Becoming

[[ ·ir 1! Time and Work How time impacts individuals Volume 1 Edited by Abbie J. Shipp and Yitzhak Fried q' ~,.?c9l'P Press LONDON AND NEW YORK 2 Becoming The interaction of socialization and identity in organizations over time Blake E. Ashforth, Spencer H. Harrison and David M Sluss "Life is a process of becoming, a combination of states we have to go through. Where people fail is that they wish to elect a state and remain in it. This is a kind of death." Anals Nin Introduction I ~ ~ I I l I Newcomers to an organization and incumbents entering a new job within an organization (henceforth, "newcomers") need to establish a sense of the situation and their role within it-that is, a sense of identity (Sluss, van Dick, & Thompson, 2010). Knowing who one is- or, more accurately, who one is becoming- within a particular context provides a framework for thinking, feeling, and acting (e.g., Abrams, Wetherell, Cochrane, Hogg, & Turner, 1990) - and for engaging with others. As important as identity is, however, the temporal dynamics through which newcomers develop a situated sense of self are poorly understood. Socialization, as "a learning and adjustment process that enables an individual to assume an organizational role" (Chao, 2012, p. 579), is well poised to address the issue of becoming. Research on the socialization practices enacted by organizations and by newcomers themselves provides promising leads for understanding the crucial role of identity in the onboarding process. And yet, as discussed shortly, research on socialization, like research on identity in organizations, is oddly unhelpful about the specific temporal dynamics involved: "Although socialization is explicitly about preparing newcomers for the future, time plays only a backstage role in most models and studies" (Ashforth, 2012, p. 161; Klein & Heuser, 2008). What we have, then, are two major literatures in organization studies - identity and socialization - that are inherently processual (Pratt, 2012; Sveningsson & Alvesson, 2003; Van Maanen, 1977; Wieland, 2010) and yet lack a clear articulation of the temporal dynamics involved. To help address this lacuna, our chapter will focus on the interaction of socialization and identity in organizations over time to develop a more coherent theoretical model of the process of becoming - the dynamics through which newcomers gain a situated sense of self. As a segue to our model of socialization and identity, we briefly review the intersections of socialization and time and of identity and time,'f6d then preview our major arguments. 12 B. E. Ashjorth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M Sluss Socialization and identity over time Socialization and time Socialization is an inherently dynamic process, involving a series of experiences that shape how newcomers develop within a new role and/or organization. And yet quant1taove research h~s tended to rely heavily on occasional snapshots of newcomers m the form of lagged surveys, leading to rather static black-box models of what actually transpires. In particular, we know a great de;I about the positive impact that institutionalized socialization tactics and newcomer proactiv.ity have on the adjustment of newcomers (Bauer, Bodner, Erdogan, Truxillo, & I ucker, 2007; Cooper-Thomas & Burke, 2012; Saks, Uggerslev, & Fassina, 2007; Tornau & Frese, 2013), but surprisingly little about what actually ooes on in real time - what specific practices and events enact the socialzt~n tactics and proactivity and how newcomers experience them (Klein & Polin, 2012).' As Roe (2008, p. 41) says of applied psychology generally, researchers need to "start thinking of human behavior as something 'that happens' rather than as somethino 'that is'." For example, while the sequential socialization tactic (Van Maanen Schein, 1979) is defined as a specific series of developmental practices what does that a~tuly entail? Do the practices suggest a smooth gradation of de~lopmnt, or dehberately upending experiences? Which experiences produce instantaneous effects and which produce lagged eftects? In short, quantitative socialization research has failed to unpack the nuanced dynamics of the onboarding process.2 . In contrast, qualitative research, particularly ethnographic research, has prov1~ed very rich perspectives on socialization as a process. Qualitative research, at its best, conveys a sense of the lived experience of newcomers, tracking their phe~omnlgy in real ~ime. Excellent exampl_es are Hafferty's (1991) study of medical students, Ibarra s (l 999) research on mvestment bankers and management consultants, and Pratt's (2000) study of Amway distributors. However the diverse and multifaceted findings from the myriad of qualitative research are otien poorly integrated into _coherent theoretical statements that transcend particular contexts and populations. And, sadly, many qualitative studies do little more than trumpet old truths as new revelations. · 1'hus, if quantitative socialization research provides a poor sense of what ~ctualy happens bet"'.een s.napshots, then qualitative research provides a highly fragmented collage of movmg images. Our challenge, then, is to use a temporal lens to explore what happens between the snapshots, to splice the moving images into a more coherent model of socialization over time. &. 13 fragmented, and dynamic and thus necessitating ongoing identity work); and (3) critical (focusing on '·relations of control and resistance" regarding managerialist impositions of sanctioned identities on individuals). While the functionalist camp relies primarily on survey research, the interpretivist and critical camps rely primarily on qualitative 1nethods (e.g., interviews, observation, reading texts; Alvesson et al., 2008). Functionalist research, like the quantitative socialization research mentioned earlier, tends to offer static, black-box models where the actual process of identity formation and change over time remains tacit and unclear. It is likely this research that fueled Pratt's (2012, p. 27) sober assessment: "While time is certainly not absent from identity research, it is otien used in a somewhat static manner." Conversely, interpretivist - and to a lesser extent, critical - research, like the qualitative socialization research mentioned earlier, provides richly particularized explorations of identity formation and change that otien fail to aggregate into broader, more generalizable theoretical statements. Thus, our goal in the pages to follow is to articulate a model of the