼ᯘ㢮஦), recorded in the early 12th century, in which the description for this item is complicated and apparently some kind of errors must be included.  ᪉ゝኳ᭣₎ᮌዉ ᪥᭣ጳ  ᭶᭣ዎࠝ㯮㝼ษࠞ   㞼᭣ᒅᯘ  㢼᭣Ꮣ⧾  ͐͐    (cf. ጳ héng ⬌Ⓩษ㸪ጏ dá ᙜ๭ษ ዎ qì ワィษ㸪⚚ xì ⬌ィษ)  (Right: a part of the text Jīlín lèishì (㭼ᯘ㢮஦) included in the Shùnzhì (㡰἞)㸲(1647) edition of the Shuofu (ㄝ㒁), vol. 55) The reason for selecting this character may have something to do with the fact the this character has the qusheng (⍣⢘) and the tone of the word ‘ (hʌi)’ is H. 3  The item ‘sun (᪥)’ appears as the second entry of the list, followed by the third entry ‘moon (᭶)’. But the two entries seem to be wrongly interchanged. Chin T’aeha (㝞Ὀኟ, 1974: 250-251) explains this as follows: ࠕ͐❦␲ࠕጳࠖ 㸪ࠕዎࠖ஧Ꮠㄗ᫆ࠋ ࠕዎࠖⅭࠕ⚚ࠖஅ┬㸪ㄞࠕ⬌ィษࠖ 㸪๎⯅㩭ึㄒஅㄞ [hɐi] ⪅ ┦ྜ㸹 ࠕጳࠖⅭࠕጏࠖஅㄗ㸪⯅㩭ึㄒஅㄞ [tɐl] ⪅┦ྜࠋ͐㸦୰␎㸧͐⏤Ṉྍ▱ࠕ㯮㝼ษࠖ ᐇⅭ [hɐi] அᑐ㡢㸪ᛂᅾࠕ᪥ࠖᏐᲄୗࠋ ࠖ (The two characters ‘ጳ’ and ‘ዎ’ seem to have been wrongly interchanged. If we take ‘ዎ’ as ‘⚚’ part of it being omitted, then fanqie of this character being ‘⬌ィ’, its reading matches well with MK [hɐi]. And if we take ‘ጳ’ as a miswritten ‘ጏ’, then its reading matches well with MK [tɐl]. ...... Accordingly we can assume that the note ‘㯮㝼ษ’ in fact represent the sound for [hɐi] and must have been placed under the entry for ‘᪥ (the sun)’. Translation mine.) It is very complicated but this interpretation is a plausible one and many others seem to agree with this (for example, Kang, Sinhang (1980) ). Therefore it can be concluded that this word must have had almost the same phonetic shape as the Mk form in the 12th century.  If we go back further to the Silla period we don’t have any example of this word used in the sense of the sun in Hyanga (㒓ḷ), although we have an example used in the sense of ‘year’ in ‘ះ➉᪨㑻ḷ’ but in this case the lexical meaning was expressed using the Sino-Korean ‘ᖺ’ so that its pronunciation is unknown. To sum up, the word shape of this word was /hʌi/ with a high tone in MK, and it must have sounded very similar to that in the 12th century, but we don’t have data older than that.   2.2 Etymology of /hɛ/ As to the etymology of this word, there have been several theories advanced among which the following one, found in an etymological dictionary, calls for attention. G G Kim, Minsu (ed.) (1997) Korean Etymological Dictionary (☇ᤃᤧ躙犋鎙啳). 㓋GO᧜PG〳ⓨUG‚┋☧G T‚穸„UGᰗ㖫G ☀ୗ ^aXPe㓋„G h (hɛ (the sun) (n.) t ɛjaŋ. [Etymology: √ hʌi- [white]. Change: hʌi (Yongka 7:1) > hɛ])  As is shown here, one form of the adjective with the meaning of ‘white’ was ‘hʌi-’ in MK, but it had an alternate form ‘hɨi-’ so that I am not sure about this etymology. 3 Sino-Korean word /thɛjaŋ/ (⣒ ⣒春) This Sino-Korean word must have been known for hundreds of years before the Hangul script was invented in the 15th century. Its usage can be attested in many kinds of Hanmun (₎ᩥ) documents. But they are a kind of Koreanized Chinese writings so that it is difficult to judge how much this particular word was used as part of the daily vocabulary at the time. Aside from documents written in Hanmun, its usage in native Korean sentences written in the Hangul script is very scanty until late 19th century. The following example is the oldest one so far I have found and is a unique example from 15 through 16 centuries. ⟚షG┋ᐳ☇ᬛGꋌ㚨欃 ⚛G⟚షGG<1461 浙媯膎軵跞 3:96a> GG ష 崥〳驸 pʌrk-om-ʌn thaijaŋ-ʌr cos-ko etɨ’um-ɨn hɨkŋwerʔ-ɨr cos-ko G “The brightness follows the sun and the darkness follows the black moon”  But this usage of ‘ኴ㝧’ is a translation of a passage from sutra written in Chinese (“᫂ᚑኴ㝧ᬯ㝶㯮 ᭶”), so that it is difficult to decide whether or not this word was used in daily life in the 15th century. Although other sporadic usages are found from 17 through 18 centuries (but less than 5 examples in total), it is as late as the late 19th century that we see plenty of examples of this word, many of the early examples being from documents on Christianity like the following: ∳షGG<1865 ୺ᖺ▚⚰ᘅ┈ 9b> GG╟ⅯG┓ి┧G౨ ᭳ ⓓG〳ⓨG h h G jeisu erkor-ei kwaŋc ʌi parhʌ-ja t aijaŋ kʌthʌ-si-ko “Jesus’s face shone like the sun ...” GGᶛ♷⸿቗Gே☏⛋G〳ⓨ⚯Gᶮ ᭾⚓᤻G〳ⓨ⚯Gホ▗Gᶮ⶯G࿯〗࿯GG<1883 ┿ᩍษせ 26b> piju-khentai ke’ur-i thaijaŋ-ɨi pich-ʌr pat-ɨmai thaijaŋ-ɨi thjei-wa pich-i nathana  “it is as if a mirror reflects the sun and the sun’s body and the light appear ...” Therefore it is likely that although this Sino-Korean word have been known for many centuries but it was in the late 19th century that this word began to be used as part of the daily vocabulary probably under the influence of the introduction of western culture. 