Burial Customs

Ölüm, öteki dünya ile birebir ilişkili olmasına rağmen, yaşamın da bir parçasıdır.
Ölüme dair yapılan bütün ritüeller, yaşayanlar içindir. Yaşayanlar, bazı
bilinmezlikleri ortadan kaldırmak ve iç huzurlarını sağlamak için çeşitli
ritüeller üretir ve bunları tarih boyunca uygularlar. Bu açıdan bakıldığında,
yaşam içinde ölüm kavramı en belirgin, en baskın kavram olarak karşımıza
çıkmaktadır. Bu anlayış sayesinde mitolojik konular, efsaneler, ritüel
nesneleri, mezarlar, ritüel alanları ya da ölü kültü alanları oluşmaktadır. Ölümü
yaşamdan ayrı tutmamak ve ritüelleri de bu bakış açısı ile değerlendirmek
gerekir. Ölü kültünü salt ölü gömme adetleri ve mezar mimarisi üzerinden
değerlendirmek, onu yaşamdan koparmak demektir. Ölü kültüne ait bu bilimsel
bilgiyi kuramsal bir çerçevede değerlendirip irdelemek en doğrusudur.
Kuramsal arkeolojik çatı, bilimin salt materyal odaklı yapısını eleştirerek,
materyali üreten insanı anlamak için kurulmalıdır. Ancak arkeoloji de
materyalsiz düşünülemez. Bu bakış açısına göre materyal, yaşamı anlamak
için bir araçtır ve onu üretenlerin yani insanoğlunun yaşadığı dünya,
materyal destekli arkeolojinin ana kaynağı olmalıdır. Arkeologlar, arkeolojik
materyalleri listeleyip, yalnızca tanımlama ve tarihleme odaklı çalışmak yerine,
nesnelerin oluşumuna kaynaklık etmiş fikirleri, düşünceleri, felsefi akımları,
pratikleri tartışmalı ve disiplinler arası işbirliğiyle rasyonel bir metot
izleyerek, bu konulara neden ve sonuçlarıyla açıklamalar getirmelidir.
Ölü kültüne kuramsal yaklaşım, öncelikle kavramları, terminolojiyi anlamakla
başlar. Bu doğrultuda, ölüme dair ortak bir terminoloji oluşturulması ve bu
terminolojinin belirli kriterler gözetilerek yayınlarda ve kitaplarda kullanılması
gerekmektedir. Klasik Arkeoloji Anabilim Dalı’nda çalışan bir akademisyen
olarak Antik Çağ’da yani Yunan, Roma kısmen de Erken Hıristiyanlık dönemlerinde
karşımıza çıkan ölüm ile ilgili terminolojiyi toplamaya çalıştık ve
belirli kriterleri göz önünde bulundurarak önerilerde bulunduk. Özellikle
kitap ve makale taramaları neticesinde, yayınlarda terminoloji kullanımına
ilişkin problemlerin olduğunu, aynı yayın içinde bile farklı terimlerin kullanıldığını
gördük. Özellikle mezar tipolojisiyle ilgili yayınlarda büyük kullanım
farklılıkları mevcuttur. En sık karşılaşılan “lahit” teriminin bile kullanımında
çeşitli farklılıklar ve yanlışlıklar bulunmaktadır.Örneğin “lahit mezar”
yalnızca “lahit” olarak kullanılmalı ve “lahtin” şeklinde değil “lahdin” şeklinde
yazılmalıdır. Aynı zamandaYunanca ve Latince kullanımlarda da bir dil
birliğinin olmadığı görülmektedir. Örneğin “Arcosolium” bir mezar tipidir.
Genellikle Roma ve Erken Hıristiyanlık Dönemi’nde kullanılmıştır. Bu
doğrultuda kelimenin Latince olması bir kullanım kriteri olarak önerilebilir.
Özellikle birçok yayında bu mezar tipinin “Arkosol”, “Arkosolium”,
“Arkosolion”, “Arkosolia” gibi çok çeşitli kullanımlarını görmekteyiz.
ÖNSÖZ
Ancak Latince başlayıp, Yunanca bitirmek ya da yeni bir sözcüğe yanlış bir
terminoloji önermek yerine “Arcosolium” denmesi çok daha doğru olacaktır.
Ayrıca Yunan ölü kültü üzerine yapılan yayınlarda Roma terminolojisi ya da
Roma ölü kültü çalışmalarında Yunan terminolojisi de birbirine karışmıştır.
Örneğin Roma Dönemi ile ilgili bir yayında, yeraltı dünyasının tanrısı Hades
olarak kullanılmamalı, Pluto olarak yazılmalıdır. Yunan ölü kültündeki cenaze
aşamaları ile Roma’daki cenaze aşamaları aynı terminolojide buluşturulmamalıdır.
Bunun gibi birçok konuda farklı kullanımlar ve yanlışlar göze çarpmaktadır.
Ortaya çıkan kitabımızın yazımında Yunanca ve Latince sözcüklerin
kullanımlarında belli ilkelere bağlı kalarak çalışmak istedik. Bu nedenle
Klasik Filolog Öğr. Gör. Murat Özyıldırım’ın Uluslararası Mersin
Sempozyumu’nda sunduğu “Kilikia Bölgesi Eskiçağ Yer Adlarının Türkçede
Kullanımı Üzerine Düşünceler” başlıklı makalesindeki ve Olba Dergisi’nde
yayımlanan “Arkeoloji’de Klasik Yunanca ve Latince Sözcüklerin
Kullanım Yanlışları” başlıklı makalesindeki kullanım önerilerini benimsedik.