interaction of socialization and identity that explicitly incorporates temporal dynamics. As a foundation for our discussion, we have adapted the process model of identification from Ashforth, Harrison, and Corley (2008, p. 341), as depicted in Figure 2.1. Somewhat confusingly, identification has been discussed in the literature as both the process through which one accepts a given identity as a (partial) definition • Construci~ "'~ ) _/ ~-,) I delltity and time Alvesson, Ashcrnft, andThomas (2008, pp. 8-9) note that research on the identity of md1v1duals m orgamzat10ns falls into three distinct camps: (I) functionalist (focusing on "cause-and-effect relations" where identification mediates between such predictors as organizational distinctiveness and such adjustment outcomes as o:gani~tl ~itzenshp behaviors); (2) interpretivist (focusing on "how people craft the1r 1dent1tles through 1ntcract1on," and viewing identity as problematic, \/ Figure 2.1 The interaction of socialization and identity over event time (adapted from Ash forth et al., 2008, p. 34 l ). Note: The horizontal line represents the passage of event time (i.e., time centered around discrete episodes), and the thickening of the horizontal line symbolizes the growing clarity of the identity in question and the strength of one's identification. (The direction of the horizontal line was reversed in Ashforth et al. to emphasize the retrospective nature of the scnsemaking process.) 14 B. E. Ashforth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M. Sluss of self and the outcome of a more or less stable sense of self. Our analysis centers on the fOrmer. We discuss how socialization and identity arc related in a processual sense. And although we focus on identification with one's role and organization,' the model is broadly applicable to any target, including relationships, teams, and other collectives. As Figure 2.1 indicates, the newcomer's identity reflects a dynamic interplay between the organization, in the form of socialization practices (i.e., sensebreak- ing, sensegiving, social validation), and the individual, in the tOnn of enactment, sensemaking, and constructing an identity narrative. In the section entitled "'Socialization Dynamics," we focus on how the organization helps facilitate individual learning and adjustment regarding the self and context. Our discussion also includes several key phenomena not depicted in Figure 2.1: identity motives, events, and newcomer proactivity. Additionally, we consider the temporal issues of time lags in socialization's impact and the duration ofeftects. Then, in the section entitled "The Emergent Self," we discuss the interaction among newcomer affect, behavior, and cognition in shaping a sense of self: and the nature of the associated identity narratives that evolve in the wake of socialization as newcomers make sense of their experiences over time. We also reflect on the temporal issues of swift socialization, time compression, and temporary idcntity.4 Finally, the ''Discussion" summarizes our arguments and offers a brief agenda for temporal research. Socialization and identity over time 15 may also begin with the future and think backward to what it means for making sense of the past and for choices in the present. Specifically, possible selves include ideal selves one would like to become, such as an inspiring manager and successful actuary, and feared selves one would like to avoid, such as an abusive manager and failed actuary (although feared selves tend to be less common- Cross & Markus, 1991 ). By providing more or less clear goals for identificatlon (ideal selves) and for disidentification (feared selves), possible selves can strongly shape sensemaking ("This is how my former jobs have helped me develop into who I want to be") and motivate goal-oriented behavior (e.g., pursing an MBA to become a better manager). For example, the salience of a future work self among a sample of doctoral students predicted an increase in proactive career behavior six months later (Strauss et al., 2012). However, the more temporally distant the possible sell; the more idealized it becomes (less grounded in pragmatic reality) and perhaps the less motivational impact it exerts on current behavior (Kivetz & Tyler, 2007; Trope & Liberman, 2003). Accordingly, shortand middle-term possible selves may exert more pull on present behavior. Of course what is considered short- and middle-term likely varies widely across individuals and ocupatins~ four years in the future may seem considerably more opaque to a new supervisor than to a new doctoral student (Bluedorn, 2002). Thus, identity motives involve a curious mix of prospective and retos~civ processes as the past and present shape one's view of the future and what 1s possible, and the imagined (or feared) future shapes one's view of what has happened Socialization dynamics and what needs to happen. Socialization dovetails with these processes through sensebreaking and sensegiving. Identity motives As rioted, newcomers seek to establish a situated definition of self - a sense of who they are in their particular context. This overarching desire for knowledge of seJtCin-role is associated with at least five other identity motives: ( 1) seJfCexpression, a desire to behave in a manner consistent with one's knowledge of self-in-role (cf. authenticity); (2) seJfCcoherence, a desire for an internally consistent current or working sense of self, a reasonably integrated"!"; (3) optimal distinctiveness, a desire to balance a sense of inclusion in a collective with a sense of exclusiveness, to be simultaneously the same and different; (4) sclfCenhancement, a desire to view one's identities in a positive manner and to experience a sense of growth in one's comfort and capability vis-a-vis those identities; and (5) sdfCcontinuity, a desire for stability in the self over time5 (Ashforth, 2001; Kreiner, 1-lollensbe, & Sheep, 2006; Leonardelli, Pickett, & Brewer, 2010; Negele & Habermas, 2010; Sedikidcs & Alicke, 2012; Shamir, 1991). The most critical identity motives with regard to our chapter's temporal focus are seJfCcontinuity and the growth aspect of self-enhancement. Self-continuity and sclfCenhancement implicitly begin with the past or the present and project forward to the future. However, the notion of possible selves (Markus & Nurius, 1986; Roberts, Dutton, Spreitzer, Heaphy, & Quinn, 2005) - a specific set of which is future work selves (Strauss, Griffin, & Parker, 2012)- suggests that individuals Page 2 of6 Institutionalized