Curriculum Inquiry
ISSN: 0362-6784 (Print) 1467-873X (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcui20
Al-Kindi on education: Curriculum theorizing and
the intercultural Minhaj
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar
To cite this article: Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar (2020) Al-Kindi on education: Curriculum
theorizing and the intercultural Minhaj, Curriculum Inquiry, 50:3, 262-280, DOI:
10.1080/03626784.2020.1809966
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/03626784.2020.1809966
Published online: 05 Oct 2020.
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CURRICULUM INQUIRY
2020, VOL. 50, NO. 3, 262–280
https://doi.org/10.1080/03626784.2020.1809966
Al-Kindi on education: Curriculum theorizing and the
intercultural Minhaj
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar
University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada
ABSTRACT
KEYWORDS
This article presents Al-Kindi as the first Arab intercultural curriculum theorizer, rather than the first Arab philosopher as is often
argued. He envisioned an intercultural and interdisciplinary curriculum within the Arabic intellectual tradition. This article proposes Al-Kindism as a conceptual framework for education that
revisits interdisciplinary and intercultural possibilities geared
toward conflict resolution and synthesis. It also explores how AlKindi was arguably the first in the Arabic intellectual tradition to
initiate a move from Majlis to Minhaj, that is from Masjid learning
practices centered on theological studies to schooling. In other
words, in the absence of actual schooling, his educational vision
offered a possibility of a conceptualized curriculum to be taught.
Al-Kindi’s scholarly eagerness was driven not necessarily by, as
generally perceived, the desire to promote philosophy, but more
importantly, by the need to develop an intellectually responsive
educational tradition to accommodate emerging intercultural
encounters. He believed that the acquisition of true knowledge
could only be achieved through intercultural competence and
that such competence would eliminate the tension between
Greek thought and Islamic culture. Thus, as a curriculum theorizer,
Al-Kindi initiated a Minhaj marked by indebtedness to intercultural encounters, by a shift away from Majlis, and by the implementation of interdisciplinarity.
Intercultural education; AlKindi; medieval Islamic
philosophy; Muslim
education; curriculum studies
During the Middle Ages, Al-Kindi, a ninth-century Basrah-born, Baghdad-educated
young man, managed to convince the Islamic world that its intellectual tradition was
compatible with Greek philosophy. This article proposes that Al-Kindi was the first
Arab intercultural educator, rather than the first Arab philosopher as is often argued.
He envisioned and paved the way for an intercultural and interdisciplinary curriculum
within the Arabic intellectual tradition. Al-Kindi’s scholarly eagerness was driven not
necessarily by, as is generally perceived, the desire to promote philosophy, but more
importantly by the burning question of how Muslim thinkers could develop an intellectually responsive educational tradition in an expanding empire. In response, he successfully extended the possibilities of education beyond the boundaries of theology
through the diversification of knowledge. This article proposes Al-Kindism as a
CONTACT Wisam Abdul-Jabbar
[email protected]
ß 2020 the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education
University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada.
AL-KINDI ON EDUCATION
263
conceptual framework for education that can revisit interdisciplinary and intercultural
possibilities geared toward synthesis, as exemplified by Al-Kindi’s response to the political and intellectual upheavals of his time. When confronted with emerging intercultural encounters, Al-Kindi sought an inclusive approach that challenged prescribed
and fixed interpretive practices, hence the shift from Majlis to Minhaj.
An intercultural approach in education regards cultural diversity as inherently positive, and places itself in opposition to those who believe that cultural differences are
divisive. I propose two specific attributes of intercultural education that demonstrate
why this intercultural paradigm matters in curriculum theorizing: the diversification of
knowledge and the implementation of interdisciplinarity. These are important because
they correspond to how Al-Kindism functions as a conceptual framework for curriculum theorizing. First, those undertaking an intercultural approach understand the
acquisition of knowledge as a process of travelling across different, not necessarily
Western, boundaries. Paraskeva (2011) recommended that we “assume consciously
that (an)other knowledge is possible” and that we “go beyond the Western epistemological platform, paying attention to other forms of knowledge and respecting indigenous knowledge within and beyond the Western space” (p. 152). Likewise, Sousa
Santos (2008) argued that “the decolonization of science is based on the idea that
there is no global social justice without global cognitive justice [and] the logic of the
monoculture of scientific knowledge and rigor must be confronted with the identification of other knowledges” (p. xlix). An interculturally conceived curriculum presents an
understanding of culture that moves beyond the narrow path of heritage events,
culinary practices, fashion, ethnic pride, and popular songs. It shifts into the wide and
open terrain of dialogue that helps us to build solidarity with each other. In effect, by
exploring moments of converging educational practices within seemingly conflicting
cultures, intercultural educators generated the concept of an intercultural curriculum
“as a new tool both to integrate immigrants better into host societies and to frame
relationships between communities in more positive ways” (Moskal & North, 2017, p.
108). The diversification of educational contents and methods, the ability to establish
dialogue, and an emphasis on the development of intercultural competencies are
necessary to challenge hegemonic threats and opposition to cultural diversity. A curriculum that provides opportunities for students to enter into direct relations with different perspectives and contexts is crucial to help them shape their own views free
from the influence of ethnocentric curricula.
Al-Kindi: The First Arab Philosopher
Abu Yusuf Ya’qub b. Ishaq Al-Kindi (801–873) is often celebrated as the first Arab philosopher in the strict ethnic sense. His tribe includes Imru’ Al-Qais, one of the last
Kindite princes and one of the greatest sixth-century Arab poets. His father held a
high official position, and Al-Kindi frequented the courts of both the caliphs AlMa’mun and Al-Mu’tas: im. He wrote much during the Al-Mu’tas: im Caliphate and was
tutor to Al-Mu’tas: im’s son Ahmad. Al-Kindi, however, unfairly fell from grace and lost
support in the time of the succeeding Caliph Al-Mutawakkil. This was either because
of his alleged anti-Islamic views, or perhaps due to sheer personal resentment on the
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part of the Caliph’s associates. His large personal library was confiscated, and he was
beaten up; although his books were later returned, he never regained his former position of favor in the court.