4 Conclusion The native Korean word for the sun has very little dialectal variation and has been steadily used at least from the 12th century. This word is also used with the meaning of ‘year’, contrary to many other languages in which this word has closer relationship with the temporal meaning ‘day’. So far I know of no other language which has a semantic relationship between the sun and year, so that the existence of such a language poses a cross-linguistically interesting question. Also a personified honorific variety of this word can be made by attaching the suffix /-nim/, and this too can be cross-linguistically interesting, since similar phenomena are found in other languages such as Japanese and Chinese. The etymology of this word is unclear but it might be related to color terms. Another Sino-Korean word /thɛjaŋ/ seems to have been known for a long time but it is until the late th 19 century that this word began to be used in the daily life. Based on these observations I would like to propose the following list of cross-linguistic questions: (1) Existence of personified varieties. (2) Existence of a temporal meaning (day, year). (3) Relationship with color terms (white, yellow, red, etc.) Acknowledgements I would like tothank Professor Mitsuaki Endo for inviting me to this conference. Otherwise I could not have noticed the rarity and importance of the relationship between the ‘sun’ and ‘year’ found in this language. References Choi, Hakkŭn (1978) Han’guk pangŏn sajŏn. (A Dictionary of Korean dialects) Seoul: Hyeonmunsa. Han’guk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏn’guwŏn (ed.) (1987—1995) Han’guk Pangŏn Charyochip (Materials in Korean dialects). 9 vols. Han’guk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏn’guwŏn. Chin T’aeha (1974) Kerim Yusa yŏngu. (A research on Jīlín lèishì) Seoul: Tower press. Kang, Sinhang (1980) Kerim Yusa Koryŏ pang’ŏn yŏngu. (A research on the Korean dialect in Jīlín lèishì) Seoul: The University of Sŏnggyungwan press. Kim, Minsu (ed.) (1997) Korean Etymological Dictionary (㤆ⰂⰦㄒ※㎡඾). Seoul: T’aehaksa.  Lee, Iksop et al. (2008) Han’guk pangŏn sajŏn (Linguistic atlas of Korea). Seoul: T’aehaksa. Ogura, Shinpei (1931a) Saishūtō hogen. (The Chejudo dialect) Seikyū gakusō (㟷ୣᏛྀ) 5: 26-70. Seoul: Seikyū gakkai. (reprinted in Ogura (1944, 2nd vol.: 453-500) Ogura, Shinpei (1931b) On the phonetic notation of Korean vowel. Study of Sounds. 4: 139-148. Phonetic society of Japan. Ogura, Shinpei (1944) Chōsengo hogen no kenkyū (Studies in the Korean dialects). 2 vols. 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Introduction This paper surveys studies in Austroasiatic languages (hereafter abbreviated as AAL) in order to identify the data used in the Asian geolinguistics project. First, we will focus on the data published after around 1990. Second, we will introduce some of the studies on AAL done by the scholars in Japan. Since the number of Japanese AAL researchers is very limited, we will refer not only recent works, but also some important ones done in 1960’s and 70’s, such as those by Sakamoto. Third, authors of the present paper currently working in different branches of AAL will appraise works by offering relevant bibliographies, and commenting on recent progress made in their subgroups of interest. Given the broad geographic distribution and sheer number of languages in the Austroasiatic phylum, this review is necessarily selective. From the rich body of literature that continues to emerge, we have chosen the most fundamental and relevant work to this project. Needless to say, an exhaustive review of AAL would be a much more significant work of research, and the authors designed the present survey with the objectives and scope of the project in mind. 2. Typological Characteristics of AAL AAL is comprised of the Mon-Khmer languages in Southern China and mainland Southeast Asia, the Munda languages in India, and the Nicobarese languages in the Andaman Sea. Most AAL in Southeast Asia are spoken in