Bu yanlış kullanımların önüne geçmek için bu sözlüğün bir öneri ve
başlangıç olmasını özellikle temenni ediyorum. Bu doğrultuda
ölü kültü çalışanlarını, ortak bir çalıştayda buluşup bu terminoloji
problemlerini ortadan kaldıracak bir organizasyona davet ediyorum.
Bu sözlüğü hazırlarken sürdürülebilir ve geliştirebilir olmasına özellikle dikkat
ettik. O yüzden her kelimenin bir karekodunu oluşturduk. Üniversite
ya da TÜBİTAK’tan alınacak desteklerle bir internet sitesi oluşturulacak,
sözlükte geçen sözcüklerin ya da anlamlarının değiştirilmesi gerektiğinde
bu site üzerinden değiştirilmesi mümkün olacaktır. Ayrıca yeni kelimelerin
eklenmesi ile ölü kültüne dair sözlük daha da zenginleşecektir.
Aynı zamanda gözün iktidarı döneminde görselin gücünü de kullanmak
istedik. Özellikle ritüel konularını anlatırken somut bir arkeolojik nesne
göstermek çok zordur. Bu sözlükte Ressam Eda Dönmez ile çalışarak çeşitli
konuları illüstrasyonlar ile görselleştirdik. Aynı zamanda Orta Çağ ve Yakın
Çağ tabloları ve çizimlerini de bu amaç için kullandık. Yapılacak internet sitesi
ile görsel bir veri tabanı da oluşturmayı planlamaktayız. Bu doğrultuda
anlatımı zor konuların daha kolay ifade edilebilmesi ya da mevcut örneklerin
görsellerle daha da güçlendirilmesi amacıyla bir video kanalı oluşturulacak ve
kanalda ritüeller canlandırılıp üç boyutlu bir şekilde anlatılmaya çalışılacaktır.
“Antik Çağ’da Ölüm” alt başlığındaki bu terminoloji sözlüklerinin yaygınlaşması
en büyük dileğimdir. Özellikle Prehistorya ya da Protohistorya Anabilim
Dallarının da ölü kültü çerçevesinde bir terminoloji sözlüğü oluşturması
önemlidir. Böylelikle anabilim dallarındaki kullanım farklılıklarının belirgin
hale gelmesiyle birlikte terminoloji ile ilgili karışıklıklar da ortadan kalkacaktır.
Bu tür terminoloji sözlükleri bilim dünyasına hem ortak bir dil
kullanımı konusunda fayda sağlayacak hem de üniversite
öğrencilerimizi küresel dünyanın bilgi kirliliğinden uzak tutacaktır.
2005 yılında lisans bitirme ödevimin konusu “Olba Lahitleri” idi. Yüksek
lisans tezimin başlığı “Olba Mezarları”; doktora tezimin başlığı ise “Olba’da
Ölü Kültü” idi. 2005 yılından beri ölüme dair farklı bir bakış açısı
geliştirmeye çalışıyorum; kelimeleri ilkin hafızamda biriktirdim ve şimdi
de bu sözlükte topluyorum. Bu naçizane bilgi birikimi de, beni 2002 yılında
Olba Kazı ve Yüzey Araştırmaları’na alarak yetiştiren ve bir akademisyen
yapan değerli hocam Prof. Dr. Emel Erten sayesindedir. Aynı şekilde
değerli hocam Klasik Filolog Öğr. Gör. Murat Özyıldırım bize terminoloji
konusunda büyük bir katkı sağlamıştır ve bu hassasiyetimizin de
tek sebebi kendisidir. Kendilerine gönülden teşekkürlerimi sunarım.
Bu çalışmayı bir ekiple, değerli öğrencilerimin de katkılarıyla gerçekleştirdik.
Sabit kaynakça yazımı çalışmasında aynı zamanda yüzlerce kitabı tarayarak
kelime bulmamda öğrencilerim de çok özverili çalıştılar. Başta Koray Erdoğan,
Canberk Meriç, Esen Ak, Furkan Erzen, Didem Almalı ve Ekin İdil Özcan’a çok
teşekkür ederim. Yeteneğine inandığım için arkeoloji camiasına kazandırmaya
çalıştığım, sözlükteki birçok illüstrasyonun sahibi öğrencim Ressam Eda
Dönmez’e çok teşekkür ederim. “Grafik işi teknik iş değil, bir sanattır.”
anlayışının bir örneği olan, kitabın grafikeri Hilal Bal’a da gönülden
teşekkür ederim. Aynı zamanda sözlüğün bazı benzer maddelerin
ayrımını birlikte yaptığımız Dr. Handegül Canlı’ya teşekkürlerimi sunarım.
Manevi olarak yanımda olan, duaları ve iyi dilekleriyle beni
mutlu eden anneme ve ailemin tüm üyelerine çok teşekkür ederim.
Kitabın redaksiyonunu yapan, Türkçenin doğru kullanımına dair bilgi
birikimine ve hassasiyetine çok güvendiğim Almanca Mütercim-Tercüman
değerli eşim Hülya Yavuz Akçay’a da gönülden teşekkür ederim. Bir
akademisyen olarak yaptığım her iyi işte adını sessizce andığım rahmetli
babam Mehmet Fahri Akçay’a da ayrıca teşekkür ederim.
İkizlerim Ece Akçay ve Ege Akçay’a sevgileriyle ve gülümsemeleriyle bana
en zor anlarımda verdikleri motivasyon ve hayat enerjisi içinse minnettarım.
Dr. Tuna Akçay
Mart - 2020