Though the subject matter of his writing ranges from pharmaceuticals to music, AlKindi is best known for popularizing philosophy as a fundamental part of the Islamic
intellectual tradition and for advancing the importation of knowledge from other cultures. Fakhry (2004) called him “the first systematic philosophical writer in Islam” who
championed “the reception or assimilation of foreign concepts and methods [which]
entitle him to a place entirely his own in the history of philosophical thought in Islam”
(p. 67). Responding to constant engagements with interfaith debates of the time and
attempts to resolve theological problems, he succeeded in reconciling Islam with
Greek philosophy and negotiating the compatibility of the Aristotelian cosmic view
with divinity. Al-Kindi was undoubtedly influenced by the era in which he lived. The
intellectual heritage of the Greek world and the achievements of the Arabic sciences
and translation movement contributed immensely to the rise of Renaissance Europe.
Al-Kindi’s scholarly efforts exemplify this intercultural moment of the uncanny convergence of the foreign with the familiar. His welcoming attitude towards foreign knowledge transformed it from a threat into a thread to be woven into Al-Kindi’s Minhaj, a
tapestry of cultural diversity.
The Historical and Intellectual Milieu of Ninth-Century Baghdad
When the Abbasids (750–1258), the second caliphal dynasty and descendants of the
Prophet’s uncle Abbas, vanquished the Umayyads dynasty in 750, their greatest menace was not the Persians or the Byzantines, as is generally thought. The Abbasids did
not wish to be seen as merely the usurpers of the Umayyads. As a newly established
dynasty, they sought intellectual superiority and attempted to establish an Islamic culture in the tradition of the Prophet and the four rightly guided Caliphs that could efficiently integrate and congenially cope with the astonishing speed of the empire’s
expansion. Moving their headquarters from Damascus, the Umayyads’ stronghold, into
Baghdad was not only a geopolitical shift or a strategic military maneuver, but also a
mental and intellectual departure from all things Umayyad. Among their greatest
achievements in internally fortifying the empire was, with the help of the Barmakids
family,1 establishing a “centralized administration” that extended beyond the reign of
the Caliph Al-Ma’mun (Kennedy, 2016, p. 124). They were fully aware of the uncertain
lives of rulers and did not wish for history to repeat itself.
Unchaining themselves from the Arab tribal system characteristic of the Umayyads,
the Abbasids strove for the universal without losing sense of their cultural roots. The
change, therefore, was a move from the narrow path of an ethnocentric, tribal attitude
into the wide terrain of the politics of inclusion of non-Arab ways and non-Arab
Muslims. This was because the Abbasids’ campaign started in Persia and was
immensely supported by Mawali2 as well as by aggrieved Arabs. The result was the
establishment of Baghdad’s House of Wisdom, a renowned research center for translation, the dissemination of knowledge, invention, and the study of the Hellenistic philosophical tradition. In other words, from its formative years to the early modern period,
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the Islamic empire was highly tolerant. Indeed, many viziers were not Muslim, or at
least not Arab, within the Abbasid empire and the Andalusian landscape. These viziers
generally demonstrated a high level of sociopolitical tolerance of differences and an
embraced professional knowledge and skills regardless of ethnic or religious affinities.
This inclusive attitude was a distinctive characteristic of the tradition of Islamic public
administration. Many of the senior administration staff also had scholarly roles at
established higher education and research centers, such as the House of Wisdom.
The House of Wisdom and the rigorous translation movement exemplify the
importance of this intercultural dialogue. Dimitri Gutas (1998) described this movement as
equal in significance to, and belong[ing] to the same narrative as, I would claim, that of
Pericles’ Athens, the Italian Renaissance, or the scientific revolution of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, and it deserves so to be recognized and embedded in our
historical consciousness. (p. 8)
This movement encouraged the translation of Greek philosophical texts and, most
importantly, led to distinctive interpretation efforts that contributed to philosophy in
general and to the Aristotelian philosophical tradition in particular:
Medieval Arab philosophers, from al-Kindi to Averroes, … painstakingly subjected
Aristotle to the demands of their belief … And it was this ‘Arab Aristotle,’ not so much
the pagan thinker of classical Greece, who ultimately triumphed in the West. (Lyons, 2009,
p. 197)
The aim of the House of Wisdom was to amalgamate the teachings of Islamic tradition and Hellenistic culture in order to demonstrate the intellectual compatibility of
Islam with Greek thought. This proved to be a priority for an expanding civilization
that sought to demonstrate the plurality and inclusivity of Islam:
Like the Romans, they could have refused to accept the legitimacy of Greek thought and
have the circulation and reading of it banned. They did not take this course of action,
however. Instead, they chose to amalgamate its teachings into Muslim culture—that is,
show that it was consistent with the Koran while at the same time attempting to
demonstrate the intellectual superiority of Islam over the Greek philosophical tradition …
[and ultimately] demonstrate just how intellectually resilient and fertile Islam was. (Booth,
2017, p. 49)
Unlike the Roman Empire, which closed the Greek schools in 529, the Abbasid
responded to their encounter with the Hellenic tradition by moving toward integration. As such, Al-Kindi’s eagerness to foster a pluralistic approach to education did not
happen in a sociocultural vacuum. He reconfirmed commonly held beliefs and practices from the Quran itself to promote diversity and openness to knowledge from places other than the Islamic world. For example, the Quran includes the following
passage: “O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and
made you into nations and tribes, that ye may know each other (not that ye may despise each other)” (Quran, 49:13).
Amyn B. Sajoo (2012) asserted that a pluralist narrative is central to Islamic education and identity:
Pluralism in culture and identity is cast here not as a passive reality, but as a project:
human communities are expected to ‘know each other’ as a fulfilment of the covenant
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with God. The expectation is explicitly aimed at all of mankind, not a particular
community. (p. 11)
Moreover, the teachings of the Mu’tazilite school, the dominant theological school
of the early Abbasid Caliphate, embodied a rationalistic view of Islam that sought to
validate its own epistemological approach towards knowledge. This was especially so
since the work of ninth-century scholars such as Muhammad Al-Bukhari and Muslim
Ibn Al-H
: ajjaj provided momentum to the collection of the Prophet’s Hadith. As Booth
(2017) contended:
This came alongside the project of trying to determine what were, and what were not,
genuine reports of the Prophet’s practices. This involved a great deal of scholarship, of
course, which was seen as central to the development of the Islamic faith. (p. 50)
This rationalistic and truth-seeking pedagogy, oriented toward the codification and
validation of knowledge, continued to set the tone for Islamic education and Madrassas
well beyond the end of the Mu’tazilites’ actual intellectual presence. It was in these
times, characterized by the stabilization of political turbulence, the centrality of authority, and the advancement of cultural maturation and affluence, that Al-Kindi flourished.