ethnic minority communities except Khmer (Cambodian) and Vietnamese, the official languages of Cambodia and Vietnam respectively. Although some languages in India have large populations, such as Santali at 6.5 million, Mundari 1.5 at million, Ho 1 at million, and Khasi 1 at million according to Osada & Onishi (eds) (2012), others are mostly spoken by minorities, and some of them are endangered. The notion of an Austroasiatic language family was advocated by Rev. Wilhelm Schmidt (1868-1954), SVD (Societas Verbi Divini) in the beginning of twentieth century. He proposed the idea of the Austroasiatic language family comprising the Mon-Khmer languages and Munda languages, and further put forward the idea of the Austric superfamily including Austroasiatic and Austronesian languages. It should be noted, however, that the term ‘Austric’ is commonly understood in India as equivalent to Austroasiatic. Typologically, verb-medial (Subject-Verb-Object) Mon-Khmer languages in the east contrast with verb-final (Subject-Object-Verb) Munda languages in the west. In between are verb-initial (Verb-Object-Subject) Nicobarese languages in Andaman Sea. Morphologically, while languages in Southeast Asia are basically isolating, those in South Asia have complex derivations with prefix, infix, and suffix. Lexically, not many words in AAL are attested as cognates. 3. Recent Researches in AAL Since Schmidt’s propagation of AAL, comparative studies of the phylum did not show much progress until the beginning of the twenty-first century. The high level of language diversity and broad geographic distribution of AAL, especially minority languages in dispersed areas, caused difficulties for linguists working in one language in extending their interest to another one. Knowledge in Khmer, for example,  would not help linguists study Mon since these two languages differ both in grammatically and in lexically. Most linguists in the area therefore have focused on a few languages in a subgroup or two trying to complete their descriptive studies. Dictionaries and grammars were thus published concerning major languages, such as Khmer, Vietnamese, Mon, and Santali. Another obstacle for development in research was the lack of communication among linguists. Those working in Southeast Asia or China have not had frequent contact with those working in South Asia. Situation has drastically changed, however, with resumption of the International Conference of Austroasiatic Linguistics (ICAAL). The third ICAAL was held in 2007 at Deccan College, Pune, after a long interim – the first was held in 1973, and the second in 1978. Now ICAAL is held almost regularly: sixth in 2015, and seventh to be held in the next two years. A major output from ICAAL is Jenny & Sidwell (eds) (2015), the Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. It is the first reference work of AAL, which is now regarded as an essential and comprehensive guide for AAL studies. Part I of the book comprises a typological overview, genetic classification, comparative reconstruction. Part 2 provides grammatical sketches of subgroups Aslian, Monic, Pearic, Khmeric, Bahnaric, Katuic, Vietic, Khmuic, Mangic, Palaungic, Khasian, and Nicobarese. Thai researchers, primarily at Mahidol University, have been conducting research on the Khmu and Palaung languages. These studies, importantly, have been regional projects, not limited to varieties spoken in Thailand. Work on Khmu included a multi-country survey of dialects, producing not only lexical resources, but a descriptive grammar, extensive treatment of tonogenesis, and conversational materials. These materials complement the body of works by Svantesson, Lindell and Kam Raw, covering linguistic and folklore studies of the 1970s and 1980s. With regards to Palaung, researchers at Mahidol have recently completed a project to document the diversity of the Palaung languages, covering varieties spoken in Myanmar, China and Thailand. The Journal of Language and Culture, published by Mahidol, issued a special volume on Palaung in 2009. The depth of Palaung linguistic diversity has only started to be understood, but these recent materials move forward the important historical work of Ostapirat (2009) and earlier linguists, such as Mitani’s 1977 reconstruction