Rivista Italiana di Linguistica e di Dialettologia, 2021
"On colored and dark clothes: Childhood scenes in the Exeter Book" · In the opening verses of "Th... more "On colored and dark clothes: Childhood scenes in the Exeter Book" · In the opening verses of "The Fortunes of Men" and in the final section of "Christ C" (both poems preserved in the Exeter Book of Old English poetry) two very different family scenes occur. An infant child lies at the centre of both scenes, but in "Fortunes" he is made the object of his parents’ affection, loving care and education (§ 2), whereas in "Christ C" he is a ‘lonely’ baby Jesus resting in darkness on ‘hard stone’ in one of the most dramatic representations of the Nativity in medieval literature (§ 4). A detail in the description of both children has gone unnoticed so far in critical literature, though, namely the quality of the (swaddling) clothes in which they are wrapped or covered, with all its social and metaphorical possible implications. In other words, the sharp contrast between the two passages is emphasized by the child in "Fortunes" being «dressed in bright colours» (mid bleom gyrwað, 3b), and by Jesus in "Christ C" being described as «wrapped in dull greyish clothes» (biwundenne mid wonnum claþum, 1423a). After reassessing some textual cruces in the "Fortunes" passage (§ 2), and after considering some allegorical meanings of colour on garments in the Old English homilies (§ 3), the present analysis focuses on the occurrences of OE blēo (§ 5) and wonn (§ 6) in the corpus, reading them in context in order to evaluate their potential (evocative or truly symbolic) power in poetry. By comparing also various Anglo-Saxon archaeological, historical and literary sources on dressing and textiles, concluding remarks (§ 7) can point to a conscious attitude by our Old English poets towards both the figurative sense and the social implications of such infant dress code. Dyed or colouradorned garments are meant for well-born children, who nevertheless cannot be assured of future happiness, however richly attired they are. Achromatic natural cloth is the standard for children from less-favourite social classes, down to hardly more than filthy rags for the poorest; but, according to the Christian (especially monastic) ideal, a modest dress covering an abundance of spiritual virtues is one of the safest passes to Heaven.
Keywords · Old English poetry, Old English homilies, Anglo-Saxon children, Anglo-Saxon clothing, Anglo-Saxon colours, The Fortunes of Men, Christ C.
Exeter Book Riddle 4 has puzzled more than five generations of scholars
and inspired more than a ... more Exeter Book Riddle 4 has puzzled more than five generations of scholars and inspired more than a dozen different solutions, none of which has received consensus agreement. This paper is in support of the oldest solution ‘bell’, for which some new clues are presented. After discussing the most ambiguous words and expressions in the text, it is argued that the closing lines of the riddle allude to the widespread use of engraving a “speaking” inscription upon medieval bells. Medieval runic evidence from Scandinavia and Anglo-Saxon epigraphic and manuscript sources offer very interesting analytical cues in this connection. At the end, the point is made that the 'þragbysig tool', scil. 'bell', of Riddle 4 could “tell” its story (spel gesecgan, 12b) – possibly, its name or dedication to a saint, its date, its founder’s name or mark, its carver’s name, a special invocation or prayer, a protecting formula – like any other inscribed object, which the Old English riddlers made “speak” in the Exeter Book collection.
"Textual boundaries and the transmission of Anglo-Saxon poetry". Reading Anglo-... more "Textual boundaries and the transmission of Anglo-Saxon poetry". Reading Anglo-Saxon poems in their most immediate context has marked a new trend in recent scholarship, since Fred C. Robinson’s pivotal research work carried out in the 1980s. Some traditional views, concerning both textual boundaries and juxtaposition of different narrative genre units within the same manuscript copy, have since been reexamined, to the point of proposing, in a few cases, significant changes in the edition and verse numbering of single poems. By carefully rereading some old english (sequences of) texts in their manuscript context, and by combining internal and paleographical evidence, the present investigation shows that good grounds exist for questioning the standard identification of poetic units and the current interpretation of textual sequences in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts on a larger scale. Analysis focuses in particular on the prefatory verse calendar and metrical gnomic collection in London, British Library, MS Cotton Tiberius B. I, as related to the C-Text of the Anglo-Saxon hronicle; the so-called “Storm Riddle(s)” in the Exeter Book, and the case study of "The Rewards of Piety" in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 201.