Why Knock at Al-Kindi’s Door? A Future in the Past and Familiarity in
the Strange
In the “West Meets East” issue of the journal Philosophy Now (2019), editor Anja
Steinbauer commented on what she called the impossible task:
I’ve spent a great deal of time thinking about how to communicate between different
traditions of thought and how to encourage their representatives to communicate with
each other. I’ve tried hermeneutics and comparative philosophy and my conclusion is that
it is a pretty impossible task. (p. 4)
Halstead (2004) addressed a similar concern in his discussion of an “apparent
reluctance” on the part of Muslim scholars to engage in a conceptualization of a philosophy of education. He attributed this uneasiness to “cultural baggage” and to the
irreconcilable nature of the foreign terms “philosophy” and “education” to Islamic education (p. 157). Al-Kindism, therefore, serves as a pedagogy in practice that breaks
down binary oppositions in education and reconciles seemingly divergent philosophical trajectories. For Al-Kindi, the intercultural aspect of the dissemination of knowledge does not simply mean seeking knowledge in distant places, but more
importantly from unknown nations that are generally perceived to be antagonistic. For
instance, in the heyday of the Islamic civilization, Al-Masu’di, a tenth-century traveller,
dismissed Western Europeans as follows:
The warm humor is lacking among them; their bodies are large, their natures gross, their
manners harsh, their understanding dull and their tongues heavy. Their color is
excessively white … Their religious beliefs lack solidity, and this is because of the nature
of cold and the lack of warmth. Those of them who are furthest to the north are the
most subject to stupidity, grossness and brutishness. (Lewis, 2000, p. 31)
A thousand years later, the position has been reversed, and extreme Western discourses have adopted similarly antagonistic and stereotypical rhetoric about Middle
AL-KINDI ON EDUCATION
267
Easterners and Muslims. Islamic signs such as hijab, minarets, and Shari’ah-related
codes are still regarded as extremely anti-Western. Islam is overwhelmingly mis/re/presented through reinforcing issues such as Shari’ah debates, the rise of ISIS and radicalization, and the alleged inability of Muslim immigrants to assimilate: “Islamic signs are
not only ostracized in public discourse but are also controlled and restricted through
multiple legal and administrative procedures in an attempt to ‘civilize’ or adjust them
to fit Western political cultures” (Cesari, 2013, p. xiii). This hegemonic attempt to present a predetermined image of Islam as a visible social oddity that is immune to interpretation and unarguably incompatible with the Western intellectual tradition has
become the dominant rhetoric in the mainstream media in the West. In response,
many Muslims found refuge in Islamic schools that exercise a protective attitude in
the face of Western hegemonic practices: “For many Muslims, Islamic education has
become a point of resistance, revival and renewal; a shield against the onslaught of
western culture from colonialism and neoliberalism and the consequent de-legitimization of Islamic and other ways of knowing” (Ahmed, 2014, p. 562). On both sides, the
general perception of Islam and the West as perennial adversaries that can never
meet is thus reinforced. Al-Kindi opposed this essentialist mentality towards foreign
nations and distant sources of knowledge and proposed a more intellectually challenging disposition that is conducive to pluralistic education and synthesis. He
negated what Sousa Santos (2014) referred to as epistemicide:
Unequal exchanges among cultures have always implied the death of the knowledge of
the subordinated culture, hence the death of subordinated groups that possessed it …
The loss of epistemological confidence that currently afflicts modern science has
facilitated the identification of the scope and gravity of the epistemicides perpetuated by
hegemonic Eurocentric modernity. (p. 92)
Where epistemicide rejects and annihilates anything that does not readily converge
with the normative dissemination of knowledge, Al-Kindism promotes the systematic
integration of any indigenous knowledge base and advocates fusion over ethnocentricity.
Although many on both sides have viewed the Islamic intellectual tradition in
opposition to its Western counterpart, Halstead (2004) pointed out that history has a
different story to tell: “Islamic scholarship led the world for hundreds of years in virtually every known academic discipline, there was a wide range of schools throughout
the Islamic empire and the greatest Islamic universities predate western universities by
several centuries” (p. 157). The heyday of the Abbasid Caliphate (750–950) was a time
of intellectual diffusions that gave rise to different schools of thought, such as Kalam
and Mu’tazili, which upheld reason as a vital tool to better understand theology and
as reconcilable with revelation. Contrary to the oppositional view mentioned above,
many other scholars have argued that intellectual streams of Islamic education are
compatible with contemporary Western ways of knowing. For instance, the
Mu’tazilites’ emphasis on the centrality of reason to all knowledge-based ways of
learning would “presumably not be opposed to the intellectual freedom striven for in
a liberal education” (O’Hear, 1981, p. 13). In fact, Shehadi (1982) referred to the
Medieval Islamic tradition as that of “West meets East,” since Islamic philosophers are
true inheritors of the Greek philosophic tradition. They not only mastered and assimilated
the Greek material on being, but also added to it, developed it, and at moments attained
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peaks of originality and subtlety that give them a permanent place in the history of
metaphysical ideas. (p. v)
This age contributed significantly to the development of the philosophical traditions. It also serves as a historical microcosm representing an Islamic educational
praxis that materializes through intercultural and interdisciplinary encounters. Al-Kindi
was the fruit of that microcosmic labor.
Al-Kindi was aware of the rapidly changing face of knowledge and that eventually,
Islam, like Judaism and Christianity before it, must address philosophical enquiries that
challenge revelation, God’s nature, and orthodox notions of knowing. He was convinced that philosophy and religion are two sides of the same coin; the latter is truth
revealed directly to prophets, whereas the former provides the tools that decode the
unrevealed and yet intelligible truth. While others understood Greek and Islamic
thought to be irreconcilable, Al-Kindi observed that, “Islamizing the Greek concept of
good, and … reinterpreting their hierarchical scheme of knowledge” could “give certain
pattern and order to education” (Ashraf, 1985, pp. 35–36). Revisiting his legacy
becomes essential because his overriding concern was for an interdisciplinary and
intercultural Minhaj that caters to both objectives and seeks truth as the ultimate outcome. We knock at the door because Al-Kindi realized that the expansion of the
Empire necessitated a complementary expansion of knowledge. What we learn from
Al-Kindi is that, for any body of thought to survive intercultural encounters, be it
across religion or any system of knowing including the Greek mindset itself, it must
develop a universal capacity and a welcoming attitude towards inclusivity that can be
adopted by other encroaching cultural assemblages. In other words, the difference
between culture and civilization is that whereas culture explains attributes that are
peculiar and unique to a particular society, civilization refers to what is transferable
and exchangeable between societies. As Turmen (1999) contended, “within this context, culture is unique to the genes and civilization is what can be generalized” (p. 2).
