未就学聾者は離島に残存していることが言われてきたが，事前調査で新潟県佐渡地区に数名，在住していることがわかった．そこで筆者らは新潟市の聾団体や佐渡市の聾団体・通訳団体・聾家庭の協力を得て，まず実態調査を行い，家庭訪問などを実施し，ホームサインを収録・分析を行った[2]．今回，2回目の収録を行ったので，その分析結果について一部を報告する．4.1 表現の基本 Aさんのホームサインは，動作を伴う場合や形状がある場合は，それを基準として表現している．これは主にジェスチャーであるが，手話の源流とも考えられる． また，基本的に自分自身が中心である．例えば新潟に行くときには，海を渡って行くので，船の表現で，遠くの場所を示している． 4.2 身近にあるモノでの借用 日本手話との大きな違いの一つとして，色の表現が挙げられる．Aさんは，とにかく身近なモノを指さししている．しかし，常に表現したい色が身近にあるわけではない．そこで日本手話では，必ずそこにある身体を使って表現している．「黒」は髪，「赤」は唇，「白」は歯といった表現である．しかし，これらは自分自身では見ることができないため，身近にあるモノを指さしていた．今回は「白」を使うことが多く，ティッシュペーパーを指さしていた． また，「麦」を示すときに「麦茶」を指さして表現する場面もあった．

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島根県の美保神社において,氏子が戸外での儀式に酒,つまみ,盃,箸などを運ぶために使用する「イスズ箱」と沖縄地方で御嶽信仰において,お供えを運ぶための「ビンシー」と呼ばれる箱とを比較して,デザインの特質を述べた。1.意味不明のイスズ箱とは,「神に酒を供えるための錫の瓶を収めた箱」であることを明らかにした。2.イスズ箱は,針葉樹の白木製で,隅打付接ないし組手接の箱である。わが国古来のアイデアである中蓋によってつまみ,盃,箸と徳利とをへだて,徳利が壊れないために箱の内部を巧妙に仕切っている。中蓋はお盆としても使用される。3.ビンシーは広葉樹で朱漆塗り,蟻組接である。箱の作り方として中国の影響が指摘される。また,箱自体が神に供物を捧げる台となる。4.二つの箱の機能は類似しているが,デザインが非常に異なるのは,文化,伝統の反映であると考えられる。

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In order to search the psychopathological aspects in motherchild relationships of delinquents, five male cases, treated at a juvenile detention and classification home, were discussed mainly from the vie叩ointof their TAT responses. The key concepts to analyze each case were as follows:

“Mishoh-On”, child’s grudge concerning his birth against his mothor in the Tale of Ajase, “Skewed Family” vs. “Schismatic Family” by T. Lidz, and “Great Mother”by C. G. Jung.

The discussion centered on negative archetypal images of “Great Mother” projected on TAT responses and their influence on child’s misdeeds. The child binded with negative “Great Mother” images harbored quite ambivalent feelings between aggression and dependence toward his mother, and losing control over such feelings often led him to do some acting out, such as raping, reckless driving, ransacking. In addition, the psychological absence of the father, tended to make it difficult for the child to attain independence from “Great Mother”.

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This is the second paper that discusses Japanese folk belief, especially the rites of passage, with the theoretical scheme of 'hare', 'ke' and kegare' concepts. The first paper was published in this journal in 1974 (vol. 38 No. 3 & 4) with the title of 'Japanese Folk Belief and its Structure'. In that paper a hypothesis was made that Japanese folk belief has its own structure, and has formed various kinds of religious through out its history. The concepts of 'hare', 'ke' and 'kegare' have been discussed by Japanese folklorists, and they have interpreted these concepts as the basic ideas of Japanese folk belief. One of the points of the discussion was to employ these concepts just as a theoretical scheme, and as independent concepts opposing each other. Furthermore, the relationship of these concepts was regarded to vary according to the contexts of the folk belief : in a context 'hare' was categorized into the 'ke' concept and in other contexts the 'kegare' into the 'ke' concept, and so on. In the paper, as the first step of a study on Japanese folk belief, the folk beliefs of three mura were analyzed and it was shown that the belief system differed between three mura. As the second step of that study, the author proposes to answer two questions on Japanese rites of passage. In defining Japanese rites of passage as the rites for an individual who is in his (or her) life-crises, the first question is : what sort of ritual meanings are associated with fact that the person concerned with a rite of passage has frequent contacts with his (or her) kin members and neighbors in giving and receiving food and in eating together ? The second question : concidering Japanese memorial services of the dead ('hoyo' or 'kuyo') as the rites of passage of the deceased, what sorts of ritual meanings lie behind the fact that the rites of passage for a living person (the rites from the person's childbirth to death) and the rites for the dead person (from his or her funeral ceremony to the final anniversary) are performed at the almost identical period ? According to Victor Turner's argument that rites of passage are a liminal period and the person concerned is a liminal person. And furthermore, according to Mary Douglas's hypothesis that a 'liminal' and 'ambiguous' being is a polluting one, the persons performing Japanese rites of passage are in a situation of 'kegare'. As a matter of fact, a newborn baby and the mother are regarded as polluted and polluting beings in Japanese folk custom and are often separated from other family members. The spirit who died recently is regarded as the most 'filthy' being and the 'filthiness' is gradually weakened by the process through which the spirit is given memorial services by his or her living offsprings. A newborn baby and the newly dead spirits are considered as liminal beings becaused they are not alive and not dead. They are considered so filthy that they pollute persons in close contact with them. The more filthy the persons are, the more frequently they receive rites. Other than a newborn baby and new dead spirits, the persons at the critical or unlucky ages ('yaku-doshi') are also considered as being polluted and polluting persons. In Japanese folk belief the persons involved in rites of passage are generally considered as being polluted or 'kegare' and tends to pollute close people and may contaminate the purity of the fire in the house.

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The effective show-window trimming greatly depends upon the lighting of the window. However, at present, the lighting and the decoration are going on the parallel line, but finaly they must be united in one.
The object of this short writing is to advocate the neccesity of the unity of lighting and decoration.

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