Libya

Because of its extensive Mediterranean history, France had a particular responsibility when the Arab revolutions broke out in 2011. The strategies defined by Paris in Libya and Syria, implemented through foreign policy, have proved to be less effective than expected. Although distinct, both were pursuing the same aim: the expansion of friendly democratic regimes in the Southern European neighborhood bloc.

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In the summer of 2016, musicians in Tripoli gave a series of concerts at an outdoor seaside venue near downtown. Many families were in attendance, and children made the grassy seating area into a dance floor. Members of the militia based around the corner stood off to the side of the stage to watch the revelry. By this time, not quite five years after the fall of long-time dictator Mu'ammar al-Qaddafi, a shifting constellation of militias governed much of Libya.

This study is the result of cooperation between the Friedrich Ebert Foundation’s Libya Office and
the Jusoor Center for Studies and Development, in the field of gender equality and women’s
empowerment in sustainable economic development. We have tried to shed light on the most
important factors concerning women in the Libyan job market despite a lack of information and
data, especially in relation to the private sector. Notwithstanding the difficulty and ambiguity of the
situation, we recommend various mechanisms to improve the situation of women. We hope that
this study will encourage the trade union movement, civil society organizations and other concerned
parties to conduct detailed and comprehensive studies that contribute to improving the conditions
of working women in Libya and reinforcing women’s role in economic activity.
The study aims to understand the current situation of women in the Libyan job market and the
most important challenges they face. It also aims to identify obstacles to women’s effective
involvement in the job market and the factors behind these, including various forms of discrimination
that hinder women’s professional advancement. These obstacles conflict with measures that for
economic and social reasons have sought to encouragement and support women to enter the job
market.

On s’est beaucoup interrogé sur le pourquoi du « Printemps arabe » mais aucun ouvrage n’avait encore étudié comment il s’était déroulé. Parce que la plupart des chercheurs ici réunis ont observé les événements en direct, ce livre offre une véritable ethnographie des protestations « en train de se faire ».

Les contributions portent sur les pays qui ont connu un changement de régime (Tunisie, Égypte, Yémen, Libye) mais également sur ceux où la répression a permis aux pouvoirs en place de se maintenir au moins temporairement (Syrie, Bahreïn) et sur ceux où les protestations n’ont pas débouché sur une situation révolutionnaire (Maroc, Algérie, Jordanie). L’approche adoptée par les auteurs permet de rendre pleinement compte de la spécificité de chacun des contextes étudiés, montrant comment l’élan révolutionnaire, qui balaie alors le monde arabe, connaît des traductions locales très diverses. L’étude de ces révolutions montre aussi qu’elles ne sont pas une simple éruption spontanée qui viendrait réveiller une société jusque-là apathique mais qu’elles s’enracinent dans l’histoire des contestations de chacun des pays concernés.

Les « témoignages analytiques » proposés ici constituent une source très précieuse pour ceux qui s’efforcent de mieux comprendre le plus grand bouleversement politique survenu dans le monde arabe depuis l’ère des indépendances.

Natural products including alkaloids from algae may provide alternative source for new natural antioxidants due to their novel structure. In the present study the antioxidant properties of alkaloids extracted from Sargassum hornschuchii and Cystoseira compressa were assessed using various in vitro systems including 1,1-diphenyl-2-picrylhydrazyl (DPPH), superoxide, hydroxyl radicals, nitric oxide (NO) scavenging, phosphomolybdenum reduction and reducing power activity at different concentrations (6.25 to 100 mg/ml). The results showed that alkaloids rich extracts exhibit antiradical activity and reduction ability in concentration dependent. Extracts exhibit significant low scavenging activity on DPPH and nitric oxide radical activity Investigation … Rabia Alghazeer et al. compared to standard, ascorbic acid and butylated hydroxyanisole (BHA). Reducing power and total antioxidant of extracts showed less effect compared to standard, ascorbic acid and butylated hydroxyanisole (BHA). Superoxide, and hydroxyl radical assays showed a comparable scavenging activity compared to its standard. Therefore, new separation, purification techniques, and powerful identification methods are recommended to improve their antioxidant activity.