socialization: sensebreaking and sensegiving Our discussion assumes that the organization engages in institutionalized socialization (Jones, 1986). Institutionalized socialization consists of six bipolar tactics described by Van Maanen and Schein (1979): (1) the collective (vs. individual) tactic involves grouping neophytes together and putting them through common developmental experiences; (2) formal (vs. informal) entails segregating neophytes from veterans, as in training classes; (3) sequential (vs. random), as noted, includes a lockstep series of developmental experiences; (4)fixed (vs. variable) involves a timetable for progressing through developmental experiences; (5) serial (vs. disjunctive) entails learning from an experienced insider, as in on-the-job training; and (6) investiture (vs. divestiture) reinforces the neophyte's incoming identity, as when one is hired for her prior work experience. Jones ( 1986) argues that these tactics encourage one's integration into the status quo - hence "institutionalized" socialization - whereas the opposite poles (listed in parentheses) essentially leave the ne\vcomer to his or her own devices -hence "individualized" socialization. Because institutionalized socialization involves actively shaping the developmental experiences of newcomers, learning and adjustment tend to be much better Jie Zhan 16 B. E. Ashforth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M Sluss than under individualized socialization (Bauer et al., 2007; Saks et al., 2007). Not surprisingly, ne\vcomers to an organization are far more likely to be subjected to full-blown institutionalized socialization than are incumbents moving to a new job within the organization. Like individuals themselves, the organization has a sense of what possible selves it would prefer newcomers become (and avoid), at least in the short run. ln short, socialization is inherently future-oriented. To attain these desired selves, socialization entaiJs the orchestration of a series of formative events. This in turn entails a radically different way of thinking about the passage of time: "event time" rather than "clock time" (Ancona, Okhuysen & Perlow, 2001 ). Event time versus clock time The passage of clock time is linear, unfolding steadily in fixed increments. Most survey-based socialization research relies on clock time, measuring newcomer adjustment at regular intervals (most typically, three months; Bauer et al., 2007), in the implicit assumption that adjustment occurs as a steady, incremental process (Ashforth, 2012). Alternatively, the passage of event time is nonlinear, centered on discrete episodes that may entail new experiences - prompting sensemaking (possibly preceded by sensebreaking) and thus learning and adjustment. Concepts such as critical incidents, turning points, surprises, epiphanies, and memorable messages highlight the dramatic changes that can follow galvanizing events (Ashforth, 2012). In socialization, as we will see, such events vary from the momentous, such as the succession ofchallenges in doctoral programs (Bullis & Bach, 1989), to the seemingly minor, such as being invited to lunch for the first time by one's new colleagues (Feldman, 1977). Klein and Polin (2012) note that organizations tend to frontload formal onboarding activities on the newcomers' first days rather than introduce them at a more leisurely pace as needed. Sensebreaking The stronger and more unique the organization's culture and the more "bad habits" and misconceptions newcomers may have acquired in previous contexts, the greater the organization's need to divest newcomers of their incoming habits and views and encourage them to embrace their new context and place within it (Ashforth, 2001). Earlier, we defined the investiture (vs. divestiture) socialization tactic as practices that reinforce the newcomer's incoming identity; conversely, divestiture refers to practices that strip away the newcomer's incoming identity so that he or she can be "reinvented" in the organization's image (Van Maanen & Schein, 1979). In short, divestiture fosters sensebreaking, "a fundamental questioning of who one is when one's sense of self is challenged ... [creating] a meaning void that must be filled" (Pratt, 2000, p. 464) - at least within that particular context. Clearly, divestiture is most intense for individuals entering the organization rather than incumbents moving to a difforent job. Socialization and identity over time 17 Divestiture practices may include some mix of fililure, hazing, stretch goals, upending novelty, criticism, and other forms of challenge to what one formerly thought and did. The more severe the divestiture, the greater the risk that it will actually backfire and reduce commitment and performance. Generally, the more normative the divestiture-that is, expected and perhaps traditional for a particular context - the greater its acceptance by newcomers. Indeed, many newcomers may join an organization such as the army precisely because of the promise of personal transformation (Ashforth, 2001 ). Senscbreaking need not occur through planned and managed divestiture experiences. Newcomers encounter frequent surprises (Louis, 1980) that might be thought of as sensebreaking "writ small," prompting opportunities for identity inquiry and exploration. These moments of disorientation - whether as a result of a major one-time event or an array of minor surprises - ''unfreeze" one from current moorings (Lewin, 1951 ), fostering a sense of liminality - of being "betwixt and between" (Turner, 1969, p. 95; Beech, 2011). Liminality is disquieting because it thwarts the identity motives (e.g., "who am I really in this context?"), motivating a search for new moorings around which to "ffeeze" a situated sense of self. Sensegiving Sensebreaking, in creating a void of meaning, paves the way for sensegiving, defined as attempts "to influence the sensemaking and meaning construction of others toward a preferred redefinition of organizational reality" (Gioia & Chittipeddi, 1991, p. 442). Indeed, the greater the sensebreaking, the greater the need for sensegiving. However, individuals do not have to undergo divestiture to experience a need to understand the local context and their place within i~; even newcomers with abundant experience elsewhere need to translate their experience into the setting's idiosyncrasies (e.g., Beyer & Hannah, 2002). Sensegiving occurs primarily via the serial (vs. disjunctive) sotialization tactic wherein experienced insiders impart organizationally