This paper focuses on medieval time-reckoning as it was conceived and experienced
by the Scandin... more This paper focuses on medieval time-reckoning as it was conceived and experienced
by the Scandinavians, both in historical perspective and in everyday life. The relevant
sources have been selected from the rich Old Icelandic historical and literary corpus, but also from the vast range of runic epigraphic documents produced in Scandinavia – mostly in Sweden – from the Viking Age until late and post-medieval times. The Author’s purpose is to show how time-keeping gradually changed in the North under the influence of the Western Christian tradition, taking into account both ‘linear’ systems and ‘cyclic’ regular patterns of time from the oldest Icelandic computus to the portable runic calendars and almanacs dating to the end of the Middle Ages and after, from the popular practices deriving from pre-Christian tradition to the new time-reckoning techniques widespread in the Christian West.
The first element in more or less original compounds like OE an-haga/-hoga, an-floga (only in The... more The first element in more or less original compounds like OE an-haga/-hoga, an-floga (only in The Seafarer), an-stapa (only in The Panther) and an-genga is commonly translated as « lone(ly) » or « solitary ». By a careful re-reading of the passages in which these words occur, the present investigation shows that sometimes this interpretation can be questioned, and that in some cases a meaning « unique, unparalleled, singular » is to be preferred. In determining the meaning of the an-element in such compounds, the immediate Latin source may prove decisive (cf. The Phoenix 87a an-haga, and possibly The Panther 15a an-stapa), but the context plays an important role, especially when an allegorical meaning lies in the background, which is a common feature of all the occurrences discussed here, from Beowulf to Ælfric (an-genga), from The Phoenix to Guthlac B (an-haga/-hoga), from The Seafarer (an-floga) to The Panther (an-stapa). Even if conclusive evidence cannot be offered for all cases, the point of this article is that at least good grounds exist for questioning the overall standard interpretative pattern of this class of words, and to maintain that the Anglo-Saxon poets may have answered to the metaphorical issues of their subject-matters by occasionally investing some of these terms with original or possibly with intentionally ambiguous meanings.
Rivista Italiana di Linguistica e di Dialettologia, 2021
"On colored and dark clothes: Childhood scenes in the Exeter Book" · In the opening verses of "Th... more "On colored and dark clothes: Childhood scenes in the Exeter Book" · In the opening verses of "The Fortunes of Men" and in the final section of "Christ C" (both poems preserved in the Exeter Book of Old English poetry) two very different family scenes occur. An infant child lies at the centre of both scenes, but in "Fortunes" he is made the object of his parents’ affection, loving care and education (§ 2), whereas in "Christ C" he is a ‘lonely’ baby Jesus resting in darkness on ‘hard stone’ in one of the most dramatic representations of the Nativity in medieval literature (§ 4). A detail in the description of both children has gone unnoticed so far in critical literature, though, namely the quality of the (swaddling) clothes in which they are wrapped or covered, with all its social and metaphorical possible implications. In other words, the sharp contrast between the two passages is emphasized by the child in "Fortunes" being «dressed in bright colours» (mid bleom gyrwað, 3b), and by Jesus in "Christ C" being described as «wrapped in dull greyish clothes» (biwundenne mid wonnum claþum, 1423a). After reassessing some textual cruces in the "Fortunes" passage (§ 2), and after considering some allegorical meanings of colour on garments in the Old English homilies (§ 3), the present analysis focuses on the occurrences of OE blēo (§ 5) and wonn (§ 6) in the corpus, reading them in context in order to evaluate their potential (evocative or truly symbolic) power in poetry. By comparing also various Anglo-Saxon archaeological, historical and literary sources on dressing and textiles, concluding remarks (§ 7) can point to a conscious attitude by our Old English poets towards both the figurative sense and the social implications of such infant dress code. Dyed or colouradorned garments are meant for well-born children, who nevertheless cannot be assured of future happiness, however richly attired they are. Achromatic natural cloth is the standard for children from less-favourite social classes, down to hardly more than filthy rags for the poorest; but, according to the Christian (especially monastic) ideal, a modest dress covering an abundance of spiritual virtues is one of the safest passes to Heaven.