Os acontecimentos que se situaram durante os levantes árabes na Líbia até a deposição de Muammar El-Gaddafi, em 2011, receberam ampla cobertura da mídia nacional, usualmente adepta do material das agências de notícias internacionais. As agências são os principais atores do domínio concentrado da informação e tendem a gerar nos cenários locais a veiculação de discursos despersonalizados e alinhados aos interesses dos países que as representam. Para alguns casos, esta concentração de poder não é suficiente para explicar a adoção massiva do material obtido por estas agências, a saber Associated Press, Reuters, France Presse (AFP) e EFE. Quando o veículo local possui capacidade de enviar repórteres especiais e quando se oferecem possibilidades alternativas de fontes de informação, é preciso posicionar as escolhas subjetivas do jornal no centro das análises sobre seus conteúdos. Tratando-se do caso líbio, investigamos – quantitativamente e qualitativamente - como a imprensa brasileira construiu seu perfil político de verdade para os conflitos, através da pesquisa das fontes, das atividades de agendamento e das funções de enquadramento. Verificamos que o tema foi utilizado de maneira a espelhar os interesses dos países onde estão presentes as agências de notícias, em vez de se privilegiar uma visão mais personalizada sobre assunto. A linha adotada pelo jornal revelou a presença do consenso liberal democrático e de muitos outros elementos que construíram um raciocínio bastante coeso quanto aos episódios, desmistificando o discurso da pluralidade. Dentre outras questões, o estudo permitiu indicar que as mídias locais têm atuado em apoio a regimes de verdades, construídos por países fora da realidade brasileira, e consubstanciando um provável sistema de poder que se retroalimenta a partir destas contribuições.

This paper briefly analyzes the usage of the term "civil war" as used by various actors in the beginnings of the Libyan Uprising. By using "civil war" in their rhetoric, various actors hoped to influence actions that would be taken by others. The paper highlights how opponents of the Libyan Intervention frequently called it a "civil war" in an effort to block the use of U.S. forces in Libya. The paper also looks at how President Obama deliberately avoided the usage of the term in several speeches and interviews. In conclusion, by looking at how a conflict is depicted by various actors, it can help provide insights on their motivations to avoid or participate in humanitarian interventions.

The article analyses Italian second reception system for asylum seekers and refugees (so-called SPRAR system), through the lens of psychosocial well-being. The author examines in depth the connections between migration, trauma and suffering, and proposes a
multidimensional definition of ‘psychosocial well-being’, by drawing on the conceptualization given by ‘Psychosocial Working Group’

An enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) was developed, together with a Western blotting technique, for the detection of total and IgG and IgM antibodies to camelpox virus (Orthopoxvirus cameli) in camel (Camelus dromedarius) sera and for identifying the seroreactive antigens of the virus. A total of 520 camels from different regions in Libya were tested. The overall seropositivity rate in the examined herds was 9.8%, and varied between herds from 0 to 30%. Two viral antigenic determinants (31 and 35 kDa) were shared by the Western blotting patterns of all the positive camel sera tested. The developed ELISA assay showed ability to differentiate between orthopox and parapoxvirus infections in camels. It is considered that the ELISA technique is justified for serodiagnosis of camelpox in the camel and could be easily modified and usefully applied to other species at risk of poxvirus infection.

Pojawienie się terminu Dżamahiriji jest interesującym - w kontekście naukowym - wydarzeniem historycznym, zarejestrowanym przez historię ludzkość ubiegłego stulecia.
XX wiek był to czas, który stał się świadkiem różnorodnej walki, prowadzonej przez człowieka w imię zerwania krepujących go ograniczeń. Wszystko to uzasadniało tezę,
że wolność człowieka była i jest nadal zagrożona. Niemniej jednak należy zaznaczyć,
że minęło trochę czasu od pojawienia się pierwszego wydania „Zielnej Księgi”. Pierwszy raz została wydana w latach 70-tych i niejako wpłynęła na ideologię terytorium Afryki północnej i krajów sympatyzujących z Wielka Libijską Arabską Dżamahiriją Ludowo – Socjalistyczną. Chodzi tu  przede wszystkim o uczonych, badaczy, myślicieli i bojowników.

