Russian Revolution

Few aspects of the 1916 Central Asian revolt are more controversial than the measures taken by the Russian imperial authorities for its suppression. This article explores the punitive expeditions and settler vigilante violence against the Kyrgyz population of Semirech'e during and after the revolt, and the proposals to separate Kyrgyz and settlers by deporting the latter from the Issyk-Kul region and the Chu Valley to the mountains around Naryn. It argues that these persisted under the Provisional Government and into the early years of Bolshevik rule.

Focusing on the pivotal 1917–1919 conjuncture in Russia and Ukraine, this paper analyzes the efforts of the divided Jewish nationalist intelligentsia to disseminate new forms of Jewish culture to a mass audience, the reception of these efforts in the former Tsarist empire’s variegated Jewish population, and the intelligentsia’s parallel exploration of other forms of cultural formation less dependent on popular support. Comparing the cultural programs of Hebraism and Yiddishism, it demonstrates important parallels in their cultural visions and highlights their shared belief in the possibility of implanting a secularist, aestheticist intelligentsia culture in the whole of “the nation.” The paper reconstructs both substantial forms of popular openness to this culture and its sociocultural weaknesses. Finally, it examines experiments made by the intelligentsia with alternative routes to cultural transformation: suppression of popular culture, non-market cultural arrangements, cultural revolution through education, and the uses of the state. The paper seeks a fuller understanding both of the roots of interwar cultural programs in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and of the Jewish nationalist intelligentsia’s underlying conception of “culture,” its own authority, and the evolving relationship between these conceptions and the realities of East European Jewish social, cultural, and political life from the 1890s onward.

This paper is unpublished. It deals with Pavel Florensky’s socio-philosophical views that shaped during the first Russian revolution years and were elaborated in his later works. The principal theoretical divergence of Florensky’s attitude and the position of Christian socialists, as well as specific character of Florensky’s monarchism, are discussed here. Religious and philosophical grounds of his socio-political position are brought to light.

В истории Московской духовной академии одним из наименее изученных периодов остается период гонений и закрытия в 1919 г. Выше на страницах юбилейного «Богословского вестника» публикуется машинописное исследование историка Академии протодиакона Сергия Голубцова, которое на сегодняшний день можно считать самым подробным по данной теме. Предлагаемая ниже публикация фрагментов из «Академического дневника» Иакова Бойкова является еще одним важным дополнением.

Nel paese ove sarebbe in costruzione l'economia socialista non solo dunque esistono i rubli, coi quali il salario dei lavoratori viene pagato, ma esiste anche il risparmio sul salario, il deposito di esso nelle casse statali o nelle banche, la possibilità di investire l'accumulato risparmio in titoli fruttifero, da cui ogni sei mesi la salda mano dell'operaio, come quella delle vecchie signore che si affollano nei saloni delle banche, taglierà esitante la "cedola" dell'interesse, il borghesissimo "coupon". E con tutto ciò esiste del pari il pieno diritto di negoziare i titoli, venderli e comprarli, accumulare in quantità illimitata, e passare da stakhanovista a fannullonissimo "rentier".

This article is to analyze the processes of the revolutionary disintegration of the Empires and the emergence of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire and Austro-Hungary, as the historical phenomena.
The monarchist counter- revolution in Central and Eastern Europe emerged in Russia, Finland, and Hungary as a response to Bolshevism. The factors of the emergence of the monarchist counter-revolution were the following: the existence of strong monarchist traditions in the societies, the presence of the charismatic political and military leaders with monarchist views, and international military support (intervention) from the neighboring monarchies (the German Empire, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Romania).
The peak of the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire took place during the Brest- Litovsk system of international relations, where Germany played the dominant role. Consequently, the defeat of Germany in the First World War automatically led to the collapse of the Brest-Litovsk system and the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia. Although, the monarchist counter-revolution won in Hungary due to the Romanian intervention but the Kingdom of Hungary remained without a king because of the Allies’ pressure. Thus, the monarchist Brest-Litovsk system was replaced by the republican Versailles system (in Eastern European case – Tartu-Riga system).