The Phrygians, especially in the highlands of Phrygia, carved splendid monuments and chamber tombs. The tradition of carving rock-cut tombs in the area continued through Hellenistic, Roman Imperial and Late Antiquity periods. Especially in the Roman Imperial Period, in the highlands of Phrygia, many rock-cut tombs were carved and early engraved ones were renewed.
In this research, the aim is to identify the types of tombs by defining the rock-cut tombs, documentation studies upon them within the mentioned periods in the area. With ascertaination and classification of the tombs comparison to the similar examples especially in Anatolia, the position within the burial traditions and interactions to the similar ones, were studied.
Another fact aimed to stated in this research is that if the rock-cut tombs carry the influence of Phrygians rock monuments and chamber tombs .

While the Norwegian material has rarely been taken into consideration when discussing chamber graves from the Roman and Migration periods in a European context, there are indeed a great number of ‘oversized’ graves in Norway which should be very relevant to the chamber grave discussion. Among the 152 graves included in the present study, are both timbered chamber graves of types known from both South Scandinavia and the Germanic areas further south, but also some types that are particular to Norway. The latter includes the so-called hellekister; long, but relatively narrow stone cists, some of which are 7m long. It seems reasonable to regard the larger hellekister as a type of chamber grave, and any definition of what constitutes a chamber grave that starts off with excluding constructions made purely from stone, should be amended. Interestingly, some of the hellekister seems to be ‘hybrids’ incorporating elements of chamber graves of South Scandinavian type, first and foremost by having an inner timber construction. As is the case with the ‘normal’ chamber graves, the big hellekister are much more richly furnished than the average inhumation graves in the country. This points to the ‘oversized’ graves, whether they are made from stone or wood, or both, as being part of elite burial traditions in Roman and Migration period Norway.

The present paper deals with a minority of burials in Roman (B-C) and Migration period (D) Norway, namely the ones containing weapons. Its aim is two-folded: 1) to present an overview of this material to non-Norwegian colleagues, and 2) to discuss the significance of the weapon burial rite in its Scandinavian and North European context. Regarding the first, I intend to focus on the chronology, regional distribution and typology of burials with weapons. As for the latter, the emphasis will be on weapon graves as evidence both of the militarisation of barbarian society in general and more specific of warlike relations between the Roman Empire and the northern Germans, particularly the question of Scandinavian auxiliaries in the Roman army.

The article describes the archaeological research at the cemetery near the village Dubrovka Gorodok district in 2014. The area of the prospect hole was 16 m2. 15 burials that contained the remains of at least 24 people, including 11 children, 3 men, 7 women and 3 people, whose sex could not be determined, were open. Burials were placed in two layers, suggesting the use of an existing cemetery for repeated burials. The stone structures are well correlated with burials of a lower layer. Taking into account a great number of burials on a small area, placing of graves in two layers, additional burials, the possibility of a wide dating of the identified cross and fasteners, we can assume that the examined fragment of the cemetery was functioning for a long time, during XVII–XVIII centuries. The upper date is confirmed by a coin dated 1776. =
Статья посвящена описанию археологических исследований на могильнике возле д. Дубровка Городокского р-на в 2014 г. Площадь раскопа составила 16 кв. м. Было вскрыто 15 погребений, которые содержали останки не менее чем 24 человек, в т.ч. 11 детей, 3 мужчин, 7 женщин и 3 человек, пол которых установить не удалось. Погребения были размещены в двух горизонтах, что свидетельствует об использовании уже существующего кладбища для повторных захоронений. Каменные конструкции хорошо соотносятся с погребениями нижнего горизонта. Учитывая значительное количество погребений на небольшой площади, размещение захоронений в два горизонта, подзахоронения, возможность широкого датирования выявленных крестика и застежек, можно предположить, что исследованный фрагмент кладбища фунционировал продолжительное время, на протяжении XVII–XVIII вв. Верхняя дата подтверждается монетой 1776 г.

One of the most important and, at the same time, the most uncertain subjects related to the Sasanian period is the recognition of common burial customs. Despite great attempts on the part of Zoroastrian religious texts to represent a uniform burial tradition across the whole Sasanian Irānšahr, archaeological findings reflect a great deal of variety in burial customs, of which some are as follows: towers of silence (Dakhma) and ossuaries (astōdān), coffin burial, jar burial, cavity interment, and simple pit burial. Out of these, simple pit burials are the most challenging, given the fact that they apparently stand against Zoroastrian teachings. According to Sasanian religious texts, the burial of the dead in the ground and infecting the soil, a sacred element in the Zoroastrian worldview, is repeatedly condemned and considered as an inexcusable guilt that should be prevented. However, mounting evidence indicates that simple pit burials are frequently observed from all over the Sasanian Irānšahr. How could this contradiction be explained? These burials have long been neglected because of being eccentric and divergent from Sasanian common burial traditions. Repeated discoveries of simple pit burials make the reasonable supposition that this phenomenon was not an exception and unusual practice, but a normal and probably common method. One of the instances of such burial is recorded in Qaleh Iraj, in which the corpse is in the crouched position. In the present paper, having investigated some examples of Sasanian-period simple pit burials, the authors describe the Qaleh Iraj case. Finally, the mentioned burial custom during the Sasanian period will be inspected closely. The results indicate that the burial of Qaleh Iraj is one of the lesser-known burial practices associated with architectural space previously reported only from Qumis and Gyaur Kala. In addition, according to the context, the burial of Qaleh Iraj is related to the final settlement phase of the southeastern (SE) gate and, thus, attributable to the late Sasanian period.