تعد المجالس البلدية القوية إحدى سمات ومكونات أي نظام ديمقراطي قوي، وبعد الثورة الليبية كانت هناك آمال عريضة بأن تكون المجالس البلدية المنتخبة خطوة على طريق التحول الديمقراطي، بما يخدم تحقيق معنى اللامركزية الإدارية ومصالح وطموحات المواطن الليبي في خدمات أفضل، حيث إن مجالس البلدية تعد رافداً مهماً من الروافد التي تساعد على تحسين الأوضاع على مستوى كل بلدية، إذ هي أقدر على تقدير ظروف واحتياجات مواطنيها، وبالتالي تكون قادرة على إيجاد الحلول الناجعة لكل ما يعتري البلدية من مشاكل أو صعوبات، إلى جانب أن ذلك سيسهم في القضاء على المركزية من خلال ما تقوم به هذه المجالس من توفير الخدمات كافة لمواطنيها وتكون آليات عملها والرقابة عليها مباشرة من قبل وزارة الحكم المحلي فهل تصبح البلديات الليبية نواة لحلحلة الأزمة؟

Over the past fifteen years, the international community has increasingly relied upon United Nations mandated mechanisms comprising commissions of inquiry, fact-finding missions, and investigations to help address gross violations of human rights and the often blatant disregard for the rule of law during periods of civil unrest, conflict, and post-conflict contexts. The primary reason for why this approach has been preferred centres upon the fact that achieving accountability through internationally mandated tribunals and prosecutions is not only difficult to realize but further complicated due to realpolitik permeating among relevant international decision-making structures. For example, to activate meaningful judicial accountability at the international level, agreement amongst the highest echelons of the United Nations vis-a-vis a Security Council resolution is required to mandate an accountability mechanism. Indeed, even a referral to the permanent International Criminal Court underpinned by the Rome Statute requires a Security Council referral for non-State parties. The complexity of activating these measures, however, has served to ensure the continuation of numerous protracted armed conflicts – characterized by the perpetration of atrocity crimes, violations of international humanitarian law, and violations and abuses of human rights – to the detriment of millions of civilians worldwide.
This contribution finds that the Commissions of Inquiry on Syria and Libya have been able to advance the rule of law and the protection of human rights by investigating and reporting publicly on findings by all parties to these respective conflicts, in particular on atrocity crimes, violations of international humanitarian law, and violations and abuses of human rights perpetrated by non-State actors. Both Commissions have taken similar positions on the application of human rights to non-State actors, in that non-State actors that cannot formally become parties to international human rights treaties must nevertheless respect the fundamental human rights of persons in areas where such actors exercise de facto control.
The contribution continues by exploring the roles of the Commissions of Inquiry for Syria and Libya in the general quest for prevention: i.e., can the establishment of these mechanisms deter belligerents from perpetrating abuses of human rights and disregarding the rule of law? The article argues that if UN-mandated mechanisms – including commissions of inquiry, fact-finding missions, and investigations – are well supported, especially when concerned States grant such bodies protected access on the ground, they can significantly act as a deterrent and contribute to the respect for human rights and the rule of law. This may be achieved particularly through their cooperation and sharing with accountability bodies and the documentation and preservation of evidence collected.

Bu çalışma Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin uluslararası hukuk davranışını,‘koruma sorumluluğu’ doktrini çerçevesinde incelemeyi hedeflemektedir. Uluslararası sistemde insani değerlerin korunması amacıyla Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) tara- fından ortaya koyulan koruma sorumluluğu, iç savaş veya terör gibi nedenler- den dolayı devletlerin kendi halklarını korumada yetersiz kaldığı veya başarısız olduğu durumlarda, bu sorumluluğun uluslararası sistemde yer alan diğer aktörlerin müşterek sorumluluğuna geçtiği anlamına gelmektedir. Arap Baharı sürecinde 2011 tarihinde Libya’ya uygulanan BM Güvenlik Konseyi kararı ve sonrasında gerçekleşen müdahale koruma sorumluluğu doktrininin hayata geçirildiği ilk örnek olmuştur. Bu doğrultuda, Libya’ya yapılan müdahalede Türkiye’nin hangi insan hakları ve hukuki unsurlara atıf yaptığı analiz edilerek, koruma sorumluluğunun BM Genel Kurulu oturumlarında ‘gelişmekte olan bir norm’ olarak ortaya çıkma sürecinde ve Libya operasyonunda uygulanması sırasında Türkiye tarafından özellikle ‘müdahaleci devletlerin çıkarlarının en- gellenmesi’ ve ‘ulusal egemenliğin ve halkların kendi geleceğini belirleme hak- kının’ gözetilmesi unsurlarına dikkat çekilmiştir.