El presente trabajo hace foco en el constructivismo ruso y cómo esta idea llega al territorio de los Balcanes para ser asimilada y reinterpretada. También se hará hincapié en el rol de la revista Zenit y su lugar dentro de la escena cultural del ’20 para la formación del zenitismo y las vanguardias en los Balcanes. Por otra parte, se va a presentar a Srečko Kosovel y se analizará su manifiesto ‘Al mecánico’ –Mehanikom- como texto fundamental de las vanguardias en la región.

Im Zentrum des Beitrages steht die Analyse der Kategorie des „Vertrauens der Partei“ in der Etablierung der sowjetischen Subjektivitäten im frühen Sowjetrussland. Basierend auf den verschiedenen Typen von Bittschriften der BürgerInnen an die Partei- und Staatsautoritäten werden die Techniken des autobiographischen Schreibens in die Prozesse der bolschewistischen Persönlichkeits-, Staats- und Gesellschaftsbildung eingebettet. Der Autor zeigt, wie das „Vertrauen der Partei“ moralisiert und materialisiert, personifiziert und beglaubigt, visualisiert und geschlechtsspezifisch definiert wurde. Insbesondere während des Großen Terrors wurde es zum alltäglichen Kampfbegriff, um über das Leben und den Tod einer Person zu entscheiden.

Segnalazione del saggio incluso nel numero monografico dedicato a "L'Italia e la rivoluzione d'Ottobre. Masse, classi, ideologie, miti tra guerra e dopoguerra", a cura di Giorgio Petracchi, in ANNALI DELLA FONDAZIONE UGO LA MALFA "STORIA E POLITICA", XXXI, Edizioni Unicopli, Milano 2016, pp. 144-166.

Статья представляет собой первый опыт творческой биографии Б.А. Зубарева (1934—2015), юриста по образованию и художника по призванию. Создававший еще в молодости новаторские, но недооцененные современными учеными исследования, он в последний период своего творчества занимался краеведением Брянщины, создавая на основе архивного материала многочисленные библиографические росписи на разные темы.
Главной из них стала «Брянская хроника 1917—1918 гг.» Одним из разработанных им самостоятельно исследовательских инструментов явилось составление частотных словарей, позволявших обнаруживать скрытый от внешнего глаза подтекст. К сожалению, его труды остаются в значительной мере непрочитанными и невостребованными.

When I was recently invited to contribute to a conference on the Centenary of the Russian Revolution my first inclination was to decline on the grounds that I am not an expert on Russian history or on the Revolution, but then I thought: the Revolution was a momentous event that is of concern not only to specialists, and as a Marxist I should have something to say about it.

Kuşkusuz, işçi devletinin yaşadığı zorluklarda sorunu öncelikle nesnel koşullarda aramak gerekir (ve bu koşullar aşağıda daha ayrıntılı şekilde ele alınacaktır). Fakat öznel etken de yabana atılmayacak derecede sorunlu olduğunu göstermiştir. Partinin ileri doğru gittiği (“saldırdığı”) her durumda Bolşevik örgütlenme modelinin kazandırdığı kaynaşmış ve ideolojik açıdan ortaklaşmış nitelik yeterince güçlü olduğunu göstermiş ve zaten tam da bu nedenle Lenin’in partisi bir devrime önderlik edebilmişti. Fakat saldırı ânında, suların yükseldiği dönemde görülmeyen ya da etkisizleştirilebilen eksiklikler, suların geri çekildiği koşullarda kendisini çok çarpıcı bir şekilde göstermiştir. Lenin bir partinin esas gücünün tıpkı bir orduda olduğu gibi geri çekilirken görülebileceğini ve saldırırken gösterilen azim, kararlılık ve birlikteliğin ricat halindeyken de gösterilmesi gerektiğini söyler.
Bu açıdan bakıldığında, partinin bazı sınavları alnının akıyla geçtiğini, bazılarındaysa aynı başarıyı gösteremediğini söylemek gerekir. Parti içindeki tartışmalarda ortaya çıkan yanlış görüşler, partinin yönetici kademesindeki insanların (Buharin, Şlyapnikov, Kollontay, Stalin) devrimin üzerinden birkaç yıl geçtikten sonra en temel konularda büyük ilkesel yanlışlara düşüyor olmaları, tüm bunları toparlayan isim sıfatıyla Lenin’in ölümünden sonra partinin içinde yaşanacakların, yani bir nesnellikten beslenen bürokratik karşıdevrime partinin içindeki ileri gelenlerin önderlik etmesinin habercisi olarak alınmalıdır.