sanctioned values, beliefs, norms, and skills as well as feedback on the newco1ner's progress toward enacting his or her role (Kraus, Ahearne, Lam, & Wieseke, 2012; Morrison, 2002). As with sensebreaking, although sensegiving is generally considered to be a deliberate form of social influence, a great deal of sensegiving actually occurs through Jess deliberate means. Much knowledge may be only tacit - that is, existing in a form that is difficult to articulate, if not nonconscious (Nonaka & von Krogh, 2009). Further, there is often a disconnect between espoused values, beliefs, norms, and skills - what the organization says it wants - and what is actually realized. Not surprisingly, newcomers tend to put more stock in the latter. Whether deliberate or not, then, experienced insiders serve as role models, exemplifying "how things are actually done around here." Because early developmental experiences greatly shape the trajectory of adjustment, the sequence of socialization events is very important (Ashforth, 2012). First the Jess familiar newcomers are with the setting, the more meaning they will :'read into" a given event and, thus, the greater the event's impact on their Jie Zhan 18 Socialization and identity over time B. E. Ashforth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M. Sluss experience, the social cost of displaying ignorance ~ise, thus pr?m~ting more reliance on relatively covert behaviors such as observing and mon1tonng rather than, say, asking questions (Cooper-Thomas & Burke, 2012; Jablin, 2000). adjustment. Harsh comments from a coworker may be devastating until one realizes that the coworker treats everyone in a similarly abusive fashion. Second, certain developmental events (e.g., providing moderately challenging tasks and constructive feedback) facilitate learning and adjustment, triggering a positive spiral where early successes greatly facilitate later ones (Hall, 1976). Third, because individuals tend to seek confirmation rather than disconfirmation of their budding views (Nickerson, 1998), newcomers and veterans alike are apt to act on their initial perceptions and thereby trigger sel~fuing prophecies. A newcomer anointed early as a wunderkind and showered with support is likely to blossom and think of herself as others do (Eden, 1990). It is likely for these Sensemaking three reasons that certain temporally oriented socialization tactics - a sequential (vs. random) series of developmental experiences and a fixed (vs. variable) timetable for moving through the experiences - have a salutary impact on learning and adjustment. Notice how much of this temporally paced phenomenology is missed by survey studies predicated on clock time. A typical study of organizational entry would use static variables such as personality and the existence of socialization tactics to predict the magnitude of learning and adjustment after some period. The inference is that learning and adjustment have responded steadily to the gradual press of a changeless situation, whereas the actual experience of being socialized may consist of various upending lows (divesting one's incoming identity, liminality) and eureka-like highs (as one makes sense of the situation and experiences growth, the topic of the next section), tied to an array of major and minor events. Newcomer proactivlty and sensemaking Newcomer proactivity At the same time that the organization is actively socializing the newcomer, the newcomer tends to be proactively engaging with his or her role and context (Cooper-Thomas & Burke, 2012; Saks, Gruman, & Cooper-Thomas, 2011). Newcomer proactivity refers to the means through which newcomers actively seek information about their context and their place within it, and includes such behavioral "events" as asking questions, observing, emulating, relationship building, exploring and experimenting, self-reward, and reading handbooks, newsletters, and the like (Ashford & Black, 1996; Chao, 2012; Miller & Jablin, 1991; Morrison, 1993b; Press & Arnould, 2011; Saks & Ashforth, 1996). While scholars might assume that institutionalized socialization obviates the need for proactivity, and vice versa, research suggests that the processes tend to be positively correlated (e.g., Ashforth, Sluss, & Saks, 2007; Gruman, Saks, & Zweig, 2006). Socialization tactics likely provide the learning climate and opportunities for asking questions, observing, and so on. As a probationary constable put it, "A probie can get away with asking ·silly' questions more than a constable or above. Senior partners also expect to answer questions" (Harris, Simons, & Carden, 2004, p. 212). However, newcomers' choices of proactive behaviors tend to change over time: as newcomers gain 19 I I The myriad of major and minor events associated with institutionalized socialization and newcomer proactivity, coupled with the organization's efforts at sensebreaking and sensegiving, provide a great deal of information for newcomers to process. Sensemaking refers to the transformation of this infonnation into mea~­ ing, into a cognitive ffamework that confers structure and coherence (Louis, 1980; Weick, 1995). Major events such as meeting one's coworkers for the first time, successfully d.1Sappomtment completing a significant assignment, and expenencmg a larg~ carry the potential to be transformative in that they may greatly mtorm or starkly challenge one's emergent sense1naking. Thus, major events are n:ore likely to precipitate epiphanies and discontinuous change. for example, Wieland (2010, p. 515) discusses the impact of a performance review on a personal assistant: the •·process shaped Cristina's sense of whom she was ... It told her. whether her identity, as understood by others, was socially acceptable. It both mdtcated whom others saw her as and clarified whom she should be." Conversely, minor events such as ongoing task enactment, routine meetings, and lunches with coworkers are more likely to be associated with incremental change, as one gradually broadens and deepens one's understanding. However, there are important exceptions. For one, the impact of minor events may accumulate such that one experiences a tipping point, leading to discontinuous chang~ in on~· understanding. For instance, the small lessons from many encounters with a ~tf­ ficult customer may finally jell as one suddenly "gets" why the customer ts acting the way he is. Another exception is that, whether minor or maj?r, the m~re novel, surprising, and potentially threatening the event, the greater its potential signal value (e.g., Browning & Harmer, 2012). Such events, therefore, tend to trigger more information-seeking and sensemaking ("why did this happen and what are its implications?"). Moreover, because individuals tend to be risk averse, events that carry potentially negative messages are more likely to be actively processed (Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Finkenauer, & Vohs, 2001). This may be on_e reason why some socialization agents gravitate to providing relatively harsh feedback, particularly in situations where the stakes arc high,'." in medicine (e.g., Musselman, MacRae, Reznick, & Lingard, 2005) and the m1htary (e.g., Ricks, 1997). A final exception is that, as our discussion of event sequencing suggests, many events that would seem minor to an observer may be construed as quite major by a newcomer lacking an experiential base in the organization. And the more anxious and i~secur the newcomer, the more hypervigilant he or she tends to be, thus exacerbating the impact of minor and major events alike (cf. paranoid social cognition, Kramer, 1998). Thus, while "small events [can] carry big messages" (Rentsch, 1990, p. 678), this is far more likely to be the ease for inexperienced newcomers. ' interact with others in mature and 20 B. E, Ashforth, S H Harrison, and D M Sluss Socialization and identity over time This analysis suggests two time-based conclusions. First, the less experienced the newcomer, the greater the impact of given events, such that his or her cognitive and affective state may fluctuate widely in the initial days and months in a new setting. Think of a tuning fork that oscillates wildly at first before settling into the proper note. Analogously, inexperienced newcomers are more likely to read meaning into a given event, whether deserved or not, and react accordingly. l-Jowever, over time, as the experiential base broadens and deepens, the newcomer develops a store of knowledge that puts events in better perspective. Further, a relatively stable level of adjustment is likely to develop over time, acting as a counterweight to momentary reactions to specific events. Second, sensemaking over time is likely to resemble a punctuated equilibrium model (Ibarra & Petriglieri, 2010), where occasional discontinuous change is followed by periods of incremental change wherein the person adjusts to the new status quo - whether that status quo exists externally in a new situation or internally in a new understanding of an extant situation. An t!ll-consuming present? Although socialization is explicitly about preparing newcomers for the foturc, the present may seem all-consuming to the newcomer. First, the novelty of the new context and unfolding events, the difficulty oflearning and demonstrating often complex knowledge, skills, and abilities in real time, and the desire to fit in and be regarded as a bona fide incumbent often constitute enormous challenges that command a newcomer's attention. In having more to do than clock time allows, newcomers may become so alive to the demands of the moment that the past from which they came and the future to which they are working arc effectively out of mind. Hafferty (1991, p. 192), for instance, writes that "it is this ... preoccupation with [not having enough] time and with the academic demands of their immediate medical school environment that blocks students from becoming too critically involved in how they are changing as people." The foture creeps up as one copes with the present. Second, the newcomer, while sensing the past is far behind, may feel as if the present is the future. The newcomer is in the process of ''trying on" or enacting what just a short time ago was a future possible self (Ibarra, 1999). for example, a newly minted engineer excitedly enters her new job and organization after long years of preparation for the culmination of her future selC In this case, the future isn't ignored but lived in the present. Paradoxically, then, the more demanding the socialization program, the less "time" the newcomer may have to think about how he or she is actually preparing for the future. Although this lack of temporal awareness - of consciously processing change - may somewhat retard one's progress, it may nonetheless be beneficial if the amount of required change is otherwise daunting and there are few signposts to signify progress. However, if the changes are ones that a newcomer would try to resist if he or she were more conscious of them - for example, the emotional distancing learned in medical school (Halferty, 1991) or the acclimatization to corruption in a police force (Ashforth & Anand, 2003) - then 21 the nonconscious nature of the change process can be quite insidious. We suspect that many organizational members change in ways that their younger selves would have strongly disavowed. Time lags and duration of impllct As Mitchell and James (200 I) observe, research in management tends to assume that the effect of X on Y is more or less instantaneous. Although the use of longitudinal designs in socialization research appears to belie this claim, it remains that few scholars articulate the time lag between a given socialization event or process and its impact on learning and adjustment. Just as major events are more likely than minor events to provoke discontinuous change, so they are more likely to have relatively instantaneous effects on learning and adjustment. Major events command one's attention, particularly if one anticipates similar such events in the future (e.g., further meetings with an important client), and are otten a significant source of information about the values, norms, and beliefs of the organization and the expectations for newcomers. For example, research on socialization events such as orientation and hazing suggests the potential for significant change (Albuquerque & Paes-Machado, 2004; Stephens & Dailey, 2012). Further, given an all-consuming present, major events such as passing newcomer probation (Myers, 2005) may make newcomers aware of their progress by publicly sanctifying it. Events such as this facilitate the internalization of a new identity ("! am a bona fide firefighter") and are referred to as rites of incorporation, a specific form o~ rites of passage (Trice & Beyer, 1984; van Gennep, 1960). Conversely, the mcremental change typically associated with minor events may ultimately have a cumulative effect on learning and adjustment, suggesting a lagged model. However, given the foregoing discussion of tipping points, novel and surprising events, and event