Al-Kindi’s main contribution, if not responsibility as an educator, therefore, was to
nurture a pluralistic educational outlook, a Minhaj, born of a quintessential universality
within Islam transforming it from a culture that dominated Arabia into a civilization.
He realized that theology and the pursuit of knowledge had become much more than
just an understanding of jurisprudence and revelation. Therefore, the purpose of this
article is not to persuade the reader of the excellent reputation of Al-Kindi as a philosopher nor of his historical importance, as other scholars have already successfully
undertaken this work. His direct influence on the trajectory of education in the Muslim
world, however, has yet to be adequately examined. I propose a quadruple Minhaj, a
curriculum informed by Al-Kindi’s thought, that is marked by gratitude, intercultural
encounters, a departure from Majlis, and a move towards interdisciplinary learning.
Al-Kindi’s Minhaj of Gratitude and Intercultural Encounters
In Arabic, the words Minhaj and Manhj are often used interchangeably to mean curriculum. Manhj refers to a school program and includes its subjects, regulations, and
pedagogical methods, whereas Minhaj, with its broader implications, is a more appropriate Arabic equivalent for the English word curriculum, which encompasses
AL-KINDI ON EDUCATION
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conceptual frameworks and practices. Furthermore, Minhaj can be said to subsume
Manhj, as the latter suggests a structured approach to learning. Nasreen Jawad Sharqi
(2014), for instance, explored Al-Kindi’s contributions to Manhj in terms of an educational methodology that is grounded in the Quran and the Prophet’s Hadith and pays
attention to the Arabic language and the professional ethics of teaching. Sharqi also
explains that Al-Kindi divided Manhj into three methods/subjects: Mathematics,
Natural Science, and Quiddity/Metaphysics (p. 238). M. K. Awaidha (1993) identified
three research approaches that are characteristic of Al-Kindi’s Manhj: empirical, logical,
and historical (p. 70). Likewise, Abdul Al-Latif (2012) gave a rather general account of
how Al-Kindi’s work contributes to categorical areas of educational studies: Islamic, linguistic, sociological, ethical, scientific, aesthetic, and bodily. These and similar studies
have explored Al-Kindi’s interest in education in terms of what he contributed to the
advancement of learning in general and the departmentalization of knowledge in particular. This study, however, argues that his main contributions are his advancement
of curriculum theorizing and intercultural competency.
In Arabic, the word Minhaj is a more comprehensive term than Manhj and includes
a broad scope and content. It also means a “path” that is clear and leads to truth. In
Al-Kindi’s time, it also meant a pathway or a way of life, and the Quran uses the word
in Chapter 5, verse 48: “From the Truth that hath come To thee. To each among you
Have We prescribed a Law And an Open Way [Minhaj].” This verse makes a distinction
between Shir’at, rules of religious conduct, and Minhaj, a path that encompasses all
aspects of life. Al-Kindi, however, used the specific word Subul, Arabic for paths that
lead to an achievable end, to refer to ways that lead to truth.3 In On First Philosophy,
Al-Kindi referred to Subul that scholars had offered over the ages. Adamson and
Pormann (2012) translated this passage as: “They have been our collaborators and
associates in offering some fruits of their thought, which have become for us paths
(Subul) and instruments” (p. 11). In the following paragraph, he also used “Subul Al
Haq” (approaches to the truth) within the context of gratitude to those who have previously contributed to knowledge:
So we ought to be very grateful to those who have brought a small part of truth, to say
nothing of those who have brought a large part of truth since they have shared with us
the fruits of their thought, and facilitated our studies into things that are true but hidden,
by offering us introductions that pave the way to the truth. (Adamson & Pormann, 2012,
p. 11)4
As indicated above, Sabil is Arabic for path or way, which, as Al-Kindi explained,
leads to truth by unravelling hidden inquiries. Notably, he uses the plural form “subul”
rather than the singular “sabil,” which suggests an understanding of the pluralistic
nature of knowledge. Al-Kindi helped to decentralize religious education by fostering
a Minhaj that incorporated difference in a world defined by an expanding empire in
which intercultural encounters loomed large. It is a path that starts not in divergence,
but in gratitude to those who have travelled before us. The intercultural act of unlocking “hidden inquiries” determines the pedagogical nature of Al-Kindism. The act of
intellectual engagement and sharing diverse approaches gives an intercultural encounter a sense of purpose and inclusivity. Al-Kindism advocates intercultural encounters
as catalysts for a pluralistic education that should not be limited to tolerance and
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hospitality, but that also ventures into cross-cultural dialogues whose ultimate aim is
to contribute to knowledge and diversify paths to truth. For Al-Kindi, therefore, the
educator was not only a conveyor of knowledge, but a conversationalist who was
interculturally trained to become a knowledge-seeker or a path-finder within an
expanding world of contact with unfamiliar regions and expanding boundaries.5 This
role underscores the importance of Minhaj. In this context, Al-Kindi’s Minhaj is an
assimilator of difference. It is a methodological approach that disseminates knowledge
interculturally and is geared towards synthesis and inclusion.
That said, Al-Kindi appears to have been responding to an inhospitable sentiment
against the Hellenistic intellectual tradition, most likely from anti-Mu’tazilite traditionalist theologians:
It is truly incumbent upon us to refrain from criticizing those who have brought us
benefits, even small, meagre ones. How then [can we criticize] those who have brought
us great, real, enormous benefits? For, even if they have fallen short of the truth, they
have been our collaborators and associates in offering some fruits of their thought, which
have become for us paths and instruments that lead to extensive knowledge of things
whose truth they did not manage to attain. (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. 11)
Sadly, such an xenophobic attitude is still very much with us. Al-Kindi advocated
the infusion of foreignness into knowledge as an antidote for an ethnocentric mode
of disseminating knowledge.