Prior to the Bolshevik Revolution in late 1917, the Russian revolutionary movement enjoyed broad support among American progressives in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. The arrival of Catherine Breshkovsky, a well-educated, noble-blooded revolutionary, further solidified these ties between Russian and American reform in 1904. While in America, she befriended many American women, especially suffragists and settlement house workers, who were united by their universalist ideas of human progress. These connections, however, were severely undermined by the realities of war and nationalism.

The end of the First World War brought both a nationalist transformation
of political space and discourse in East-Central Europe,
as well as a revolutionary wave, originating in Russia, that radically
challenged the existing order. The article analysis how Jewishnational
activists saw these developments as opportunities and
challenges and aimed to become part in the shaping of a new
world. Concentrating primarily on the discussions and political
practices of the socialist-Zionist Poale Zion movement, it intends
to expand the discussion over the supposed triumph of nationalism
in the context of the ‘Wilsonian moment’ at the end of the
First World War, asking in what form the communist promise of
universal freedom represented a viable alternative. As the British
Balfour Declaration lead to a supposed awakening of Palestineoriented
feelings of national belonging, the revolution represented
a counter-proposal for emancipation in Central and
Eastern Europe in the experience of many activists. The article
follows a number of Jewish revolutionary activists looking at
how their framework of political practices determined how they
perceived the dual promises of national and social liberation and
what consequences they drew from this. Where circumstances
allowed a close cooperation between them and the wider labour
movement – both in respect to revolutionary policies and defence
against anti-Jewish violence – activists tended to progressively
reject concepts of national unity and perceived the fate of the
Jewish working class to be bound to that of the communist movement;
a number of them subsequently began rejecting concepts
of national belonging and national politics. The article analyzes at
how this process was understood and discussed by both the
radicals and their opponents, who often interpreted this revolutionary
activism as a rejection of the nation as such.

Les grandes leçons d’Octobre 1917
"Il arrive aujourd’hui à la doctrine de Marx ce qui est arrivé plus d’une fois dans l’histoire aux doctrines des penseurs révolutionnaires et des chefs des classes opprimées en lutte pour leur affranchissement. Du vivant des grands révolutionnaires, les classes d’oppresseurs les récompensent par d’incessantes persécutions; elles accueillent leur doctrine par la fureur la plus sauvage, par la haine la plus farouche, par les campagnes les plus forcenées de mensonges et de calomnies. Après leur mort, on essaie d’en faire des icônes inoffensives, de les canoniser pour ainsi dire, d’entourer leur nom d’une certaine auréole afin de "consoler" les classes opprimées et de les mystifier; ce faisant on vide leur doctrine révolutionnaire de son contenu, on l’avilit et on en émousse le tranchant révolutionnaire."