Titelthema I Wohin mit den Toten? disch angelegte Grab, dessen Kern eine Kamm r bildet, und da durch einen Dromo betretbar ist. rüfte mit gewölbeoder giebelförmigen Dachkon truktionen teilten in Me opotamien einen der lano-lebigsten Grabtypen dar (Abb. 6). Die fi·ühe ten Beispiele au Ki eh und Ur datieren in da frühe 3. Jt. v. hr., darunter die aufwendigen Anlagen im «Königfriedhof» v n Ur (Abb. 7). Im Drom und der Vorhalle img r rüft fänden sich zahlr ich Per. on n owie Wagen mit Zu tieren. ie cheinen im Rahm n d r Be tattung des Herr eher geopfert worden zu ein -übrigens da einzige Bei piel von M nschen pfern im alten Mesopotamien. E handelte sich offenbar um das efolge des Verstorbenen, da dies m im Jenseits weit r dienen ollte. Die eigentlich ßstattung erfolgt in einer eparaten Kammer, in der neben d n ebein n eine gr ße Zahl von bjekten dep ni rt wurde. Eine Gruft wurde au ver chiedenen M tivationen heraus angelegt: Zum einen be tand häufio-der Wun eh ihrer Wiederverwendung, beispielswei al Familiengruft, zum Abb. 7 nift i111 Kö11(~~fr iedltoj 11011 r a11s der ,\litte des 3. )ts. 11. Cltr. /11 der Vorka111111er.fa11d sielt ci11 c ~fo(f!.scltnfisbesrarfllllg 111ir Bedie11stcte11, ii11,~eri1111C11 1111d OcltseHgespniiiiCII.

The coffin portrait (in polish: portret trumienny) developed in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 17th and 18th century, especially in its western provinces of Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) and Royal Prussia (Prusy Królewskie). These realistic images of the deceased persons were put on coffins during the funeral ceremonies. The tradition to decorate sarcophagi with such pictures was born and observed almost exclusively among the nobles (pol. szlachta) and constituted a part of lifestyle and ideology of this social stratus in the modern period, known under the name sarmatism. The funerals of nobles in 17th and 18th century turned into shows of luxury which lasted for days. The body – dressed in festive clothes – was put in a bed, and shown to the mourners. Afterwards, funeral ceremonies took place, and those who could afford it spent exorbitant amounts of money on them, turning solemnities into almost triumphant events. The churches were decorated with castri doloris, designed and built especially for this occasion, and the funeral itself was adorned with symbolic acts played by hired actors. An important part of this decorum was provided by the portrait put on the narrow end of the coffin, overlooking the crowd gathered to mourn the deceased. Sometimes, a broader ensemble of metal plates was put on coffins, both on its ends and sides, which comprised the portrait itself, an inscription cartouche and several coats-of-arms proclaiming pedigree. The shape of the portrait was adopted to the cut of the coffin, being commonly hexagonal or octagonal. These depictions were mostly executed on metal (copper, tin or lead). The images were highly realistic, with the intent to create an impression that the deceased is taking part in his own funeral, which was helped by delivery of funeral speeches in which the dead symbolically bid farewell to the earthly life. To these ends the eyes of portrayed person were shown looking directly and intensively at the viewers.
After the funeral ceremonies, the portrait was often removed from the coffin and hung on the wall of the church that the deceased had been patronizing (although instances of portraits left on coffins and buried with them are also known). The images were sometimes put in decorative frames together with the coat-of-arms of the deceased and funeral inscriptions to form a specific epitaph.
The oldest preserved object in question was made for the king Stephen Báthory, who died in 1586. It was deposited on the tin sarcophagus and buried in the monarchs’ crypt at the Wawel castle in Cracow. There are no other known coffin portraits from the 16th century. They didn’t find acceptance among the kings either – none of them after Báthory had one accompany his sepulchre. The second link in the evolution of the coffin portrait is constituted by the image of Adam Sędziwój Czarnkowski (died 1627) from the church in Czarnków, also put on a tin sarcophagus. It has a rectangular form with the upper edge formed by an arch. The typical, polygonal form emerged shortly before mid-17th century (for example: the portrait of Jan Choiński, died 1646, from church in Golejewko).
The most recent existing funeral portrait is that of priest Marcin Porczyński, dating from 1809. The tradition disappeared in the 19th century with the extinction of sarmatism.