of Proto-Palaung. In terms of cross-cutting typological issues, researchers of AAL have been engaged in exploration and discussion of the processes of tonogenesis and registrogenesis. The influence of these suprasegmental dynamics on the trajectories of change that are seen in the AAL family is significant. The well-known cases of register in Khmer and Mon have been followed by a growing body of research in Katuic, Bahnaric and Pearic. While the process of devoicing and register and in some cases tone development has been observed widely across the family, other mechanisms of tonogenesis have been described by Svantesson for the Angkuic branch of Palaungic languages. The question of register in the history of the AAL phylum is yet to be resolved. 4. Resources for AAL Geolinguistics 4.1 Online resources In what follows, we will review the sources of data to be used in the study of AAL geolinguistics. First of all, information provided by SEALANG projects on the following web site will provide a critical resource for the Asian geolinguistics project. https://sealang.net/ The site provides information of Southeast Asian languages with the following online library collecting materials, including dictionaries. https://sealang.net/library/ Among the services provided by SEALANG project, the most convenient resource for our research is their “Etymological Dictionary, built to support work in comparative and historical linguistics, and a companion Languages Database devoted to preservation and sharing of language and lexical resources. [cited from the site] ” https://sealang.net/monkhmer/dictionary/  The site above provides a database based on published material, where we can retrieve words with bibliographical information about the original first-hand data. Some other web sites provide online dictionaries. For example, the following site at ILCAA provides word search in the Santal Dictionary by P.O. Bodding (1868-1936). This is part of the collaboratively work on Santali by M. Minegishi, Jun Takashima at ILCAA, Tokyo, and Ganesh Murmu at Ranchi University, India. 1 https://www.aa.tufs.ac.jp/~mmine/india/Bodding2k/index.html Concerning languages in South Asia, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel (Kiel University) provides information on “seldom studied and endangered South Asian languages”. https://www.isfas.uni-kiel.de/de/linguistik/forschung/projekte/southasiabibliography/bibliography/austroasi atic/austroasiatic 4.2 Dictionaries Since the online dictionaries and materials available on the web sites above are digital reprint versions of paper publications, it is recommended to refer to the original dictionaries and grammar books if at all possible. Although dictionaries on major languages such as Khmer, Vietnamese, and Santali are available, those of minority languages are not numerous. Among such dictionaries, the following have appeared only recently: Peiros, Ilia. 1996. Katuic comparative dictionary. Canberra, Pacific Linguistics C-132. Jacq, P & Sidwell, P 2000. A Comparative West Bahnaric Dictionary. Lincom Europa, Munich. Premsrirat, Suwilai. 2002. Thesaurus of Khmu Dialects in Southeast Asia. Bangkok, Mahidol University. Shorto, Harry L. 2006. A Mon-Khmer Comparative Dictionary. Canberra, Pacific Linguistics. Smith, Kenneth. 2012. Sedang Dictionary with English, Vietnamese and French Glossaries. SIL International. Watkins, Justin 2013. Dictionary of Wa (2 vols). Leiden: Brill. Svantesson, Jan-Olof, Kam Raw, Kristina Lindell, Hakan Lundstrom. 2014. Dictionary of Kammu Yuan Language and Culture. Copenhagen: NIAS Press. Moreover, linguists in Vietnam have been steadily producing a valuable collection of dictionaries of Vietic, Katuic and Bahnaric language spoken in that country, all of which are glossed in Vietnamese and are difficult to obtain outside of Vietnam. 