It is worth noting here that Al-Kindi’s interest in this intercultural Minhaj was born
from his involvement in the translation movement, which had its own detractors.
Accordingly, in his foreword to the Philosophical Works of Al-Kindi, general editor S. N.
Haq pointed out that Al-Kindi’s works embody “a linkage and continuity between
three grand cultural domains – Hellenistic, Arabo-Islamic and Latin” (Adamson &
Pormann, 2012, p. vii). This implies that almost any research done on Al-Kindi is bound
to be intercultural in nature. He further argued that Al-Kindi’s works cannot be studied
in isolation from the Western tradition, “nor can Europe’s story of its intellectual history be complete without recourse to the Arabic legacy, or rather to the GraecoArabic legacy in which al-kindi looms large” (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. vii). This
intercultural attitude dominated Al-Kindi’s conceptualization of education. His intellectual undertaking was not solely for the sake of promoting Greek philosophy, but of
promoting the Greek intellectual inheritance as a whole, which accounted for his profound interest in and contribution to the translation movement. Translating the Greek
intellectual legacy meant promoting interest in mathematics and other educational
and scientific fields in addition to philosophy. By producing numerous treatises and
texts intended for the beginner and the learned alike, Al-Kindi, whether intentionally
or not, created the possibility of a reconceptualized curriculum of the Islamic learning
tradition, which was then rooted in orality, the masjid, and circles of learning.
A Shift from Majlis to Minhaj
Al-Kindi formulated his notion of education in the absence of schooling. His work in
the field of the translation of Greek scholarship induced a pedagogical shift in Islamic
education from orality to literacy, from education to schooling, from Majlis to Minhaj.
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271
In a radio program hosted by M. Brag, Hugh Kennedy explains that educational activities in Al-Kindi’s time were not institutionalized:
Educational activities happened not in institutions or in what later will become Madressas
… but in big houses, people had salons very much as in 18th century France or 18th
century Britain, for example, real intellectual life happened in big people’s houses where
they paid for intellectuals to come and say their piece and so on … we are talking about
an informal and flexible intellectual world no syllabus, no exams or anything like that.
(Kennedy, 2012)
Mujalasat and Majlis were the dominant educational models operating at the time.
Mujalasat were literary salons that emerged in ninth-century Baghdad and gained
popularity across the Islamic world. These forums “offered edification, entertainment,
and escape for middle- and upper-rank men and women; [they] also served as a
means of building one’s public reputation, establishing one’s status, expanding one’s
social network, and socializing the young” (Ali, 2010, p. 3). Majlis, on the other hand, is
a space, usually within a mosque, in which teaching and learning occur:
The mosque, masjid, was the first institution of learning in Islam. The term majlis gives
philological evidence to this effect. It was used in the first century of Islam to designate a
hall in which the teaching of hadith took place. (Makdisi, 1981, p. 10)
The word was used to refer to that act of teaching in a place where people sit and
receive learning. The majlis thus preserved the primacy of the Masjid as a center
for learning.
The early schools of thought were “the schools of jurisprudence: (1) those groups
of jurisconsults who shared the experience of belonging to the same locality … (2)
those groups who were designated as followers of a leading jurisconsult, and were
called ‘personal schools’” (Makdisi, 1981, p. 1). During Al-Kindi’s time, especially during
the ninth century, personal schools proliferated in the context of the rivalry between
the rationalist Mu’tazilis and the traditionalists. Schools were formed around
“individual masters,” and by the ninth century, “the ancient schools transformed themselves into ‘personal’ schools’” (Makdisi, 1981, p. 2). This led to the emergence of the
four dominant Sunni schools or Madhab towards the end of the thirteenth century. In
the pre-madrasa era, therefore, there were three dominant pedagogical domains: the
masjid, the majlis, and the halqas:
The so-called maglis figured prominently in the Abbasid court culture. Maglis literally
means ‘place where one sits down’, and the caliph and his entourage regularly organized
sessions where he and his boon companies would invite the intellectual and cultural elite
to discuss the prominent topics of the day. (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. xvii)
The topics discussed were religious, philosophical, medical, or scientific, and were
almost always thought-provoking and controversial. Moreover, in Baghdad the halqa,
or study-circle, served as “a meeting of students around a professor; hence, course,
succession of lessons; also, a hall where someone in place held meetings, gave lectures, where a professor gave lessons” (as cited in Makdisi, 1981, p. 13). Al-Kindi’s attitude towards knowledge, therefore, provided content for a curriculum required for a
theologian or a majlis teacher within a society that was becoming increasingly diverse
and literate. Al-Kindi wrote
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numerous commentaries on, and abridgements or clarifications of, works by Aristotle,
Euclid, Ptolemy, and others … But there is also a section on polemical works (aljadaliyyat), which shows that Al-Kindi engaged in disputes with his contemporaries over
controversial topics of the day. (Adamson, 2007, p. 8).
This engagement demonstrates his contributions to “the rise of dialectic, jadal,6 as
applied to the study of legal theory and methodology, usul al-fiqh” in the ninth century (Makdisi, 1981, p. 76). He tried to find answers through these texts, simply
because Islamic theology itself had become a book culture, especially with the introduction of paper from China. Reminiscing about the great Muslim thinkers, eleventhcentury physician Ibn Butlan “listed the three major divisions of the sciences that had
developed in Islam by the middle of the ninth century: the Islamic sciences, the philosophical and natural sciences, and the literary arts” (Makdisi, 1981, p. 75). Butlan
deemed Islamic law to be the mother of all sciences, while he considered the other
two divisions to be subordinate. Another division,
called ‘the sciences of the Ancients’, that is of the Greeks, while opposed for its ‘pagan’
principles by every believing Muslim scholar among the faithful, commanded nevertheless
an unpublicized, silent, begrudging, respect. These sciences were studied in private, and
were excluded from the regular courses of Muslim institutions of learning. (Makdisi, 1981,
pp. 75–76)
Given the well-known notion that “he lacked no knowledge that an educated man
of his time might need” (Rosenthal, 1942, p. 268), we need, perhaps, to consider each
kittib and risalah as part of a continuing effort to write a curriculum that is addressed
to a learning audience infused with philosophical aspects. Each kittib and risalah mark
a move from Masjid-centered educational practices based on oral commentary to a
focus on the written works and contents.