sequences, this is not to say that the cumulative etJect is always gradual. Regarding the duration of socialization's impact, studies seem to assume that it's essentially unending. That is, aside tfom the normal attenuation over time of a relationship between predictor X and criterion Y, a given socialization practice is tacitly thought to predict learning and adjustment into the indefinite future. This may be a more or less reasonable assumption in the case of learning and certain forms of adjustment (i.e., role clarity, task mastery, and performance), in that events otten foster sensemaking (and perhaps the full sensebreakingsensegiving-sensemaking process), which may in tum foster changes to newcomers' schema about the workplace and their role and themselves within in. As long as the status quo - and one's understanding of it- remains relatively stable, the precipitating events should continue to predict the level of learning, role clarity, task mastery, and performance. However, the impact on other forms of adjustment (i.e., social integration, role crafting, job satisfaction, organizational commitment) is more complicated. On one hand, research indicates that adjustment tends to be relatively stable ·.interact with others in mature and 22 B. E. Ashforth, S H Harrison, and D. M Sluss Socialization and identity over time during the first year in a new role and context such that initial assessments of social integration, role crafting, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment tend to predict later assessments (e.g., Ashforth & Saks, 1996; Morrison, 1993a; Cooper-Thomas & Anderson, 2005). This suggests that, as with learning, (early) events may continue to predict adjustment (although some of the stability in attitudinal adjustment is undoubtedly attributable to individual differences in affective propensities; Staw & Cohcn-Charash, 2005). On the other hand, research also indicates that adjustment can increase, decrease, or fluctuate over the first year in a new role and context (e.g., Bauer & Erdogan, 2011; Boswell, Shipp, Payne, & Culbertson, 2009). For example, Solinger, van Olften, Roe, and Hofmans (2013) documented several major trajectories of organizational commitment during new hires' first six months, including increasing, stable, and decreasing trajectories. A given trajectory and changes in trajectory are likely attributable stint in the new role, there is little recognition of the value of making later efforts to forestall or at least mitigate the hangover (cf. Boswell et al., 2009). In sum, institutionalized socialization and ne\vcomer proactivity untOld in "event time" to facilitate cycles of sensebreaking-sensegiving-sensemaking, paving the way for an emergent workplace selt The emergent self A major outcome of sensebreaking-sensegiving-sensemaking is a situated identity, a knowledge of who one is or is becoming in the organizational context (Weick, 1995). Typically, newcomers are hired or promoted to fulfill relatively established jobs within relatively established contexts. While they may choose to enact those jobs in somewhat idiosyncratic ways, it remains that, say, a shipping agent, a branch manager, and a sheriff have fairly distinct and formalized tasks. Thus, the major identity questions facing the newcomer are: (I) what does it mean to be a shipping agent (or whatever the job may be), particularly in this organization?; (2) what does it mean, more broadly, to be a member of this organization?; and (3) how do this job and broader role resonate with how I see myself and, importantly, how I want to see myself? The greater the resonance, the more likely that one will internalize that job and broader role (and the wider organization that provides the context) as a (partial) definition of self.6 This resonance leads to the final identity question: (4) how do I come to be - and be seen as - a legitimate exemplar of this desired sell? to some combination of: (l) sustained exposure to positive or negative events (e.g., ongoing constructive feedback from coworkers, a manager's failures to honor promises); (2) certain formative events continuing to exert an impact (e.g., periodically renewing one's commitment by reflecting on an inspiring leader); (3) certain events exerting a "sleeper effect," where the lessons are not truly appreciated until one has sufficient wisdom and need to more thoroughly process them; (4) new events (e.g., a beloved coworker leaves); and (5) changes in the newcomers themselves such that they become more responsive or less responsive to certain events (e.g., a blossoming newcomer who no longer needs constant nurturing). Further, once a newcomer senses that he or she is on an upward or downward trajectory, a certain psychological momentum is likely to build wherein he or she then looks to confirm the trajectory ("This is a great [lousy] place to work"; Nickerson, 1998), a phenomenon akin to the positive spiral and selffulfilling prophecy noted earlier. At that point, any fluctuations in the trajectory are typically prompted by unexpected events. What may actually be more important to long-term learning and adjustment than the duration of socialization events' impact is the reinforcement of that learning and adjustment over time. Learning and adjustment can decay if they are not reinforced periodically, ifnot constantly. Just as a booster shot is often needed to extend a person's inoculation against a disease, so reinfOrcernent is often needed to extend the momentum of socialization events. In the previous paragraph we noted exposure to recurring events. Leaming, role clarity, task mastery, role crafting, and performance can be sustained by ongoing constructive feedback and clear communication of expectations; social integration can be sustained by ongoing positive engagement with peers, managers, and others; job satisfaction and organizational commitment can be sustained by ongoing efforts to listen to and act on newcomers' needs and wants; and all tOrrns of learning and adjust1nent can be bolstered by ongoing positive reinforcement. For example, newcomers often experience a "honeymoon-hangover effect" (Boswell, Boudreau, & Tichy, 2005, p. 882), where job satisfaction is initially buoyed by unrealistic expectations (the honeymoon) and later dashed when the expectations are not realized (hangover). J-Iowever, because most socialization efforts are directed at a newcomer's early 23 Tlie ABCs of identification ! I~ ! I The concepts of anticipatory socialization (Merton, 1957) and anticipatory identification (Ashforth, 2001) suggest that newcomers may enter the organization or a new job within the organization with these questions already partly resolved via prior experiences and the organization's recruitment efforts (e.g., Beyer & Hannah, 2002; Carr, Pearson, Vest, & Boyar, 2006). However, this "intellectual" understanding is inherently a somewhat pale reflection of the visceral nature of the specific context and role. Pratt, Rockmann, and Kaufmann (2006, p. 246), for example, describe how medical residents developed a deeper and more nuanced understanding of their identity during their residency, ••customizing" their understanding according to the demands of their particular medical specialty. Ashforth's (2001, pp. 209-215) "ABC model" of role identification holds that: (I) affect (A), behavior (B), or cognition (C) can serve as an initial conduit to internalizing one's understanding of one's role (or any other potential target) as a (partial) definition of selt; and that (2) all three tend to be mutually reinforcing (Cascon-Pereira & Hallier, 2012; Harquail, 1998; Lovaglia, Youngreen, & Robinson, 2005). One may foe! an affinity for a role ("! love the idea of being a hairdresser"), may have enacted behaviors indicative of the role and discovered a resonance (e.g., styling friends' hair while in high school), or may think about 24 B. E. Ashforth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M. Sluss Socialization and identity over time the desirability of a role ("being a hairdresser plays to my social skills"). Affect and cognition tend to be strongly correlated as liking and thinking positively about a role are quite synergistic. Further, the identity motive for selt~xprion suggests that a strong affective and/or cognitive affinity for a role tends to motivate enactment of the role - or of preparatory behaviors if one is not yet formally in the role (e.g., attending hairdressing school) (e.g., Farmer & Van Dyne, 2010). Finally, enacting a role provides compelling visceral evidence of one's relative resonance with the role, quickly coloring one's feelings and thoughts about the role ("This is me"). The identity motive of self-coherence suggests that individuals seek consistency among their self-related behaviors, affective states, and cognitions such that playing a role tends to morph into being the role. Indeed, Pratt (2012, p. 26) argues that" 'doing' is at the heart of identity formation." The upshot of the ABCs of identification is that the newcomer develops habits of feeling, thinking, and acting that are informed by the role identity. One sees the work world through the eyes of one's role, and the longer one is in the role, the more natural and even mindless this becomes. However, budding identification with a role (orother target) is likely to remain the organization or new job \Vithin the organization with a very c~ear 25 notion of their target situated identity. On one hand, identity foreclosure provides a clear template for enacting one's role, emboldening identity-consistent behavior. On the other hand, with one's "intellectual" understandmg of the role mev1tably falling short of the visceral reality, foreclosure m~kes_ it difficult for individuals to evolve in their understanding and enactment ot their role. For example, Kuzm1c ( t 994, p. 22) describes a neophyte teacher who was so committed to her incoming image of a teacher that she had great difficulty adapting to the reahty she encountered: "If I can visualize Lmy dream], I should be able to achieve II ... That's why it is so frustrating." Conversely, Ibarra (1999, p. 765) describes the "provisional selves" adopted by neophyte investment bankers and management consultants as they experimented with identities that personally resonated. and were validated in the local context. The temporal implication is that an m1tially tuzzy or at least provisional conception of one's workplace identi_ty is likely_ to prove adaptive as the identity can then evolve ~nd crystalhze over time accordmg to both situational demands and personal preferences. somewhat tentative until a person has received social validation as a bona fide - or at least aspiring- role member (Ashforth, 2001; Cable & Kay, 2012; Pratt et al., 2006; Schlenker, 1986; Swann, Johnson, & Bosson, 2009). One tends to see oneself Temporary identity through the eyes of important audiences (e.g., managers, peers, customers) such A temporary identity is a situated self that one knowingly adopts for a relatively short time (Ashforth, 2001). A temporary identity may be adopted for two rea- that one's "claim" to an identity ("I'm a good journalist") needs to be reinforced by those audiences in order for one to truly accept the claim as legitimate. Social validation depends on observable indicators of the identity - namely, one's enactment of the identity, performance outcomes, and adoption of identity markers such as attire and use of jargon (Ashforth, 2001; Pratt & Rafaeli, 1997; Swann et al., 2009). Anteby (2008), for example, describes how the occupational identity of craftsmen was enacted and affirmed through the use of skilled manual labor in making prototypes, repairing complex machinery, and creating intricate artifacts for personal use. Individuals particularly prized social validation from other craftsmen because they had the knowledge to truly appreciate the expertise involved. Figure 2. l depicts social validation as occurring during sensernaking and as the identity crystallizes. That is, social validation may reinforce (and refine) early attempts at "becoming" as part of the sensegiving process (e.g., Pratt et al., 2006) as well as affirm one's '"being" the role. Indeed, research on identity negotiation (Swann et al., 2009) and critical theory (Bardon, Clegg, & Josserand, 2012) highlights the often contested differences that individuals and their audiences may have in organizations and the resulting turbulent process through which a mutual understanding of the individual is negotiated over time. Identity foreclosure? Marcia (1966) refers to individuals who unreflectively internalize an identity (often based on a parent or other role model), with minimal exploration and experimentation, as experiencing identity foreclosure. Such individuals may enter sons. First, one may expect to occupy a new role only temporarily, as i~ temp or contract work, interim positions, and training rotations. At first bl_ush: tt m.