Keywords · Old English poetry, Old English homilies, Anglo-Saxon children, Anglo-Saxon clothing, Anglo-Saxon colours, The Fortunes of Men, Christ C.
Exeter Book Riddle 4 has puzzled more than five generations of scholars
and inspired more than a ... more Exeter Book Riddle 4 has puzzled more than five generations of scholars and inspired more than a dozen different solutions, none of which has received consensus agreement. This paper is in support of the oldest solution ‘bell’, for which some new clues are presented. After discussing the most ambiguous words and expressions in the text, it is argued that the closing lines of the riddle allude to the widespread use of engraving a “speaking” inscription upon medieval bells. Medieval runic evidence from Scandinavia and Anglo-Saxon epigraphic and manuscript sources offer very interesting analytical cues in this connection. At the end, the point is made that the 'þragbysig tool', scil. 'bell', of Riddle 4 could “tell” its story (spel gesecgan, 12b) – possibly, its name or dedication to a saint, its date, its founder’s name or mark, its carver’s name, a special invocation or prayer, a protecting formula – like any other inscribed object, which the Old English riddlers made “speak” in the Exeter Book collection.
"Textual boundaries and the transmission of Anglo-Saxon poetry". Reading Anglo-... more "Textual boundaries and the transmission of Anglo-Saxon poetry". Reading Anglo-Saxon poems in their most immediate context has marked a new trend in recent scholarship, since Fred C. Robinson’s pivotal research work carried out in the 1980s. Some traditional views, concerning both textual boundaries and juxtaposition of different narrative genre units within the same manuscript copy, have since been reexamined, to the point of proposing, in a few cases, significant changes in the edition and verse numbering of single poems. By carefully rereading some old english (sequences of) texts in their manuscript context, and by combining internal and paleographical evidence, the present investigation shows that good grounds exist for questioning the standard identification of poetic units and the current interpretation of textual sequences in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts on a larger scale. Analysis focuses in particular on the prefatory verse calendar and metrical gnomic collection in London, British Library, MS Cotton Tiberius B. I, as related to the C-Text of the Anglo-Saxon hronicle; the so-called “Storm Riddle(s)” in the Exeter Book, and the case study of "The Rewards of Piety" in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 201.
This paper focuses on medieval time-reckoning as it was conceived and experienced
by the Scandin... more This paper focuses on medieval time-reckoning as it was conceived and experienced
by the Scandinavians, both in historical perspective and in everyday life. The relevant
sources have been selected from the rich Old Icelandic historical and literary corpus, but also from the vast range of runic epigraphic documents produced in Scandinavia – mostly in Sweden – from the Viking Age until late and post-medieval times. The Author’s purpose is to show how time-keeping gradually changed in the North under the influence of the Western Christian tradition, taking into account both ‘linear’ systems and ‘cyclic’ regular patterns of time from the oldest Icelandic computus to the portable runic calendars and almanacs dating to the end of the Middle Ages and after, from the popular practices deriving from pre-Christian tradition to the new time-reckoning techniques widespread in the Christian West.