5. AAL Education and Studies in Japan Among AAL, Vietnamese is taught and researched in several universities in Japan, such as Osaka University, Kanda University of International Studies, and Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (TUFS). Khmer is taught in TUFS only. These universities have regular staff teaching undergraduate and graduate students. Among them are Prof. Kenji Tomita (grammar) and Masaaki Shimizu (phonology and syntax) at Osaka University and Atsushi Kasuga (phonetics and syntax) at Kanda University concerning Vietnamese. Hiromi Ueda and Tomoko Okada at TUFS work on Khmer syntax. Based on the examination of headwords of the Santal dictionary, Minegishi et al. (2010), (2011) claim that Bodding’s distinction between narrow and open vowels, i.e.,“e” vs. “e”, and “o” vs. “o” is not a phonemic one, thus, the Santali vowel system has only six vowels, rather than eight that Bodding claimed. 1  5.1 Prof. Sakamoto’s works on Khmer and Mon Yasuyuki Sakamoto㸦ᆏᮏᜤ❶㸧, Prof. Emeritus of TUFS, is one of the linguists who initiated the study of Khmer and Mon languages in Japan. He made some important studies on phonologies of modern standard Khmer [ᆏᮏ (1968)] and old Khmer (for example Sakamoto (1970), (1971), (1974)). He was the first professor in Khmer studies at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, to offer a regular course in Cambodian since 1992. He published grammar and dictionaries of Khmer, and dictionaries of Mon as follows: ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1989. ࠗ࢝ࣥ࣎ࢪ࢔ㄒධ㛛࠘. ᮾி㸸኱Ꮫ᭩ᯘ. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 1989. Introduction to Cambodian. Tokyo: Daigaku Shorin.] ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1988. ࠗ࢝ࣥ࣎ࢪ࢔ㄒ㎡඾࠘. ᮾி㸸኱Ꮫ᭩ᯘ. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 1988. Cambodian Dictionary. Tokyo: Daigaku Shorin.] ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 2001. ࠗ࢝ࣥ࣎ࢪ࢔ㄒ㎡඾࠘඲㸱ᕳ. ᮾி㸸࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲ᡤ. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 2001. Cambodian Dictionary. 3 vols. Tokyo: ILCAA.] He also published the following Mon dictionaries based on his field work done in Bangkok: ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1994.ࠗࣔࣥㄒ㎡඾࠘. ᮾி㸸࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲ᡤ. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 1994. Mon Dictionary. Tokyo: ILCAA.] ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1996. ࠗ᪥ᮏㄒ㸫ࣔࣥㄒ㎡඾࠘. ᮾி㸸࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲ᡤ. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 1996. Japanese-Mon Dictionary. Tokyo: ILCAA.] 5.2. Khmer phonology in Japan Along with his phonetic description and phonological analysis of modern Khmer based on his fieldwork in Phnom Penh, Sakamoto made phonemic analysis of old Khmer based on inscriptions. From his analysis of distribution of vowel symbols in the inscriptions, he induced the original vowel system. Sakamoto (1974), for example, distinguishes three ways in usage of vowel symbols <a>, <aa>, or <o>. The first is to write a vowel in a word with either <a> or <aa>, but never with <o>. The second is to write a vowel with either <a> or <o>, but never with <aa>. The third is to write a vowel always with <a>. By examining the modern pronunciation of the words written in these three types, he reconstructs two phonemes: vowel /*A/ written as <a> or <aa>, and vowel /*O/, written as <a> or <o>. The one always written with <a> can be identified as either /*A/ or /*O/. See Sakamoto (1970), (1971) for the case of other vowels. Following Sakamoto’s phonemic description of modern standard Khmer, ᓠᓊ [Minegishi] (1985) showed that there are dialectal differences in phonemic system in Khmer, especially in vowels. Minegishi (1986) gives the phonemic system of the local dialect in Takeo province near Phnom Penh, which differs significantly from that of standard Khmer. 5.3 Work on Palaungic languages [reviewed by Badenoch] Yasuyuki Mitani㸦୕㇂ᜤஅ㸧 made early contributions to the study of the Waic languages in the 1960s and 70s, particularly with analysis of the Lawa and Khamet languages spoken in Thailand. Moreover, Mitani’s reconstruction of Palaungic is still respected as the most solid scholarship on the topic. In addition to the analytical material presented by Mitani that drew on his own field research, an important contribution of his was to bridge back to the earlier days of field surveying conducted by scholars such as Luce. Very recently, Cheeseman et al. (2015) have published “Palaungic Linguistic Bibliography with Selected Annotations”, now probably to be considered to reflect the state of the art of Palaungic literature. 