Comrades! Public teachers! You gave the people literacy, now you must give them development! Make free Russia's conscious citizens out of yesterday's village philistines! E. N. Medynskii, Kak vesti besedi po politicheskam voprosam, 1917. The Provisional Government and the soviets regarded the campaigns to make "yesterday's village philistines" into conscious citizens as pivotal to the success or failure of the new regime. Without popular support, their stated goals of overseeing democratic elections, keeping Russia in the war, maintaining food supplies, and preventing civic disorder were unachievable. Ordinary people were to be educated so that they would understand their new duties and responsibilities, as well as their new freedoms. These attempts to educate the population about the new political climate and transform their cultural lives were regarded by educated society as their great opportunity to bridge the gulf separating them from Russia's ordinary people. 1 The political elite sought to bring cultural transformation to ordinary people through literacy, political education, and citizens' training (grazhdanskoe vospitanie). While educational literature recognized that mass political literacy could not be achieved in the short term, ordinary people had to understand the rudimentaries of political life if the forthcoming elections to the Constituent Assembly Research for this study was carried out with the financial assistance of the Leverhulme Trust. I am grateful to Mike Hickey, Liudmila Novikova, Dan Orlovsky, Chris Read, Geoff Swain, and this journal's anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful and constructive comments. 1 I refer throughout this article to "ordinary people" and the "political elite," terms that are intended to facilitate understanding of communication between political leaders and constituents. "Political elite" refers both to the political elite at the centre of power in Petrograd, and those individuals who were in positions of authority in regional politics. I use the term "ordinary people" with reservations, but because it was the least judgmental and broadest way to describe those individuals who were not active in the formal political and administrative structures that developed in 1917. These terms are intended to be understood loosely, even amorphously. Some "ordinary people" could also be described as members of the political elite, if for example they participated in local administration or leadership. . 06. 07., 14:35 2

На правах рукописи НАЗАРЕНКО Кирилл Борисович МОРСКОЕ ВЕДОМСТВО РОССИИ (1905-1921 гг.): ЛИЧНЫЙ СОСТАВ, СТРУКТУРА, ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ РОЛЬ Специальность 07.00.02 -Отечественная история АВТОРЕФЕРАТ диссертации на соискание ученой степени доктора исторических наук Санкт-Петербург -2010 Работа выполнена на кафедре новейшей истории России исторического факультета Санкт-Петербургского государственного университета Научный консультант: заслуженный деятель науки РФ, заслуженный работник высшей школы РФ, доктор исторических наук, профессор СОБОЛЕВ Геннадий Леонтьевич Официальные оппоненты: заслуженный деятель науки РФ, доктор исторических наук ЦАМУТАЛИ Алексей Николаевич доктор исторических наук, профессор ФЛОРИНСКИЙ Михаил Федорович доктор военных наук, профессор ПОДСОБЛЯЕВ Евгений Феликсович Ведущая организация: Северо-Западная академия государственной службы Защита состоится « » декабря 2010 г. в « » часов на заседании диссертационного совета Д 212.232.57 по защите докторских и кандидатских диссертаций при Санкт-Петербургском государственном университете по адресу: 198000, Санкт-Петербург, Менделеевская лин., д.5. С диссертацией можно ознакомиться в научной библиотеке им. М. Горького Санкт-Петербургского государственного университета по адресу: Санкт-Петербург, Университетская наб., д. 7/9. Автореферат разослан « » 2010 г. Ученый секретарь диссертационного совета доктор исторических наук, профессор А.В. Петров 2 3

Публикуется новый источник по истории Гражданской войны в России – дневник полкового священника К. Дмитриева. Дневник представляет собой своеобразную летопись боевого пути 3-го Барнаульского Сибирского стрелкового полка колчаковской армии за декабрь 1918 г. – июнь 1919 г.

Ключевые слова: эго-документы, Гражданская война, Урал, Белое движение, военная история.

«The Russian land is going through hard times»: diary of the priest of the 3rd Barnaul Siberian rifle regiment K. Dmitriev.

We publish new source on the history of the Russian Civil war – the diary of regimental priest K. Dmitriev. This diary is a kind of chronicle of combat path of the 3rd Barnaul Siberian rifle regiment of the Kolchak army for December 1918 – June 1919.

Keywords: ego-documents, Civil war, Ural, White movement, military history.

Nobili in fuga, rivoluzionari, intellettuali, il nostro paese è il luogo prediletto per dimenticare lo zar. Da Gogol' a Gork'ij, Bogdanov e Lenin. Viaggio tra le strade della Capitale di ieri e di oggi alla ricerca di angoli moscoviti nascosti dal tempo.