The archaeology of the Sahara in both historical and modern times remains, for the most part, inadequately investigated and poorly understood. However, the Fazzan in southwest Libya stands as a remarkable exception. In the last two decades, the University of Leicester 1 and the Sapienza University of Rome 2 have undertaken various research programmes that focus on the impressive evidence left by the Garamantian kingdom (c. 1000 BC-AD 700). These studies have provided groundbreaking data on the history of the Fazzan (Fig. 1.1), an area which was the centre of a veritable network of trans-Saharan connections that developed in Garamantian times and continued to modern times, later giving birth to the Tuareg societies. 3

Since 2011, and with the worsening economic crisis in Libya, Libyan youth have become more concerned about unemployment and job opportunities, especially with the changing security conditions. This study covers the factors impacting the situation of the youth and causes of unemployment as these are important issues for young job-seekers which constitute the future of the country, with the hope that this study would be a helpful source for theoretical references regarding job opportunities and economic development, especially for decision-makers and stakeholders. The theoretical and analytical aspects have been studied to determine the status quo of the Libyan job market and the needs of youth and employers in order to bridge the gap between the two sides and to evaluate future needs. The descriptive analytical method was used in this study, and data were gathered from various local sources and scientific references, in order to reach several conclusions that would help researchers, decision-makers, and the youth to reach a better understanding of the status quo of the job market and the factors linked to it such as education outputs and economic conditions.
The research problem lies in determining current job opportunities and the qualifications of young graduates and job-seekers in addition to their needs in the current situation of the job market in line with current and future changes, and determining specializations needed by the job market.
The recommendations of the World Bank reports and the National Economic Strategy were used to support the analytical part of the study building on the data gathered from job-seekers and employers emphasizing the importance of utilizing this data in addition to creating a comprehensive social protection network which would support any future economic reforms to achieve economic development and equal opportunities.

كان فرغ جيبك يكثر عيبك - If your pockets get empty, your faults will be many.

This Libyan proverb which the author uses himself before the table of contents magnificently summarizes the whole book and anticipates the conclusion. If the oil boom (or other sources that enable abundant foreign income) stalls in distributive states, also called rentier states,  such as Libya, the whole country will face problems. Attempts of economic liberalisation are often doomed to fail due to two crucial points: the absence of proper institutions to regulate the liberalisation and the problem of having to reduce the payment of rents to supporting political coalitions. The absence of regulating institutions is caused by the absence of extractive practices such as taxes because the foreign income on natural resources allows the state to finance its activities without having to rely and bargain with its population which would produce these regulating institutions-as for example happened in Europe. Instead, the regime of the distributive state is able to buy off political support. The second problem comes into play here: in times of crisis, the regime usually needs to cut government spending to remain economically sustainable. As in distributive states, power by the regime is usually exchanged for wealth with crucial groups, cutting spending might heavily endanger the regimes stability as these groups/coalitions will reclaim their power and usually (try) to overthrow the regime.

The challenge faces the world in the coming decades is to provide an adequate food supply for increasing populations. The food supply should be granted to 6 billion inhabitants on 2000 and excepted 8 billion people in 2025. Food supply shortages occurs in arid and semi-arid zones where a land degradation and desertification are the main obstacles facing sustainable agriculture. Soil Salinisation is one of the most common land degradation processes in arid and semi-arid regions, where evaporation exceed over precipitation. Under such climatic conditions, soluble salts are accumulated in the soil, influencing soil properties and environment with ultimate decline in soil productivity. Therefore, mapping of saline areas is essential for understanding resource for sustainable soil uses and management. This paper presents a model to map soil salinity using Remote Sensing (RS) and Geographic Information Systems (GIS).

The ugliness of kleptocracy is often easy to see; in fact, it is inescapable. Those who have visited Libya report that for an oil state it has very unimpressive infrastructure. Indeed, it is littered with half or less finished construction projects. A good example is the 28th of March stadium in Benghazi: 232 million dinars in contracts given between 2008 and 2011, millions disbursed to the contractor, and the work is still unfinished. Many of these were undertaken by Turkish companies whose contracts were terminated for corruption after the February 2011 revolution when Libyans began to investigate the money spent in their name. While it is well known in the West that Gaddafi was massively corrupt, the corruption of Erdogan is less well known. https://investigativejournal.org/erdogans-sinister-game-in-libya-construction-corruption/

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/348418954_Erdogan's_Sinister_Game_in_Libya_Construction_Corruption

This article examines the use of foreign military intervention (FMI) through the international relations theory of liberalism. As intra-state conflict is becoming increasingly transnational in nature, FMI has become a powerful foreign policy tool in the post-Cold War era. Often, the use of military intervention is aimed to promote liberal democracy and humanitarian values. This often requires a dynamic change to the target state's centralized power structure. In turn, this transfer of power has repeatedly allowed for long-standing power vacuums to emerge. In academia, FMI should not be examined as a single event phenomenon; therefore, this article uses a qualitative approach when examining the cases of Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and Syria to provide a more encompassing detail of the intended and unintended consequences of FMI, as well as prospects for the future of these nations, all of which have been plagued by civil strife, violence, and human rights violations in recent years.