The first element in more or less original compounds like OE an-haga/-hoga, an-floga (only in The... more The first element in more or less original compounds like OE an-haga/-hoga, an-floga (only in The Seafarer), an-stapa (only in The Panther) and an-genga is commonly translated as « lone(ly) » or « solitary ». By a careful re-reading of the passages in which these words occur, the present investigation shows that sometimes this interpretation can be questioned, and that in some cases a meaning « unique, unparalleled, singular » is to be preferred. In determining the meaning of the an-element in such compounds, the immediate Latin source may prove decisive (cf. The Phoenix 87a an-haga, and possibly The Panther 15a an-stapa), but the context plays an important role, especially when an allegorical meaning lies in the background, which is a common feature of all the occurrences discussed here, from Beowulf to Ælfric (an-genga), from The Phoenix to Guthlac B (an-haga/-hoga), from The Seafarer (an-floga) to The Panther (an-stapa). Even if conclusive evidence cannot be offered for all cases, the point of this article is that at least good grounds exist for questioning the overall standard interpretative pattern of this class of words, and to maintain that the Anglo-Saxon poets may have answered to the metaphorical issues of their subject-matters by occasionally investing some of these terms with original or possibly with intentionally ambiguous meanings.
L’Auðunar þáttr vestfirzka o “Racconto di Auðun dei-fiordi-occidentali” costituisce una delle più... more L’Auðunar þáttr vestfirzka o “Racconto di Auðun dei-fiordi-occidentali” costituisce una delle più note e interessanti opere di narrativa breve del medioevo islandese. La storia del giovane pellegrino che visita le corti scandinave con un orso polare al seguito, curiosa e a tratti divertente, modellata sulle strutture universali della novella popolare e insieme specificamente nordica, viene presentata sia nel testo originale sia, per la prima volta, in traduzione italiana, e corredata da un'attenta analisi che rende conto delle sue organiche combinazioni polisemiche e dei vari possibili livelli - mimetico, storico, antropologico, simbolico - in cui pienamente si realizza la comunicazione narrativa.
Nell’ambito della vasta produzione calendariale nordeuropea durante e oltre il medioevo, questo v... more Nell’ambito della vasta produzione calendariale nordeuropea durante e oltre il medioevo, questo volume propone l’analisi di sette libretti epigrafici di legno o osso – alcuni del tutto inediti – dalla struttura computistica complessa, di fitta elaborazione iconica e di ispirazione grafica runica. L’indagine dei contenuti astronomici e di culto di tale classe di almanacchi viene corredata da uno studio sia delle peculiarità formali e funzionali della variante runica su legno del calendario perpetuo cristiano (il runstav) sia della fitta circolazione di modelli alternativi – epigrafici e manoscritti o a stampa – nell’Europa fra tardo-medioevo e rinascimento.
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clothes in which they are wrapped or covered, with all its social and metaphorical possible implications. In other words, the sharp contrast between the two passages is emphasized by the child in "Fortunes" being «dressed in bright colours» (mid bleom gyrwað, 3b), and by Jesus in "Christ C" being described as «wrapped in dull greyish clothes» (biwundenne mid wonnum claþum, 1423a). After reassessing some textual cruces in the "Fortunes" passage (§ 2), and after considering some allegorical meanings of colour on garments in the Old English homilies (§ 3), the present analysis focuses on the occurrences of OE blēo (§ 5) and
wonn (§ 6) in the corpus, reading them in context in order to evaluate their potential (evocative or truly symbolic) power in poetry. By comparing also various Anglo-Saxon archaeological, historical and literary sources on dressing and textiles, concluding remarks (§ 7) can point to a conscious attitude by our Old English poets towards both the figurative sense and the social implications of such infant dress code. Dyed or colouradorned
garments are meant for well-born children, who nevertheless cannot be assured of future happiness, however richly attired they are. Achromatic natural cloth is the standard for children from less-favourite social classes, down to hardly more than filthy rags for the poorest; but, according to the Christian (especially monastic) ideal, a modest dress covering an abundance of spiritual virtues is one of the safest passes to Heaven.