In effect, this proposition explains Al-Kindi’s choice of genre. From the Fihrist, we
learn that his responses to various theological and philosophical questions were in the
form of rasa’l, Arabic for “epistles” or “letters.” These tended to be educational in purpose and were addressed to specific individuals, such as his numerous letters to his
student Ahmed, the Caliph’s son. For instance, in his letter On the Oneness of God and
the Finiteness of the Body of the World, Al-Kindi responded to a request to elaborate
on what he had already explained in previous discussions, demonstrating that Al-Kindi
was diligently involved in tutoring and Majlis meetings. The letter, however, was written obligingly, in a way that advanced an educational Minhaj in that it upheld “a form
of discourse [appropriate] for your mental abilities, [leading] to a firm understanding. I
should provide a brief discussion that is not too complex to understand, nor too cumbersome to remember” (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. 63). The letter was, therefore,
written in the form of a study guide for the perplexed.
Likewise, Al-Kindi’s Letter on the Method of How to Dispel Sorrows was a response to
another unnamed friend who seems to have asked him how to deal with the inevitability of loss and sadness. Al-Kindi advised to dispel sadness by putting his intercultural competence into practice and effectively invoking the Hellenistic tradition within
an Islamic context. Grayling (2019) associated Aristotleian thought with identifying
causes: “The Greek word for explanation, aitia, also means ‘cause’, and Aristotle framed
the task of explaining things as ascertaining their causes: to know or understand
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273
something, he said, is to know its cause” (p. 87). Likewise, Al-Kindi immediately took
up an Aristotelian position by exploring the causes of sadness. He inferred that sadness “occurs because one loses what one loves or is frustrated in obtaining what one
seeks. Thus we ought to investigate whether anyone can be free from these causes”
(Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. 249). His task was not only to dispel sorrow, but also
to make unfamiliar cultures relevant. He referred to a historical anecdote in which
Alexander the Great was on his death-bed, writing a letter to his mother in which he
asked her to invite only those who have not been afflicted by sorrow to his funeral.
When nobody showed up, Al-Kindi explained, she said, “I am not the first to suffer
from misfortunes, nor are they specific to any one human being” (Adamson &
Pormann, 2012, p. 255). Additionally, Al-Kindi mentioned two reports sharing Socrates’
wisdom on sadness. While maintaining an Islamic context, he emphasized one of the
most important intercultural competencies: a deep recognition of the universal human
experience despite our cross-cultural differences.
Al-Kindi and the Interdisciplinary Approach
Little is known about Al-Kindi’s enormous corpus. Most of his known treatises are
from a single Istanbul manuscript, but we do know from the book Fihrist (The List),
written by the tenth-century scholar Ibn Al-Nadim, that his work was extensive. The
list contains over 300 titles attributed to Al-Kindi and demonstrates that Al-Kindi’s
interest in the acquisition of knowledge was his overriding concern. Adamson (2007)
contended that “It would seem that strictly philosophical research took up only a fraction of Al-Kindi’s energy and time” since only “21 are devoted to what Ibn al-Nadim
calls ‘philosophical’ topics, with another 10 or so apiece on logic and practical philosophy” (p. 7). The rest are entirely unphilosophical, featuring a wide range of topics
such as mathematics, medicine, and astrology. For Al-Kindi, therefore, education in
various fields and facilitating public education by creating treatises to serve as study
guides took precedence over philosophy or any other disciplinary-focused approach.
Al-Kindi was conscious that only an interdisciplinary falsafa could effectively serve an
increasingly diverse society in a rapidly expanding Islamic empire. He realized that for
Islam to be universal as the Prophet intended, an inclusive substratum that invited
dialogue and successfully reconciled itself with what was conceived to be divergent
and dissident was necessary.
The interdisciplinary approach brings together disciplines and cultural intellectual
traditions and attempts to find commonality and correlations between seemingly dissident cultural traditions. Al-Kindi’s Minhaj exemplified this attitude towards knowledge
that looked beyond the religious aspects. Al-Kindi’s conceptualization of education disclosed his own personal struggles. He reimagined Islamic education, traditionally
understood as an enclosed, revelation-based curriculum, into a communicative form
set within an intercultural community of interdisciplinary-trained thinkers: “And while
it was quite common for scholars, almost up to the modern age, to cover a range of
disciplines, few made such an impact across so many fields as al-kindi [sic]” (Al-Khalili,
2011, p. 133). Consciously or not, he encouraged thinkers to linger in the multiplicity
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that interdisciplinarity offers within a curricular landscape that addresses intercultural
encounters, thus legitimizing everyday concerns.
Al-Kindi’s work includes many connections between ideas across difference and disciplines. Interdisciplinary training enacts this shift from Majlis to Minhaj, in which Aql
(intellect) plays a pivotal role. In his letter to Ahmed b. Al-Mu’tasim, Explaining the
Prostration of the Outermost Body and its Obedience to God, Al-Kindi explained his position on the importance of Aql in the dissemination of knowledge. Adamson and
Pormann (2012) translated this position as: “Upon my life, what Muhammad the truthful has said and transmitted from God may indeed be understood wholly through reasonable deductions, which are rejected only by all those people who are deprived of
the form of the intellect” (p. 175). He argued against those who do not appreciate
interpretation based on critical discernment: “For they destroy what he affirmed, missing the point … or they are among those ignorant of the reason set out by the
Prophet” (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. 175). He then set out to explain what he
meant by lacking reason: “They do not know about the ambiguity of the words in it
nor about inflection and derivations, which, although numerous in the Arabic language, are common to every language” (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. 175).
Al-Kindi cited cases of ambiguity in Arabic words, such as how one word can possibly mean two different things; he noted that in the Quran, certain words should not
be taken literally, such as the verb sajadah, which literally means to prostrate but can
mean different things in different contexts. Accordingly, Aql establishes the nature of
inquiry and demonstrates how philosophy, in this case logic and epistemology,
engages with theological issues and exegesis, allowing the Majlis to expand beyond
its limited zone into the realm of Minhaj. In modern religious education, this shift suggests a pluralistic paradigm that subscribes to “the active seeking of understanding
across lines of difference” beyond the oft-prescribed multicultural dimensions marked
by hospitality and tolerance (Niyozov, 2016, p. 203). In spite of his interest in philosophical abstraction and theology, Al-Kindi showed almost equal attention to crafts
and non-academic subjects:
This highly intellectualist theory of knowledge did not, however, stop Al-Kindi from
exploring the physical world around him with enthusiasm. In fact, he turned his attention
to a staggering range of topics, some of them quite practical (the making of swords and
perfumes, the removal of stains from clothing). (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. xl)
Moreover, his effort to organize the Greek intellectual tradition into categories was
definitely Aristotelian in origin. A good example can be found in On the Quantity of
Aristotle’s Books, in which he systemizes Aristotle’s corpus based on the works that he
knew best. This example exemplifies his interest in envisioning an educational substratum.