During the past few years the border waters between Europe and Africa have become an EU-policy crucible. In the midst of the tightening of EU border controls and refugee protection claims, supranational, national and local actors fi nd themselves in a phase of legal insecurity and negotiation. Th is article is based on ethnographical research carried out in Libya, Italy and Malta. It sheds light on the diff erent actors' practices at sea and in the surrounding border region. It also explores how new parameters for refugee protection are emerging in the border regions of the European Union. Th e article argues that the policy practices of the co-operation between Italy and Libya as well as the informal operational methods carried out in the Mediterranean Sea function as a trailblazer of the overall EU refugee policy. In the long term, some of these practices will aff ect and change the legal basis and the formal regulations of the European refugee regime. Th e principle of non-refoulement could fi rst be undermined and then abolished in this process. Using an approach that combines the empirical study of border regions with a legal anthropological perspective, the article analyses the Union's processes of change and decision-making on local, national and supranational levels and their interconnections.

In this contribution, the author compares the Amazigh movement in Tunisia with that of Libya. It seems clear that the fall of Ben Ali’s regime allowed the emergence of Amazighity in Tunisia. On several occasions, the Amazigh have had to express the latter and remind the Tunisian political class that Tunisia is also Amazigh. The irruption of Libyan neighbours and the way in which they performed Amazighity was not without its influence on the awakening of the Amazigh in Tunisia. The author hypothesizes that the direct contact with the refugees in Tunisia could play an additional, important role for Libyan Amazigh.

profesor de Relaciones Internacionales en la UCM, coordinador científico de OPEMAM19 Resumen El 23 de octubre de 2011 el Consejo Nacional de Transición proclamaba la liberación de Libia tras los levantamientos revolucionarios del 17 de febrero y se ponía en marcha la Misión de Naciones Unidas de Apoyo en Libia (UNSMIL). Sin embargo, al poco tiempo de terminada la primera guerra civil (2011), las fuerzas anti-gaddafistas comenzaron a dividirse y ni el gobierno provisional del CNT (Consejo Nacional de Transición) ni el GGN (Congreso Nacional General) que le sustituyó fueron capaces de elaborar una Constitución. En lugar de encauzarse el proceso constituyente, a mediados de 2014 estalló una grave crisis que dividió al país en dos coaliciones y múltiples actores armados, lo que se conoce como segunda guerra civil libia (mayo 2014-). En este capítulo veremos que tanto Naciones Unidas como los actores nacionales libios son co-responsables de la prolongación del conflicto y del fracaso de la pacificación y la transición democrática. La primera, porque se ha decantado excesivamente por los bandos en disputa o no ha mediado 19 El autor quiere agradecer los comentarios y sugerencias ofrecidos por Azahar Martínez, motivación importante para elaborar el capítulo.

تتناول هذه الورقة بالدراسة طبيعة العلاقات التجارية بين ايالة طرابلس الغرب (ليبيا) وأوروبا في القرن الثامن عشر والعقود الثلاثة الأولى من القرن التاسع عشر. وتركز في هذا الإطار على نشاط التجار الأوروبيين و دورهم في حركة المبادلات مع وتوضيح الظروف التي أحاطت بنشاطهم والعوامل المؤثرة فيه.