This paper is intended as a personal inquiry on how the idea of immortality, necroaesthetics, and the concept of an afterlife came to be. We, as humans, are social and emotional beings. We create highly complex social circles and bond with one another in a close way. Thus, when we are grief-stricken after losing a beloved friend, partner, family member or a pet animal, we confide in the idea of immortality in the sense of 'an afterlife'. The magnitude of death is incomprehensible to us. In comparison to the infinite size and continuum of our universe, our individual existence is like fairy lights reflecting on glass; we suddenly pop up into existence and fade away in a measly second. Therefore, we have come up with various methods and belief systems in order to maintain our ontological security and change our perception of death. I will be drawing on certain literary materials, and Sir James George Frazer's Man, God and Immortality, in which he says: "Of all the many forms which natural religion has assumed none probably has exerted so deep and far-reaching an influence on human life as the belief in immortality and the worship of the dead." By the same token, we aestheticize and immortalize the dead. While its depiction differs among metaphysical models, most belief systems bring forward the idea that death is not the end of our existence. Some of us believe in an afterlife while some of us believe in reincarnation of the soul. Also, another related theme is necroaesthetics. We find a certain aesthetic appreciation in death. There are such examples as taxidermy, the art of preparing, stuffing, and mounting dead animals for decoration, or beautifully decorated funerary urns. Furthermore, this appreciation reflects in our works of art, i.e. John Keats' Ode on a Grecian Urn, or various sculptures and paintings, for which various images and information are provided in the presentation file.

Аннотация. В статье рассматриваются приуроченные к календарным праздникам поминальные обычаи, сопряженные с пространством кладбища. Проводится обзор их современных форм, которые включают как традиционные элементы, так и новации, обусловленные изменениями в сфере культуры, экономики и общественной жизни. Основное внимание уделено наиболее показательным периодам весенней обрядности, связанным с христианскими праздниками — Пасхой и Троицей. Статья построена на материалах полевых исследований, проведенных автором в Костромской и Владимирской областях в 2016–2017 гг. Анализ материалов показывает, что приуроченность основного поминовения к пасхальному или троицкому циклу соотносится с определенными зонами. Внутри каждого периода выделяется конкретный день, в который проводятся основные поминальные ритуалы в пространстве кладбища. Поминальные дни, приуроченные к календарным церковным праздникам, имеют семейно-родственный и общественный характер, что является причиной сохранения их значимости. Коллективный характер поминовения на кладбище способствует обновлению и восстановлению социальных связей, служит актуализации утраченных коммуникаций между людьми. Ключевые слова: календарные праздники, кладбище как праздничный локус, поминальные обычаи, социальные коммуникации, трансформация традиций.

The mass ceramic material discovered by the Russian Archaeological Mission of the IOS RAS during 22 years of research in the eastern part of the ancient Egyptian Giza Necropolis belongs to a significant chronological interval from the reign of the Dynasty IV (26th–25th centuries B.C.) till the 19th century A.D. It is an indicator of the chronological multilayeredness of Giza, allowing to recreate a phased picture of the life of this archaeological site – from specific functional features of the ancient cemetery through periods of robberies and creation of secondary burials to the use of tombs as dwellings by Christian and Islamic population of Egypt. The full history of the formation and existence of the eastern part of Giza Necropolis is thus about 4.5 thousand years.

On the south coast of British Columbia in shíshálh traditional territory, an ancient burial ground (DjRw-14) contains the remains of richly decorated individuals dated to the Charles culture (4000-3500 B.P.). In addition to other grave offerings, the burials contain stone and shell beads ranging in numbers from hundreds to hundreds of thousands. Associated with these highly decorated burials is a faunal assemblage characterized by a low frequency of marine fauna and a high proportion of land mammal, particularly black-tailed deer. These proportions of animals are considered a-typical of Northwest Coast shell midden deposits and may represent specific mortuary or ritual activities associated with honoring the deceased. With an emphasis on deer remains, a zooarchaeological analysis assesses the possible role of animal remains in mortuary activities. In order to establish if the faunal assemblage from DjRw-14 is indeed unique, with its high frequency of deer remains and low numbers of marine fauna, the site assemblage is considered in comparison to other sites in the Gulf of Georgia with similar cultural components. Ethnographic and archaeological evidence of Coast Salish mortuary practices and beliefs are examined to better understand the ritual acts that took place at DjRw-14. The site ceases to be used as a burial ground with the termination of the Charles Culture, but patterns in fauna remain stable, attesting to the persistence of mortuary traditions. The social and political implications of continuing these traditions are considered in terms of creating and maintaining a social memory and an attachment to an ancestral landscape. The results of this study are critical to better understanding foodways and ritual expression in shíshálh funerary practice. The context in which we find animal remains offers the opportunity to explore expressions of mortuary customs and beliefs within the Salish landscape.

INTRODUCTION 5
CHAPTER 1: WHAT IN CREMATION IS GOING ON? 7
CHAPTER 2: THE ORIGIN AND PRACTICE OF CREMATION 15
CHAPTER 3: THE HISTORIC JUDEO–CHRISTIAN VIEW ON CREMATION 27
CHAPTER 4: THE REASONS FOR CREMATION EXAMINED 39
CHAPTER 5: IS CREMATION A PROPER PRACTICE? 63
CHAPTER 6: WHAT ABOUT EMBALMING? 73
CHAPTER 7: WHAT ABOUT ORGAN DONATION? 82
CHAPTER 8: WHAT IS CYRONIC SUSPENSION? 87
CHAPTER 9: CANNIBALISM: ARE YOU SERIOUS? 93
CHAPTER 10: ANSWERS TO COMMON QUESTIONS 98
APPENDIX 1: CREMATION STATISTICS IN THE UNITED STATES 108
APPENDIX 2: VARIOUS RELIGIONS ON CREMATION 112
ANNOTATED SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 115
BIBLIOGRAPHY 117
GLOSSARY 128

https://www.amazon.com/Cremation-Going-Christian-Mortem-Decisions-ebook/dp/B00P24PNM4/ref=sr_1_1?s=digital-text&ie=UTF8&qid=1433031797&sr=1-1