5.4 Current AAL investigators In addition to the linguists given above, the following are some of the active linguists in Japan  investigating AAL. Naomitsu Mikami at the Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, Keio University works on Vietnamese, Thai, and other languages in mainland Southeast Asia. Toshiki OSADA has conducted field work on Munda languages in Bihar and Jharkhand states in India. He is specialized in Mundari language and has published Mundari grammars, textbooks and academic papers. Atsushi Yamada works on Waic in China. Yuma Ito has conducted fieldwork on Mlabri, endangered language in Thailand. 6. State of the art of AAL studies In what follows, the authors of the present paper currently working in different fields, offer the bibliographies, and comment on the recent progress in the area of their concern. We will hereafter refer to the materials written in English, Japanese or Chinese only. 6.1. Comparative Studies [by Osada] ࠙General Commentsࠚ Along with the recent steady progress in descriptive studies of AAL, reconstruction of the language family has made great progress. Paul Sidwell works most actively in this area. ࠙Recent publicationsࠚ Peiros, Ilia. 1998. Comparative Linguistics in Southeast Asia. Pacific Linguistics Series C-142. Canberra, Australian National University. Sidwell, P. & Jacq, P. 2003, A Handbook of Comparative Bahnaric: volume 1 - West Bahnaric, Pacific Linguistics, Canberra. Sidwell, P. 2005. The Katuic Languages: Classification, Reconstruction and Comparative Lexicon. Lincom Europa, Muenchen, Germany Sidwell, P. 2009. Classifying the Austroasiatic languages: History and state of the art, Lincom Europa, Munich Germany Sidwell, Paul. 2011. Comparative Mon-Khmer Linguistics in the 20th Century: where from, where to? in K.S. Nagaraja (ed), Austro-Asiatic Linguistics: In memory of R. Elangaiyan. (Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Austroasiatic Languages). Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Languages. pp.38-104 Sidwell, P. 2015. The Austroasiatic language phylum: a typology of phonological restructuring, in Claire Bowern and Bethwyn Evans (eds), The Routledge Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Abingdon, UK and New York, USA: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. pp. 675-703. Sidwell, P. & Rau, F. 2015. Austroasiatic Comparative-Historical Reconstruction: An Overview, in Mathias Jenny & Paul Sidwell (eds), The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. Leiden: Brill. pp. 221-363. 6.2. Paleontology [by Osada] AAL paleontology has only very recently started to open new perspectives on the field: Diffloth, Gérard. 2005. The contribution of linguistic palaeontology to the homeland of Austro-asiatic. In: Sagart, Laurent, Roger Blench and Alicia Sanchez-Mazas (eds). The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. Routledge/Curzon. pp.79-82. van Driem, George. 2007. Austroasiatic phylogeny and the Austroasiatic homeland in light of recent population genetic studies. Mon–Khmer Studies, 37: 1–14. Sidwell, P & Blench, R. 2011. The Austroasiatic Urheimat: the Southeastern Riverine Hypothesis. in Enfield, N. J. (ed.), Dynamics of human diversity : the case of mainland Southeast Asia, Pacific Linguistics, Canberra Australia, pp. 315-343.  6.3. Studies in China [by Yamada] ࠙Recent publicationsࠚ The following are publications concerning languages of Mon-Khmer subgroups in China. [Austroasiatic in China] ีᒾ㸦2006㸧 ࠗᏗ㧗Ფ宕ኌ宫◊✲࠘୰ኸẸ᪘኱Ꮫฟ∧♫. 桄඼㤶࣭࿘᳜ᚿ㸦1995㸧 ࠗ୰ᅜᏗ㧗Ფ宕᪘宕ゝ୚༡Ṃ宕⣔࠘ ୰ኸẸ᪘኱Ꮫฟ∧♫. [Waic] ⋤ᩗ働࣭ᕐ໬呿࣭⫝̸⋢ⰷ 㕆㸦1994㸧 ࠗా䈝◊✲࠘ப༡Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫. ⋤ᩗ働 ⦅㸦1992㸧 ࠗా䈝⇍䈝≷䟺࠘ப༡Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫. Watkins, Justin㸦1998㸧The Phonetics of Wa, Ph.D dissertation, SOAS, University of London. 㸦 2002 㸧 The Phonetics of Wa. Experimental Phonetics, Phonology, Orthography and Sociolinguistics. Pacific Linguistics, Canberra: Australian National University. 㸦2013㸧Dictionary of Wa. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill. ᒣ⏣ᩔኈ㸦2005㸧 ࠕ࣡ㄒࣃࣛ࢘ࢡ᪉ゝ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ௦ྡモ࡜ྡモࡢ㐃⥆ࠖ ࠗᮾ࢔ࢪ࢔ゝㄒ◊✲࠘ 8 ྕ, 22-36. 㸦2006㸧 ࠕా䈝ᕮ㔅ඞ᪉ゝⓗከࣘ䇽㔃ᯊ㸸௨୩୭ពីࣘ䇽ᯊᡂⓗᙧᘧѪ୺ࠖࠗᮾ࣮ࣘࣛࢩ࢔ ゝㄒ◊✲࠘ዲᩥฟ∧, 222-233. 㸦2007㸧 ࠕࣃࣛ࢘ࢡ࣭࣡ㄒࠖ୰ᒣಇ⚽࣭ᒣ㉺ᗣ⿱⦅ࠗᩥἲࢆᥥࡃ㸸ࣇ࢕࣮ࣝࢻ࣮࣡ࢡ࡟ᇶ࡙ ࡃㅖゝㄒࡢᩥἲࢫࢣࢵࢳ࠘➨ 2 ྕ, 259-284. 