Anthony Robert Booth (2017) believed that one of Al-Kindi’s main contributions to
knowledge was the introduction of “Islamic Evidentialism,” a process that validates
belief according to available evidence. Belief should be rationally justified by providing
reasonable proof; thus, Evidentialism monitors and mitigates the relationship between
faith and reason. Booth (2017) wrote: “Evidentialism’s answer is that if religious belief
is justified, then ipso facto religious belief must be compatible with science … The
underlying assumption here is that two beliefs that are both compatible with the
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275
evidence cannot be contradictory” (p. 54). By applying Evidentialism in First Philosophy,
Al-Kindi popularizes this practice and makes it essential for knowledge-based ways of
learning: “ever the salesman for Falsafa, [he] uses this as a marketing technique.
Assuming that Muslim beliefs are justified, and therefore correct vis-a-vis the measure
of truth, they cannot be in opposition to other evidentially justified beliefs” (Booth,
2017, pp. 54–55). The point here is that justified truth is consistent across disciplinary
boundaries. In other words, from an educational perspective, he asserted that the skill
required for the perusal of true knowledge can only be achieved through different
humanistic practices and diversified approaches, as long as these practices and
approaches were well-validated. Al-Kindi offered a process of verification that a system
of belief should sustain internal consistency when encountering a different culture,
perspective, or discipline. An intercultural Minhaj, therefore, welcomes and creates
these opportunities for the verification of such an encounter to materialize and be
resolved. Additionally, Al-Kindi negotiated the third space that is born of the dialogical
contact between different disciplines:
Quite often, he will set up a number of alternatives (say A, B, and C), which are then
further divided into alternatives … Al-Kindi then proves that each of these alternatives is
wrong … and then concludes that the original proposition must have been wrong.
(Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. xix)
In this sense, he used an interdisciplinary approach by applying a mathematical
method to philosophical or other non-mathematical contexts. Likewise, he used philosophical practices to resolve theological questions and explained philosophical issues
with Islamic overtones. For example, he objected to the Christian doctrine of the
Trinity by affirming that
God cannot be eternal and multiple at the same time … He refutes them by using the
tools of Aristotelian logic, especially as they had been exposed in Porphyry’s Introduction
(Eisagoge), a text that he expects them to know. This illustrates again an important aspect
of Al-Kindi’s programme: to demonstrate religious truth by philosophical means.
(Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. xxxi)
He was interested in a synthesis-driven praxis that facilitates a move from the narrow path of debate into the wider terrain of conflict resolution and hoped that others
would lead by example. In Configurations of Culture Growth, A. L. Kroeber (1947)
seemed perplexed by the seeming lack of disciplinarity of scholarship in the
Islamic world:
The Arabs struggled over the problem of their classification. They were more than mere
cyclopaedists – their culture was probably too young for that; but they never got over an
encyclopaedic approach. Philosopher and physician; historian and astronomer;
mathematician and surgeon; historian and physician, are typical combinations; not to
mention numerous polyhistors. (p. 42)
Muslim thinkers had sought to remain unbound by the dominant trend in academia of disciplinarity or “classification,” which continues today as a form of a “culture
of complacency that has crept into academia in which interdisciplinary academic rigor
is mistakenly considered the antithesis of focused studies, which diminishes exposure
to different theoretical lenses and pedagogical practices” (Abdul-Jabbar, 2019, p. 329).
What Kroeber dismisses as an “encyclopedic approach” was an interdisciplinary
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method that Al-Kindi strove to establish in order to meet the intellectual challenges of
his time. Apart from that, it was common, up to a certain point in the nineteenth century, for scholars to deal with many interrelated topics and areas of research. The specialization in only one or two disciplines came to be normalized with the
departmentalization of disciplines within the last two decades of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the twentieth century. The itinerant tradition, in
which scholars from European territories travelled to distant places, similarly facilitated
a much more dynamic knowledge sharing tradition than is usually depicted. Al-Kindi’s
students took on his interest in interdisciplinary education. Abu Zayd Al-Balkhi, for
instance, showed “an encyclopedic genius whose profound contributions to knowledge covered many diverse fields that would seem, to our modern minds, to be unrelated to each other” (Badri, 2013, p. 1). Al-Balkhi authored more than 60 books and
“meticulously research[ed] disciplines as varied in scope as geography, medicine, theology, politics, philosophy, poetry, literature, [and] Arabic grammar,” among other subjects (Badri, 2013, p. 1). Similarly, Abu Al-Hasan Al-Amiri, a second-generation student
of Al-Kindi’s, continued his mentor’s conscious attempt towards a philosophically
responsive teaching of Islam. Al-Kindi was, therefore, a progenitor of the interdisciplinary approach in education whose followers were well-rounded intellectuals. This
approach ultimately became the norm during the Islamic Golden Age. Al-Kindi can be
seen as the first to set interdisciplinary and intercultural trends in Islamic education
that proved foundational for later generations. Scholars often refer to Al-Farabi,
Avicenna, and Averroes when speaking of Al-Kindi’s legacy and its significance within
the philosophical tradition, as these thinkers have followed the Al-Kindian legacy of
interdisciplinarity in their pursuit of diverse fields of knowledge. Al-Kindi’s educational
legacy and encyclopedic approach to knowledge were carried on by his direct followers and the following generation of students; for instance, Abu Zayd Al-Balkhi and
Ahmed Al-Tayyib Al-Sarakhsi expanded on and reproduced Al-Kindi’s thoughts, and
Abu Zayd’s student Ibn Farighun wrote the expansive Compendium of the Sciences
(Jawami’ al uloom).