Археалагічныя раскопкі дазваляюць атрымаць звесткі аб познесярэдневяковым пахавальным касцюме насельніцтва Беларускага Падзвіння. Пахаванні ХIV–XVIII стст. пераважна безынвентарны, што сведчыць аб незахаванасці тканіны і дэталяў касцюма, зробленых з арганічных матэрыялаў, і ўказвае на мінімальнае выкарыстанне металічных элементаў. Наменклатура выяўленых прадметаў уключае жаночыя галаўныя ўборы, элементы паясоў, засцёжкі, ювелірныя ўпрыгожанні і нацельныя крыжыкі. Большасць знаходак паходзіць з жаночых пахаванняў і датуецца дастаткова шырока, што ўказвае на бОльшую разнастайнасць жаночага касцюма і ўстойлівасць «моды». = Археологические раскопки позволяют получить сведения о позднесредневековом погребальном костюме населения Белорусского Подвинья. Погребения ХIV–ХVIII вв. преимущественно безынвентарны, что свидетельствует о несохранности ткани и деталей костюма из органических материалов и указывает на минимальное использование металлических элементов. Номенклатура выявленныхпредметов включает женские головные уборы, элементы пояса, застёжки, ювелирные украшения и нательные крестики. Большинство находок происходит из женских погребений и датируется достаточно широко, что указывает на бОльшее разнообразие женского костюма и устойчивость «моды».

"THERE ARE CERTAIN THEMES OF WHICH THE INTEREST IS ALL-ABSORBING, but which are too entirely horrible for the purposes of legitimate fiction. These the mere romanticist must eschew, if he do not wish to offend, or to disgust. They are with propriety handled only when the severity and majesty of truth sanctify and sustain them. We thrill, for examp]e, with the most intense of "pleasurable pain", over the accounts of the Passage of the Beresina, of the Earthquake at Lisbon, of the Plague at London, of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, or of the stifling of the hundred and twenty-three prisoners in the Black Hole at Calcutta. But, in these accounts, it is the fact-it is the reality-it is the history which excites. As inventions, we should regard them with simple abhorrence. I have mentioned some few of the more prominent and august calamities on record, but in these it is the extent, not less than the character of the calamity, which so vividly impresses the fancy. I need not remind the reader that, from the long and weird catalogue of human miseries, I might have selected many individual instances more replete with essential suffering than any of these vast generalities of disaster." - Edgar Allan Poe

In 1934 the bones of Yehuda Leib Pinsker were transferred from Odessa to Israel and buried in one of the halls of the Nicanor cave on Mount Scopus in Jerusalem. The idea for this was proposed by Pinsker's prominent student, Menahem Mendel Ussishkin the president of the "Jewish National Fund". In 1941, Ussishkin passed away and he asked  in his will to buried next to his Mentor. The Jewish National Fund agreed and he was buried there. Ussishkin's intention was to turn the Nicanor cave into the "National Zionist Pantheon" in Palestine. This by transferring the bones of Binyamin Zeev Herzl from Vienna as well as burying  other Zionist figures in this cave and at the same time strengthening the status of Jerusalem, Mount Scopus and the Hebrew University in public opinion.

The attempt to turn the Nicanor cave into the "National Zionist Jewish Pantheon" should also be seen within the larger context of the Historical archeological activity that was carried out in those years by Zionist organizations like "The Hebrew Group for the study of Israel and its antiques" and of scholars at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Ussishkin's vision of turning this cave into a modern cemetery was not shared by many of the Hebrew University and by other leaders of the Yishuv. Ussishkin was an extremely dominant figure in the Jewish community in Israel and few dared to openly disagree with him while he was alive. With Ussishkin's death, the vision was buried with him.
"

Bárta, M.
2016 "Dummy mummification" in the Old Kingdom: a new intact case from the 5th Dynasty , Abusir. In Rich and Great. Studies in honour of Anthony J. Spalinger on the ocassion of his 70th Feast of Thoth edited by R. Landgráfová and J. Mynářová, pp. 15-17. Czech Institute of Egyptology, Prague.

The study deals with the burial of priest Neferinpu from the 24th century B.C., reign of Nyuserra - Djedkara which was found in Abusir South. His burial demonstrates that at this period dummy mummification was not a rare case. The general characteristics of his burial arrangement shows valuable details pertaining to the symbolism and rituals of the Ancient Egyptians and their perception of the afterlife prerequisites.

THREE BURIAL COIN-HOARDS FROM KOMPOTADES, PHTHIOTIS
Salvage excavations in 2009, which were carried out on the hill of Profitis Elias at Kompotades, near the Spercheios River, unearthed a large chamber tomb, which was rich in offerings. Among the many offerings from the tomb, ranging chronologically from the Mycenaean until the mid-Hellenistic period, stood three coin hoards which were consisting exclusively of bronze coins. The conservation of the currencies was too bad and sometimes made difficult their identification. The first (lot A) was identified within a two-handled skyphos (bolsal cup) and consisted of 8 currencies (2 of Larissa, 1 of Sikyon, 1 of Ainis, 1 of Phthiotic Thebae and 1 of Atrax). The second (lot B) consisted of 16 currencies (2 of Larissa, 3 of Phasralos, 1 of Lamia, 2 of Histiaia and 2 of Philip II). The third (lot C) consisted of 87 currencies ( 24 of Larissa, 9 of Pharsalos, 7 of Histiaea, 4 of Boeotian League, 4 of Sikyon, 2 of Opountian Lokris, 3 of Lamia, 2 of Ainis, 2 of Chalkis, 2 of Phalanna, 1 of Atrax, 1 of Crannon, 1 of Melitaia, 1 of Oitaia,1 of Phokis, 1 of Corinth, 1 of Phlious, and 1 of Alexander III).
Totally accounted in these three hoards were 20 mints from Macedonia, Thessaly, Central Greece, Euboea and Peloponnese. The hoards are dated to the first half of the third century BC with earlier lot A, which dates to the beginning of the third century, as this type of bolsal cup, in which the lot was identified, had been used as offering at the turn from forth century to third century BC. The two others lots are dated to the first quarter of the third century or at the turn from the first to the second quarter of the century. The diversity of the mints represented in these three hoards is indicative of the economic situation and numismatic circulation in the Spercheios valley at the first half of the third century BC. At this time both trade and everyday transactions were carried out in bronze coins.