㸦2010㸧 ࠕࣃࣛ࢘ࢡ࣭࣡ㄒ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ㢮ఝ୪ิ⾲⌧ࡢᵓ㐀ࠖࠗ࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ࡢゝㄒ࡜ゝㄒ Ꮫ࠘5 ྕ, 3-16. 㸦2012㸧 ࠕ࣡ㄒ᪉ゝ࠿ࡽࡳࡓṇ᭩ἲࠖࠗ໭ᾏ㐨Ẹ᪘Ꮫ࠘8 ྕ㸪27-34. YAMADA, Atsushi 㸦2007㸧Parauk Wa Folktales㸸ా᪘㸦ᕮ㔅ඞ㸧ⓗẸ䰤ᨾ஦, ILCAA. 㸦2013㸧“Phonological Outline of the Vo Dialect” The Journal of Burma Studies, 17(1), 61-79. ࿘᳜ᚿ࣭仌඼㤶࣭䱸ᅜᒶ㸦2004㸧 ࠗా䈝᪉ゝ◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫. [Angkuic] 䱸ᅜᒶ㸦2005㸧 ࠗඞ⶜䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫. [Bit–Khang] ย⌱㸦2007㸧 ࠗᕸⰢ䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫ 㧗Ọወ㸦2004㸧 ࠗᕸ‫ޤ‬䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫ [Khmuic] 䱸ᅜᒶ㸦2002㸧 ࠗඞᮌ䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫ [Pakanic] 㧗Ọወ㸦2003㸧 ࠗⳝ䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫ ᮤ᪫㓳㸦1999㸧ࠗ‫؛‬䈝◊✲࠘୰ኸẸ᪘኱Ꮫฟ∧♫ ᮤபර㸦2005㸧ࠗᕸ䎃䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫ ࠙General Commentsࠚ Elucidation of little known languages, such as those of the Palaungic and Khmuic branches shows progress. Among them investigation of Waic languages has progressed in terms of both quality and quantity. Investigators focus on historical studies such as historical phonology and comparative studies. Studies in typology and sociolinguistics are expected to increase.  6.4. Studies in Munda languages As mentioned above, Osada has made a significant contribution to the study of the Munda languages, including multiple articles in the important book The Munda Languages, edited by Anderson and released in 2008. Among these are “Mundari”, as a single author chapter, and the co-authored “Ho and Kherwarian languages” with Anderson and Harrison. Moreover, Kobayashi co-authored a chapter on Kera Mundari. A language learning text, Lessons in Mundari, has been released in pre-publication form, authored by Osada et al. 6.5. Studies in Khmuic languages [summarized by Ito] ࠙Recent publicationsࠚ Rischel, Jørgen. 2007. Mlabri and Mon-Khmer. Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser 99, Copenhagen: The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters Sidwell, Paul. 2014. Khmuic Classification and Homeland. Mon-Khmer Studies 43(1): 47-56. ࠙General Commentsࠚ Comparative studies have shown noticeable progress. Some minor languages in the group have been investigated, such as Mlabri (by Ito), and Bit, Ksingmul and Phong (by Badenoch). Description of other members of this branch is necessary. 6.6 AAL in the Japanese grey literature [summarized by Badenoch] Over the past two decades, Japanese field-based projects have produced a number of short, but valuable word lists for languages that remain largely undescribed. For example, publications from ILCAA have introduced data on Then (Khmuic), Khabit (Khmuic-Palaungic?) and Khmu (Khmuic), all presented by Kosaka (2001, 1999, 1999). Additionally, a Khang wordlist from Vietnam was produced by Ueda ed (2003), as well as Mlabri by Sakamoto ed (2005), both as part of the Endangered Language of the Pacific Rim project. Moreover, Palaungic wordlists have been released through ILCAA: The Palaung Language (Shintani 2008) and the Riang Language (Shintani 2014). References Anderson, Gregory ed. 2008 The Munda Languages. London: Routledge. Bodding, P. O. 1929–36. A Santal Dictionary. 5 vols. Oslo: Kommisjon Hos Jacob Dybwad. Cheeseman, Nathaniel, Elizabeth Hall and Darren Gordon. 2015. “Palaungic Linguistic Bibliography with Selected Annotations”, Mon-Khmer Studies, vol 44. SIL and Mahidol University. Jenny, Mathias and Paul Sidwell ed. 2015. The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. 2 vols. 1330pp. Leiden, Boston: Brill. ᕝᮏ㑥⾨㸦⦅㸧2011.ࠗヲゎ࣋ࢺࢼ࣒ㄒ㎡඾࠘. ᮾி㸸኱ಟ㤋. [Kawamoto, Kunie (ed) 2011. Vietnamese-Japanese Dictionary. Tokyo: Taishukan.] Kobayashi, Masato and Ganesh Murmu. 2008. “Kera Mundari”, in Anderson ed. The Munda Languages. London: Routledge. Ἑ㔝භ㑻㸪ட஭Ꮥ㸪༓㔝ᰤ୍㸦⦅ⴭ㸧1988-1996.ࠗゝㄒᏛ኱㎡඾࠘. ᮾி㸸୕┬ᇽ. [Kono, Rokuro, Takashi Kamei and Eiichi Chine [eds] Sanseido’s Linguistic Encyclopedia, 6 vols with an appendix, Tokyo: Sanseido]. Kosaka, Ryuichi. 1999. “Some features of the Khabet langauge – a Mon-Khmer language linking Khmuic to Palaungic branches”, Shintani ed. Linguistic and Anthropological Study on the Shan Culture Area, ILCAA. Kosaka, Ryuichi. 