Every invading army conveys its message first through brutal force, guns, shells, and bullets, and only later occupies itself with explaining to the locals that in fact they come in peace and providing reasons it might be a good thing to be occupied. Communication with the occupied population is always conducted through language specialists who either come from within the army itself and who have cultural knowledge and foreign language skills, or those who are recruited on the ground. Those who come from the second group usually experience endless problems as they can be seen to be collaborators. Despite the outright genocidal nature of the campaign the Wehrmacht unleashed in the USSR in June 1941, the Germans needed to address the issue of how to talk to people.
https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030270360

Монография М. А. Давыдова «Двадцать лет до Великой войны. Российская модернизация Витте-Столыпина» подводит итог многолетним исследованиям автора, и многие ее сюжеты освящены в его предыдущих публикациях, а также в возникавших вокруг них дискуссиях. Давыдов пытается доказать, что уровень жизни российских крестьян повышался, при этом основными его аргументами (уже сформулированными в других работах) являются увеличение затрат крестьян на алкоголь и рост вкладов в сберегательные кассы. Автор возвращается также и к проблеме достоверности российской урожайной статистики, вновь высказывая свои сомнения по этому вопросу. Фактически новым является лишь материал, касающийся исследования зависимости налоговых недоимок от размеров крестьянских наделов.
При обращении к этим (и другим) вопросам выявляется основной методологический недостаток работы: Давыдов считает, что перечислением подходящих примеров можно подкрепить (или опровергнуть) утверждения, имеющие общий, статистический характер. Между тем многие обсуждаемые им вопросы могут быть достоверно разрешены только методами математической статистики, которые автором не используются.
Большое место в монографии уделяется описанию реформ Столыпина. Однако перечисляя мелкие подробности процессов разрушения общины, землеустройства, развития агрономической помощи автор уходит от анализа связи этих мер с главной задачей реформ, задачей повышения урожайности. Он не приводит каких-либо доказательств того, что реформы привели к увеличению урожаев – а между тем проведенный его оппонентами статистический анализ указывает на отсутствие связи между ростом урожайности и темпами проведения реформы.
Характерной чертой работы является ее афишированная автором политическая направленность, местами доходящая до использования неакадемической лексики.

Borodkin, Leonid. CHALLENGES OF INSTABILITY: THE CONCEPTS OF SYNERGETICS  IN STUDYING THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIA The article discusses the big challenges of Russia’s historical development associated with the unstable nature of the social and political processes of the 20th century, the unpredictability of radical changes that capture different countries, and the alternatives of their development. An adequate approach to studying such processes, analyzing mechanisms of their functioning became possible on the basis of the multidisciplinary concept of synergetics related to the doctrine of self-organization, the methods of nonlinear dynamics and chaos theory. An important issue this paper addresses is relationship between regularity and randomness in the development of an unstable social process, in particular, the role of the individual in this process. This issue acquires special significance in researching transition epochs and radical transformations of society, which require an adequate response to the big challenges posed by the risk of a system falling into the trajectory of turbulent development. Connected with this question are new approaches to exploring alternatives of social development that arise at the points of bifurcation, considered in the article on the example of the development of the revolutionary situation in 1917 Russia. It is shown that the challenges of instability which impede sustainable development that have emerged at different periods of Russia’s history and that are possible in its foreseeable future can be analyzed and modeled using synergetic concepts. The methodological tools of historical research are expanding and include now methods of studying unstable historical processes, dynamics of revolutionary changes and protest movements.