De ondergrond van het terrein ‘De Krocht’ bestaat uit duinzand, dat vanaf het begin van de IJzertijd over een laag veen is gestoven. De oudste bewoningssporen bestonden uit enkele kuilen en greppels uit de Midden-IJzertijd en/of Romeinse periode. Deze bewoning op het duin vond plaats vlak naast het Oer-IJ estuarium, dat in de Romeinse tijd geheel verlandde en verzoet raakte. Door verstuivingen en latere aftopping van het gebied moeten veel sporen uit deze perioden verdwenen zijn.
In de Merovingische en vroeg-Karolingische periode was er op het terrein waarschijnlijk geen sprake van bewoning; deze lag wel in de directe omgeving. Wel is in de eerste helft van de 8e eeuw een man langs een weg begraven. Deze begraving past binnen een oudere traditie van singulaire begravingen en hield moge- lijk verband met de maatschappelijke veranderingen door de kerstening van de streek en de stichting van de nabijgelegen kerk van Limmen. Deze weg fungeerde als ‘achterweg’ van een bewoningslint langs een doorgaande weg over de strand- wal ten oosten van ‘De Krocht’.
Gedurende de 9e eeuw verplaatste de bewoning zich in westelijke richting, tot over de ‘achterweg’ naar het lagere westelijke terreingedeelte. In deze periode was een edelsmid actief op een van de boerenerven. Dit is een aanwijzing voor een centrale functie van een deel van de nederzetting binnen een groter geheel, mogelijk binnen een domeingoed. Tevens is het niet uitgesloten dat de nederzet-tingssporen geidentificeerd kunnen worden met het in de bronnen vermelde Smithan. In de 10e eeuw ligt een drietal erven aan de westzijde van de voornoemde weg. De opzet en bebouwing op een van de erven, waaronder een uniek ge- bouw in de vorm van een grote tweeschepige schuur, doet vermoeden dat dit een domeincentrum was van een van de grootgrondbezitters in dit gebied, hetzij de Hollandse graaf, hetzij de abdij van Egmond of de bisschop van Utrecht.
Rond 1000 is een grootschalige verandering doorgevoerd van het verkavelings- patroon in het zuidelijk deel van de Limmer strandwal, mogelijk in het kader van een reorganisatie van grootgrondbezit. De oude veerverkaveling uit de Karolingi- sche periode is hierbij vervangen door een west-oost georiënteerde perceels- structuur, die in essentie tot de huidige dag is blijven bestaan.
In de periode hierna is opnieuw sprake van enkele erven aan de westzijde van de weg, maar lijkt de centrale domeinfunctie verdwenen. De bewoning verschuift geleidelijk aan op in oostelijke richting, mogelijk vanwege toenemende problemen met wateroverlast vanuit de strandvlakte. Rond 1150 lijkt het belang van de weg af te nemen, om uiteindelijk tegen het einde van de 12e eeuw verdwenen te zijn. De bewoning concentreert zich langs de aloude doorgaande route aan de oostzijde van ‘De Krocht’. Langs de noordzijde ligt ook nog enige tijd een erf, dat beschouwd kan worden als een van de voorgangers van de nu nog aanwezige boerderij ‘De Westert’. Na circa 1250 is de bewoning op ‘De Krocht’ verschoven tot buiten de opgravingsgrens en wordt het gebruikt als akker- en weidegebied.

The paper intends to show that archaeological data may offer a glimpse beyond the historical facts known about Wang Xizhi and his kin. The discussion centers on the question of the location of Wang Xizhi's tomb. Comparing written sources with archaeological material, i.e. Jin Dynasty tombs excavated in what used to be Kuaiji and in the capital area of Jiankang (present-day northeastern Zhejiang and Nanjing respectively), It will argue that there is ample reason to believe that Wang Xizhi himself was, in contrast to what was passed down in tradition, not buried in the mountains of Kuaiji, but near the Eastern Jin capital Jiankang, maybe even next to his kin.

Dynamics of death - burial rituals as an object of Iron Age archaeology. - Full title: H. Wendling, Zur Dynamik des Todes – Grabrituale als Gegenstand eisenzeitlicher Archäologie. In: H. Wendling et al. (eds), Übergangswelten – Todesriten. Forschungen zur Bestattungskultur der europäischen Eisenzeit. Beiträge zur internationalen Tagung der AG Eisenzeit in Hallein 2015 und zur Sitzung der AG Eisenzeit während des 8. Deutschen Archäologiekongresses in Berlin 2014. Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mitteleuropas 55 (Langenweißbach 2018) 9–15.