1999. “Khmu”. Shintani et al. ed, Linguistic Survey of Phongxaly, Lao P.D.R. ILCAA. Kosaka, Ryuichi. 2001. “Then”. Shintani et al. ed. Linguistic Survey of Phongsaly, Lao P.D.R. ILCAA. ᓠᓊ┿⍆ 1985. ࠕ⌧௦ࢡ࣓࣮ࣝㄒࡢṇ᭩ἲ࡜ㅖ᪉ゝࠖ,ࠗゝㄒ◊✲࠘➨ 88 ྕ, pp.41-67. [Minegishi, Makoto 1985. Modern Khmer orthography and its dialects. Gengo Kenyu 88, pp.41-67.] Minegishi, Makoto. 1986. On Takeo dialects of Khmer: Phonology and word list. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 31, pp.130-157.  Minegishi, Makoto 2014. Geographic distribution of Khmer phonemic systems. Papers from the Second International Conference on Asian Geolinguistics. pp.191-202. Minegishi, Makoto, Jun Takashima and Ganesh Murmu. 2010. On the narrow and open "o" contrast in Santali. 32nd All India Conference of Linguists. Lucknow University, 21-23, Dec. 2010. Minegishi, Makoto, Jun Takashima and Ganesh Murmu. 2011. On the narrow and open “e” contrast in Santali. in Kawaguchi, Yuji, Minegishi, Makoto and Wolfgang Viereck (eds.) Corpus-based Analysis and Diachronic Linguistics, pp.203-222. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ୕㇂ᜤஅ 1965. ࠕ࣓࣮࢝ࢺㄒ㡢⣲య⣔ࡢグ㏙࡜ẚ㍑ゝㄒᏛⓗ⪃ᐹࠖ㸪 ࠗᮾ༡࢔ࢪ࢔◊✲࠘3(3): 22-51. [Mitani, <DVX\XNL  $ GHVFULSWLYH DQG FRPSDUDWLYH VWXG\ RI WKH .KDPHW 3KRQRORJ\ 7ǀQDQ $MLD .HQN\nj 3(3):22-51]. ୕㇂ᜤஅ 1966. ࠕࣛ࣡ㄒ࣮࣎ࣝ࣡ࣥ᪉ゝࡢᇶᮏయ⣔ࠖ㸪 ࠗᮾ༡࢔ࢪ࢔◊✲࠘4(2): 40-62. [Mitani, Yasuyuki. 1965. 'HVFULSWLYHVWXG\RIWKH/DZDODQJXDJH %R/XDQJGLDOHFW 7ǀQDQ$MLD.HQN\nj  -62]. ୕㇂ᜤஅ 1972a. ࠕࣛ࣡ㄒㄒᙡ㈨ᩱࠖ㸪ࠗᮾ༡࢔ࢪ࢔◊✲࠘10(1): 131-168. [Mitani, Yasuyuki. 1972. A short YRFDEXODU\RI/DZD7ǀQDQ$MLD.HQN\nj  -168]. ୕㇂ᜤஅ 1972b. ࠕࣛ࣡ㄒ㡢㡩ㄽࡢ◊✲ࠖ 㸪 ࠗᮾ༡࢔ࢪ࢔◊✲࠘10(2): 174-196. [Mitani, Yasuyuki. 1972. Studies RQWKH/DZDSKRQRORJ\7ǀQDQ$MLD.HQN\nj  -196]. Osada, Toshiki. 2008. “Mundari”, in Anderson ed. The Munda Languages. London: Routledge. Osada, Toshiki, Gregory Anderson and David Harrison. “Ho and the Kherwarian Languages, in Anderson ed. The Munda Languages. London: Routledge. Osada, Toshiki and Onishi, Masayuki (eds) 2012: Language Atlas of South Asia. Harvard Oriental Series; Opera Minora 8. Ostapirat, Weera. 2009. Some phonological criteria for Palaung subgrouping. Journal of Language and Culture Vol. 28, No. 1. Mahidol University. Suwilai Premsrirat. 2004. "Register Complex and Tonogenesis in Khmu Dialects." In The Mon-Khmer Studies Journal, 34: 1-17 3UƝPVƯUDW6XZLODLThe Thesaurus and Dictionary Series of Khmu Dialects in Southeast Asia. Nakorn Pathom: Institute of Language and Culture for Rural Development, Mahidol University at Salaya, Thailand. Suwilai Premsrirat. 2001. "Tonogenesis in Khmu Dialect of SEA." In The Mon-Khmer Studies Journal, 31: 47-56. Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia. 2009. Special issue of Journal of Language and Culture, vol. 28, No. 1. Mahidol University Sakamoto, Hinako, ed. 2005. “Mlabri Text”, Endangered Languages of the Pacific Rim, A3-017. ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1968. ࠕᶆ‽࢝ࣥ࣎ࢪ࢔ㄒ࡜ࣉࣀࣥ࣌ࣥ᪉ゝࠖ㸪ࠗᮾ༡࢔ࢪ࢔◊✲࠘6(2): 48-78. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki. 1968. On standard Khmer and the Phnom Penh dialect. 7ǀQDQ$MLD.HQN\nj. 6(2):48-78]. ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1969. ࠕᶆ‽࢝ࣥ࣎ࢪ࢔ㄒࡢ㡢㡩య⣔ࠖ,ࠗ࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲࠘[Sakamoto, Yasuyuki. 1969. On the pholological system of standard Khmer. Journal of Asian and African Studies. 2:88-99]. 6DNDPRWR<DVX\XNLLƯ\D\ƗGHNKPHUDQFLHQW7ǀQDQ$MLD.HQN\nj. 7(4): 492-503. Sakamoto, Yasuyuki. 1971. Sur quelques voyelles de khmer ancient. Journal of Asian and African Studies. 4: 53-73. 6DNDPRWR<DVX\XNL  DHWƗGHNKPHUDQFLHQWJournal of Asian and African Studies. 7: 75-100. Schmidt, Wilhelm. 1906. Die Mon–Khmer-Völker, ein Bindeglied zwischen Völkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens, Archiv für Anthropologie, Braunschweig, new series, 5:59-109. Shintani, Tadahiko L. A. 2014. The Riang Language. Linguistic Survey of Tay Cultural Area (LSTCA) No. 101. Shintani, Tadahiko L. A. 2008. The Palaung Language: Comparative Lexicon of its Southern Dialects. ILCAA. Shorto, H. L. 1963. Bibliographies of Mon-Khmer and Tai linguistics. [London oriental bibliographies. vol. 2]. School of Oriental and African Studies. London, New York: Oxford University Press. Ueda, Hiromi, ed. 2003. “Reports on Minority Languages in Mainland Southeast Asia”, Endangered Languages of The Pacific Rim, A3-013.