В статье рассмотрены большие вызовы исторического развития России, связанные с неустойчивым характером социально-политических процессов ХХ в., непредсказуемость радикальных перемен, захватывающих различные страны, альтернативность их развития. Адекватный подход к изучению таких процессов, к анализу механизмов их функционирования стал возможен на основе мультидисциплинарной концепции синергетики, связанной с учением о самоорганизации, с методами нелинейной динамики и теории хаоса. Обсуждается в работе и соотношение закономерности и случайности в развитии неустойчивого процесса, в частности роль личности в этом процессе. Этот вопрос приобретает особое значение при изучении переходных эпох, радикальных трансформаций общества, требующих адекватного ответа на большие вызовы, порождаемые риском схода системы на траекторию турбулентного развития. С этим вопросом связаны и новые подходы к изучению альтернатив общественного развития, возникающих в точках бифуркации, рассмотренные в статье на примере развития революционной ситуации в России 1917 г. Показано, что вызовы нестабильности, препятствующие устойчивому развитию, возникавшие в разные периоды истории России и возможные в ее обозримом будущем, могут подвергаться анализу и моделироваться с помощью концепций синергетики. Методологический инструментарий исторической науки расширяется, включая теперь методы изучения неустойчивых исторических процессов, динамики революционных изменений и протестных движений.

This article examines the way in which the widespread printed collections of songs reflected the developing revolutionary situation and fuelled political imagination in Finland during the years 1917 and 1918. The analysis shows that the Russian February Revolution of 1917 and the Finnish Civil War of 1918 became key events that stimulated the proliferation of popular song pamphlets and influenced the content of the songs. Acting as an affective medium, the song pamphlets contested old forms of political legitimacy and reinforced ideas of class solidarity, national unity, and ethnic stereotypes.

Резюме
В статье исследуется, как широко распространенные брошюры, в которых публиковались сборники финских песен, отражали развитие революционных событий и сами подпитывали политическое воображение в Финляндии в 1917–1918 гг. Автор показывает, что Февральская революция в России и финская гражданская война 1918 г. стали ключевыми событиями “аффективного опыта”, стимулировавшими распространение сборников песен и влиявшими на их содержание. В качестве аффективного медиума, сборники песен оспаривали старые формы политической легитимности и укрепляли идеалы классовой солидарности и национального единства, а также этнические стереотипы.

Chapter 4 published in Donald Fitzler, Wendy Goldman, Gijs Kessler and Simon Pirani (eds)  'A Dream Deferred - New Studies in Russian and Soviet Labour History' (Peter Lang, 2008).
This chapter explores the nature of worker identity and experience in the factory complex of Sormovo on the outskirts of Nizhnii Novgorod. Worker experience is assessed from three angles in this chapter: party politics, worker organization, and worker discipline. The negotiations that took place between workers and representatives of state and national interests are the unifying theme of this piece. Some distinction can be made between state and national interests. Perceptions of the state had become negative in the course of the First World War, as society developed a rising sense that the tsarist regime was not defending the nation. The February revolution sought to bring state and national interests into alignment. The Provisional Government portrayed itself as defending national interests through successful prosecution of the war, and as defending the working class in their struggle with capital. The development of class rhetoric, however, and the identification of the Provisional Government as a “bourgeois” government in contrast to the “working-class” soviets meant that workers in Sormovo and elsewhere distinguished state interests from national interests on the basis of class.

В современной историографии можно встретить утверждения, что причиной Февральской революции 1917 года был некий «заговор» и  снежные заносы на железных дорогах. Такого рода «теории» не имеют отношения к действительности. В статье анализируется реальный механизм социально-политического кризиса, возникшего в феврале 1917 года.

Peeling the Onion. A Look Backwards on National Bolshevism in the 1900s.
This article aims at analyzing the problematic trajectory of National Bolshevism, an “oxymoronic” provocative political concept, born and developed throughout the Twentieth Century. Such concept appears
in several different contexts, employed more or less legitimately. This article will attempt to outline a kind of conceptual mapping, located in clear historical as well as geographic coordinates (Germany, France, Soviet Union, Russia and some short mentions to Italy) through an
accurate historiographical overview and an extensive examination of the press of that period. This mapping will identify some of the circumstances, in which the National Bolshevik thought emerges as a part of the broader history of exchanges and intertwining between the ideas of Socialism and Nation.