Keywords · Old English poetry, Old English homilies, Anglo-Saxon children, Anglo-Saxon clothing, Anglo-Saxon colours, The Fortunes of Men, Christ C.
and inspired more than a dozen different solutions, none of which has
received consensus agreement. This paper is in support of the oldest solution ‘bell’, for which some new clues are presented. After discussing the most ambiguous words and expressions in the text, it is argued that the closing lines of the riddle allude to the widespread use of engraving a
“speaking” inscription upon medieval bells. Medieval runic evidence from
Scandinavia and Anglo-Saxon epigraphic and manuscript sources offer
very interesting analytical cues in this connection. At the end, the point is
made that the 'þragbysig tool', scil. 'bell', of Riddle 4 could “tell” its story
(spel gesecgan, 12b) – possibly, its name or dedication to a saint, its date,
its founder’s name or mark, its carver’s name, a special invocation or
prayer, a protecting formula – like any other inscribed object, which the
Old English riddlers made “speak” in the Exeter Book collection.
by the Scandinavians, both in historical perspective and in everyday life. The relevant
sources have been selected from the rich Old Icelandic historical and literary corpus, but also from the vast range of runic epigraphic documents produced in Scandinavia – mostly in Sweden – from the Viking Age until late and post-medieval times. The Author’s purpose is to show how time-keeping gradually changed in the North under the influence of the Western Christian tradition, taking into account both ‘linear’ systems and ‘cyclic’ regular patterns of time from the oldest Icelandic computus to the portable runic calendars and almanacs dating to the end of the Middle Ages and after, from the popular practices deriving from pre-Christian tradition to the new time-reckoning techniques widespread in the Christian West.
clothes in which they are wrapped or covered, with all its social and metaphorical possible implications. In other words, the sharp contrast between the two passages is emphasized by the child in "Fortunes" being «dressed in bright colours» (mid bleom gyrwað, 3b), and by Jesus in "Christ C" being described as «wrapped in dull greyish clothes» (biwundenne mid wonnum claþum, 1423a). After reassessing some textual cruces in the "Fortunes" passage (§ 2), and after considering some allegorical meanings of colour on garments in the Old English homilies (§ 3), the present analysis focuses on the occurrences of OE blēo (§ 5) and
wonn (§ 6) in the corpus, reading them in context in order to evaluate their potential (evocative or truly symbolic) power in poetry. By comparing also various Anglo-Saxon archaeological, historical and literary sources on dressing and textiles, concluding remarks (§ 7) can point to a conscious attitude by our Old English poets towards both the figurative sense and the social implications of such infant dress code. Dyed or colouradorned
garments are meant for well-born children, who nevertheless cannot be assured of future happiness, however richly attired they are. Achromatic natural cloth is the standard for children from less-favourite social classes, down to hardly more than filthy rags for the poorest; but, according to the Christian (especially monastic) ideal, a modest dress covering an abundance of spiritual virtues is one of the safest passes to Heaven.
Keywords · Old English poetry, Old English homilies, Anglo-Saxon children, Anglo-Saxon clothing, Anglo-Saxon colours, The Fortunes of Men, Christ C.
and inspired more than a dozen different solutions, none of which has
received consensus agreement. This paper is in support of the oldest solution ‘bell’, for which some new clues are presented. After discussing the most ambiguous words and expressions in the text, it is argued that the closing lines of the riddle allude to the widespread use of engraving a
“speaking” inscription upon medieval bells. Medieval runic evidence from
Scandinavia and Anglo-Saxon epigraphic and manuscript sources offer
very interesting analytical cues in this connection. At the end, the point is
made that the 'þragbysig tool', scil. 'bell', of Riddle 4 could “tell” its story
(spel gesecgan, 12b) – possibly, its name or dedication to a saint, its date,
its founder’s name or mark, its carver’s name, a special invocation or
prayer, a protecting formula – like any other inscribed object, which the
Old English riddlers made “speak” in the Exeter Book collection.
by the Scandinavians, both in historical perspective and in everyday life. The relevant
sources have been selected from the rich Old Icelandic historical and literary corpus, but also from the vast range of runic epigraphic documents produced in Scandinavia – mostly in Sweden – from the Viking Age until late and post-medieval times. The Author’s purpose is to show how time-keeping gradually changed in the North under the influence of the Western Christian tradition, taking into account both ‘linear’ systems and ‘cyclic’ regular patterns of time from the oldest Icelandic computus to the portable runic calendars and almanacs dating to the end of the Middle Ages and after, from the popular practices deriving from pre-Christian tradition to the new time-reckoning techniques widespread in the Christian West.