Conclusion
This article contributes to the interest in alternative perspectives on education and
research in general, but more specifically to Islamic education in which Al-Kindi represents a unique but marginalized, if not unrecognized, position. The article proposes
that Al-Kindi was primarily an intercultural curriculum theorizer in addition to his predominant reputation as a philosopher. That said, I do not intend my claims to be seen
as projecting the present on the past. What I intend here is to present ideas that are
understood within the specific historical context in which they were developed, even
though some of these ideas have been presented or conceptualized in contemporary
terminology such as interdisciplinarity and interculturalism. Therefore, I have been careful not to reinforce modern meanings so much as use them to illustrate the distinctiveness of Al-Kindi’s legacy and the relevance of his contribution to contemporary
education. By drawing on relationships between history, philosophy, and curriculum
theorizing, Al-Kindism looks at the curriculum from an integrated perspective. It
AL-KINDI ON EDUCATION
277
implements interculturality as a praxis of becoming in the form of a dialogue among
cultures. This project arises from the pressing need to revisit Islamic education and its
epistemological practices in the context of increasingly fractured religio-cultural worldviews. Since co-existence is dependent on mutual respect and intercultural understanding, a more comprehensive understanding of the transformative potential of
dialogue in educational settings is necessary. Al-Kindism thus serves as a conceptual
framework for an Islamic education that can revisit interdisciplinary and intercultural
possibilities. It ventures into the necessity of a modern Muslim conception of education and provides a pedagogical lens. For Al-Kindi, a successful educational system
accommodates change through intercultural adaptation and appropriation, which can
be implemented by developing an interdisciplinary learning capacity.
Al-Kindi was arguably the first in the Arabic intellectual tradition to initiate a
move from Majlis to Minhaj, from Masjid-centered practices based on theological
studies to the possibility of a school curriculum to be taught. His interest in intercultural and interdisciplinary approaches to education developed out of his involvement
in the translation movement and from his tutoring of the caliph’s family, other
patrons, and his own followers. In the absence of actual schooling, two characteristic
practices qualify Al-Kindi as educator: one is his interdisciplinary strategy of using
philosophy as a problem-solving method in the service of theology. Second, not
only did he see no tension between the Greek pursuit of knowledge and the Islamic
culture, but he also believed that the acquisition of true knowledge could only be
achieved through an intercultural, interfaith dialogue. Thus, we must revisit Al-Kindi
as a voice that opulently extended the interdisciplinary and intercultural boundaries
of education. The Minhaj of combined intercultural and interdisciplinary methods to
which Al-Kindi contributed was definitely picked up by successive generations of students and thinkers. There is no doubt that eminent scholars such as Al-Farabi,
Avicenna, and Averroes, the last of whom actually mentions Al-Kindi, were influenced
by what he started. Al-Kindi was the first Muslim thinker to show interest in a curriculum of metaphysics, or what he calls first philosophy, without delving too deep
into its nuanced aspects of quiddity. Hypothetically, Al-Kindi’s work generally constitutes school curricular subjects, with variations all geared towards high academic
and personal achievements, whereas Al-Farabi’s, Avicinna’s and Averroes’s works are
intended for undergraduate and graduate courses. This may explain, for instance,
why Al-Kindi himself was more interested in the Isagoge of Porphyry, which became
a common introduction to Aristotelian studies. Al-Kindi’s approach to education was
based on an intellectual commitment to the interdisciplinarity of knowledge and not
on an allegiance to philosophy. Philosophy was respected for its capacity to sharpen
the tools of theology, understand the nature of reality and creation, and ultimately
decode the mind of God. He conceptualized a Minhaj that is marked by a de-centering approach to discipline-based curriculum and unexamined prior knowledge. In
other words, he envisioned a curriculum that offers opportunities for a wide-range
learning experiences, which resonates with what R. L. Irwin (2010) calls in contemporary curriculum theory “a space of generative possibilities” (p. 41). Al-Kindi advocated a move towards a curriculum inquiry informed by intercultural encounters and
interdisciplinary practices.
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Notes
1. The Barmakids were an Iranian family from Balkh who won political ascendency under the
early Abbasid Caliphs.
2. The term Mawali is used to refer to non-Arab Muslims and other allies.
3. It is important to note here that, for Al-Kindi, truth (haq) seems to consist of a blend of
wisdom (hikmah) and knowledge (ma’rifah). In “On the Definitions and Descriptions of
Things,” Al-Kindi defines Hikmah as “the virtue of the [rational] faculty, and is the
knowledge of universal things in their true natures, and putting truths “haq” into action as
one ought” (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. 307) and ma’rifah as “a belief that does not
disappear” (Adamson & Pormann, 2012, p. 306), which seems to refer to what qualifies as
factual knowledge. In Al-Kindi’s terminology, intellect and knowledge are guiding paths that
determine truth.
4. Although I have retained Adamson and Pormann’s translation of Al-Kindi, I highly
recommend that the singular “the way to the truth” be changed to the plural “the ways” to
maintain the original intended meaning. We can see, for instance, that Subul is translated in
its plural form in Ivry’s translation of the same section: “It is proper that our gratitude be
great to those who have contributed even a little of the truth, let alone to those who have
contributed much truth, since they have shared with us the fruits of their thought and
facilitated for us the true (yet) hidden inquiries, in that they benefited us by those premises
which facilitated our approaches (Subul) to the truth” (1974, p. 57).
5. This capacity seems to have developed from his involvement in the translation movement.
6. Jadal refers to dialectic and the art of disputation.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar received his PhD (funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council of Canada) from the University of Alberta, where he was awarded The Bacchus
Graduate Research Prize for scholarly excellence in International and Multicultural Education. He
was also awarded the University of Alberta President’s Doctoral Prize of Distinction among other
awards such as the JDH McFetridge Graduate Scholarship and the Andrew Stewart Memorial
Graduate Prize for outstanding accomplishment and potential in pursuit of new knowledge. He
received an MA from Lakehead University and another MA from California State University in
Humanities in an interdisciplinary program. Dr. Abdul-Jabbar held a postdoctoral fellowship
(also funded by SSHRC) at the University of Calgary. His research considers how intercultural
communication resonates with educational practices and explores convergences of seemingly
differing cultures with the aim of infusing intercultural dialogue into curriculum theorizing.
Currently, he is an adjunct professor at the University of Alberta. He is the author of Negotiating
Diasporic Identity in Arab-Canadian Students: Double Consciousness, Belonging, and Radicalization
(Palgrave, 2019). He has an upcoming book on Medieval Muslim philosophies and intercultural
Education with Routledge.
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