Background: Anemia in pregnancy has detrimental effects on maternal and child health and prevalence of anemia during pregnancy is alarmingly high, inspite of the implementation of the national nutritional anemia prophylaxis programme which provides iron and folic acid which are the essential nutrients lacking in their diet. The purpose of this study was to assess the knowledge, attitude and practices of pregnant women regarding anemia, Iron rich food and iron supplements and also to assess the impact of these factors and other socio demographic variables on the hemoglobin levels of these vulnerable groups of women. Methods: This is a cross sectional, descriptive institution based study conducted at Sri Manakula Vinayagar medical college hospital, Puducherry, India. Sample size was calculated using formula for single proportion with 5% marginal error and 95% CI and a non-response rate of 10% and was found to be 316. Data collection was carried out using a predesigned, self-administered questionnaire in local language in the antenatal clinic at the time of routine antenatal checkup, from pregnant women who consented to participate in the study. At the same sitting, 1 ml of blood was collected for hemoglobin estimation, analyzed and the result was recorded and disclosed to the patient. The data was entered in SPSS and analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics (Chi square test). A p value of <0.05 was considered to be statistically significant. Results: Assessment of knowledge revealed that only 39.87% of the participants were aware of and understood the term anemia. 53.8% of the participants accepted that pregnant women were more vulnerable to anemia and 66.1% responded correctly that the fetus will be affected by severe anemia. Only 32.6% gave the correct response that pregnant women should take iron supplementation in spite of taking a healthy diet. Only 44.62% of the participants were aware of their hemoglobin level in the current pregnancy. Knowledge about food rich in iron was poor among the participants. At least 1/5 th of the participants have not received educational information regarding anemia from any source. The overall attitude towards antenatal checkup, healthy diet and the benefits of iron supplementation was generally good among the participants 49.36% of the participants were taking only the usual diet during their pregnancy. 74.36% claimed to have taken iron supplementation regularly whereas 9.8% had not taken iron supplementation. On hemoglobin estimation it was found that 62.97% of the participants were anemic taking 11 grams as the cut off for anemia. The only significant determinants of hemoglobin levels were regular intake of iron supplements (p value 0.006) and timing of iron consumption (p value 0.0262). Conclusions: The present study indicated the lack of knowledge regarding anemia, iron rich foods and the importance of iron supplementation during pregnancy. Targeted estimation of hemoglobin levels in adolescent girls and women in reproductive age group, intensive counseling and motivation of pregnant women to consume Iron and folic acid and ensuring adequate supply to them, intensive de-worming, provision of toilet facilities to all households would help in reducing the incidence of anemia in pregnant women.

The vast majority of the force employed by the Italians to crush local resistance in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica was composed of Libyans, Eritreans and Ethiopians. The article examines why the Italians came to rely so heavily on colonial soldiers. It highlights two key predicaments the Italians faced: how to contend with the social, economic and political repercussions that military recruitment for the counter-insurgency created in East Africa; and the extent to which they could depend on forces raised in Libya itself. Finally, the article offers an initial assessment of how the counter-insurgency exacerbated tensions between Libyans and East Africans.

Advice report with quality and quantity research
With Libyan history and recent situation, the outcome of the research delivers an advice to learn to know the recent situation and explore each step
Building learning organizations, with attention to relations, nepotism, distrust and pain

This article examines changes in Libya's internal security, politics, economy and international relations since the start of the revolution in February 2011. Our main argument is that in order to transition from authoritarianism to democracy significant change in each of these four, mutually reinforcing, areas is needed. Drawing on data collected through media analysis and field work, we offer a discussion of the nature of change in Libya and how far the country has democratised. We claim that significant changes in Libya's political system and foreign relations have taken place since 2011 that reinforce the process of democratisation. Within the political system these changes include the conduct of free and fair elections, the formation of new political parties, the reinforcement of civil rights and liberties, governmental accountability and the emergence of a participant political culture. Within foreign relations they include deeper cooperation with regional and international actors, reintegration into the Arab League, and rapprochement with Western states. However, we also observe that structural economic changes, in particular raising personal incomes and lowering poverty, and the normalisation of security provision are moving forward more slowly. We conclude that democratisation in Libya is taking place and there is a solid possibility that embedded democracy will emerge in Libya in the medium to longterm.

We genetically classified Echinococcus granulosus from humans, cattle and camels in Libya utilizing DNA regions (designated pcox1 and pnad1) within the cytochrome c oxidase subunit 1 (cox1) and NADH dehydrogenase 1 (nad1) mitochondrial genes, respectively. Polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based single-strand conformation polymorphism (SSCP) analysis of pcox1 and pnad1 amplicons derived from genomic DNA samples from individual cysts (n ¼ 176) revealed four distinct electrophoretic profiles for each locus. Direct sequencing of selected amplicons representing each of these profiles defined four different sequence types for each locus, which were present in five different combinations (designated haplotypes AeE) amongst all 176 isolates. Phylogenetic analysis of concatenated sequence data for these five haplotypes, together with a range of well-defined reference sequences, inferred that all cyst isolates from humans (n ¼ 55) and a small number from cattle (13% of 38) belonged to the G1eG3 complex of E. granulosus (or E. granulosus sensu stricto), whereas most (87%) cysts from cattle and all 83 of them from camels were linked to the G6eG10 complex (or Echinococcus canadensis). The present study provides a foundation for future large-scale studies of the epidemiology and ecology of E. granulosus in Libya and other African countries.