""En Filipo II y el Arte de la Guerra tendremos la oportunidad de conocer en profundidad a uno de los más grandes reyes de la antigua Macedonia. Gracias a su habilidad como estratega, diplomático, político y soldado, heredó un reino pobre, débil y acosado por innumerables enemigos y lo transformó en el más poderoso de toda Grecia.

A lo largo de sus páginas podremos conocer la historia del reino Macedonio, desde sus orígenes míticos hasta la formación de un imperio, de la mano del que, a la postre, se convertiría en el padre del mítico Alejandro Magno y en el forjador de un nuevo ejército que cambiaria el devenir de la guerra en la Antigüedad. Filipo II fue el creador de la falange macedonia, formación que se demostraría como inigualable en el campo de batalla y que reportaría incontables victorias sobre poderosos enemigos, como los ilirios, los tesalios, los tracios, los beocios o los atenienses. Pero no sólo eso, logró integrar en el campo de batalla a la infantería y a la caballería para emplearlos en nuevas formaciones tácticas: armó a sus soldados con las míticas sarissas y apreció como pocos las posibilidades militares que la maquinaria de guerra podía proporcionarle, siendo el mecenas de numerosos avances en este campo. Soñó con conquistar el Imperio persa, cuando ya había logrado lo que nadie antes fue capaz: el control de Grecia.

Sólo la muerte le arrebató esa hazaña, pero sentó las bases de lo que más tarde conseguiría su propio hijo. Su figura levantó tanto odios como pasiones; se le conocía como mujeriego y bebedor, pero también por su habilidad para la oratoria, por sus astucia, determinación y valor. Siempre luchó en primera línea junto a sus soldados y nunca permitió que éstos le llamaran rey, sino solo "General".

This paper reviews the evidence for Neolithic burial practices in SE Arabia, focusing in particular on sites in the Ja'alan region of eastern Oman. Attention is given to the nature of material buried with human remains, including jewellery and, most interestingly, the bones and shells of green turtles in the burials of Ra's al-Hamra 5 and 10. The paper concludes with a discussion of the possible evidence for "necrophobia" at the 5 th millennium BC Neolithic necropolis of Suwayh 1.

Residues from nine ancient Maya dedicatory vessels were analyzed for biosilicates. In all cases, the analysis was successful in identifying plant and sponge remains that had been placed in the vessels. This analysis sheds light on ancient Maya plant use as well as ritual and religious practices.

MEMORIAL EARTH PARK ©
AN ENVIRONMENTALLY SUSTAINABLE PUBLIC SPACE, SYNTHESIZING BURIAL MOUNDS, FAMILY TREES AND HUMAN BODY COMPOSTING IN NORTH TEXAS

Gregory Alan Craig, PLA, LEED AP BD+C, MLA
The University of Texas At Arlington, 2019
Supervising Professor: Dr. Diane Jones Allen

Over the next 30 years, the population growth in North Texas will place increasing demands on our urban infrastructure and natural resources, while reducing our available public land and open space. Impacts from expanded urban development will decrease our tree canopy coverage, reduce air & water quality and increase impervious surfaces, urban heat island effects and storm water flooding. Environmental sustainability is critical to combat the negative impacts of future growth in North Texas.
The memorial landscape is a landscape of tremendous cultural significance in America (Wasserman, 1998) , but the two most traditional means of disposing of human remains are not sustainable, have significant carbon footprints, impose harsh environmental impacts and consume open space that is increasingly scarce in our ever expanding urban regions. Fortunately, new green death care technologies will provide opportunities for cities to create culturally significant and enduring memorial landscape. In recent years, scientific innovations and shifting outlooks on death have bred a change in the ways Americans plan for the fate of their dearly departed, including human body composting and green burial practices that offer a more sustainable vision of death in the future.
The objective of this design thesis is to research the history, form, spiritual and symbolic nature of man-made, burial and ceremonial mounds, while investigating human body composting. The goal is to synthesize a new land-form typology and create an environmentally sustainable, memorial mound park in the North Texas region. A memorial park designed around the principles of environmental sustainability. Sustainability that goes beyond site issues and addresses the issues inherent with traditional human body disposition.

This paper employs the methodologies of feminism, new historicism and presentism to argue that Shakespeare's Titus Andronicus is a conflict between patriarchal and matriarchal voices. From a feminist standpoint, the verbal and physical violence the play enacts emanates from male figures' deafness to the female voice. Shakespeare dismantles the virgin-whore dichotomy in the figures of Lavinia and Tamora, who mimic patriarchal prescriptions on female speech and silence and, in the latter case, the patriarchal speech of authority. Reading Titus alongside its historical context, I argue that this tragedy endorses the conventional association of woman's speech with wantonness possibly in connection with cultural anxieties about Elizabeth's public, often spectacular role. Titus Andronicus prefigures the new historicist ideology of containing opposing voices. The dominant male powers deliberately foster the subversive behaviour of others (Tamora, Lavinia, and Aaron) in order to crush them publicly and so assert their dominance. In addition to these methodologies, I deploy the critical thread of presentism to reveal trans-cultural and trans-historical continuities between the fictional world of Titus Andronicus and contemporary Palestine. For Palestinian scholars of English, this tragedy speaks of the gendering of nationalism as female in Palestinian national narratives, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, honour killing, and the construction of nation as narration.