~Y seem likely that the short-terrn nature of the position would undermme 1denl!fication as the newcomer simply "rides out" the term. Pratt et al. (2006) discuss how ;adiology residents, denied opportunities to actually practice radiology, disparagingly adopted the temporary identity of "student." However, the mme desirable the position, the more psycholog1cal engagemen_t that en~ctm req_mres or elicits, and the more social validation one receives while enacting the pos1tton, the greater the likelihood of actual identification (Ashfo'.th, 2001). For example, Hall (1995) recounted his experience as actmg dean of a busmess school. The job required so much personal immersion that "the interim penod does not fe~l interim or temporary. It feels (and is) very real" (p. 85). Further, the more one s career resembles a succession of temporary identities, as in temp or contr~ work, the greater the likelihood of internalizing adaptability - charneleon-hke skills for quickly reading situations and adopting the expected persona - as a valued identity in its own right (cf. protean career, Bnscoe, Hall, & De Muth, 2006). .. Second, one may adopt a temporary identity in even a longer-term role if on_e does not expect to identify with the role, as in a job for w?1ch one 1s overqualified a disliked overseas posting, or a job taken because of necessity rather than choice. Since newcomers require a situated self in order to function, they a:e inclined to adopt a temporary identity while in an undesired position. That_ 1s, they may adopt the normative, external persona associated with t_he pos1t10n while trying not to let it atfoct their inner sense of self (e.g., Schmid & Jones, 26 B. E. Ashforth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M Sluss 27 Socialization and identity over time 1991 ). Odd as it sounds, if individuals remain in a disavowed position, whether because of inertia, low mobility, or poor job options, they may come to adopt a '·permanent" temporary identity. For example, Collinson (1992) reports that factory workers talked about their long-term desired selves (e.g., small business owner) as a bittersweet way of denying the relevance of their current job to their sense of seit: Because tomorrow never came, they experienced a series of todays, each with its attendant temporary identity. However, given the ABC model of identification, continually enacting even a "temporary" role creates pressure to cognitively and affoctively accept what one's behavior seems to suggest: that one does embody the role and its associated identity (Bern, 1972). In short, it's difficult to remain psychologically distanced over the long term from one's own behavior. 7 Swift socializatio11 and time compression Most socialization research implicitly assumes that newcomers will occupy their new positions indefinitely. However, with employees changing jobs and/or organizations more frequently and with the growth of the contingent work force (Connelly & Gallagher, 2004; Sullivan & Arthur, 2006), many newcomers can expect to occupy their position for a relatively short amount of time. This shortening of expected job and organizational tenure has three major temporal implications. First, it necessitates swift socialization (Ashforth, 2012; Nifadkar, 2009) so that newcomers can assume their new duties as rapidly as possible. Swift socialization entails rigorous recruitment and selection to improve initial personsituation fit, and robust institutionalized socialization to compel rapid personal change (especially via the divestiture and serial tactics) (cf. Anderson & Ostrott: 1997). However, the downside of swill socialization is that important lessons and the seasoning required for lessons to etfoctively germinate may be truncated or skipped. Although norms and expectations, company history, certain behaviors, and so on may be amenable to rapid learning, tacit knowledge, belief systems, values, and skills otlen require patient tutelage and enactment to truly ·"sink in." Much like bread pulled from the oven too soon, newcomers may be expected to act as fi.tlly functioning role occupants before they are ready (Rollag, 2004). Second, even while shortened expected tenure necessitates swift socialization, it reduces the incentive for organizations to invest in institutionalized socialization and for individuals to undergo it (Cardon, 2002; Gomez, 2009). Cardon (2002), for example, observes that contingent workers often receive fairly casual socialization. Organizations instead shift their emphasis to rigorous recruitment and selection, preferring to hire or promote relatively experienced individuals who will not require extensive socialization. However, although prior experience may facilitate person-job fit, in that one enters with a better sense of what the job likely entails, the reduction of institutionalized socialization is apt to undermine the person-organization fit of organizational newcomers (Kim, Cable, & Kim, 2005), in that organizations often have somewhat unique identities and cultures that are difficult to truly understand in the absence of socialization. And from the newcomers' point of view, given that robust institutionalized socialization is demanding and involves some learning that is organization-specific, they may be less willing to fully participate in socialization activities, instead "gomg through the motions." . Third, the shortening of expected job tenure may cause newcomers to view their position differently. The realization that time i_s compressed means. that otherwise distal learning and adjustment goals necessarily become more proximal, creating a sense of urgency (Ashforth, 2001). Rather than learning and adjust- ment occurring in the fullness of time, where the future is an open-ended expanse, newcomers use their expected termination date to frame what must be acco.mplished. Thus, while an apprentice in a job shop may expect to learn new skills as opportunities naturally arise over time, a summer camp co~selr knows ~he has mere weeks to "fully" adjust to her new job. The upshot of tune compression is a hurried socialization process, where "progression" is defined more by the calendar than actual mastery and integration. Identity narrlltives A temporal perspective on socialization and identity leads, ultimately, to identity narratives - stories that individuals tell themselves and others to make sense of themselves in terms of their past, present, and future (Ashforth, 2001; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010; McAdams, Josselson, & Lieblich, 2006). Identity narratives knit agency, disparate events, and learning and growth together. to suggest a motivated trajectory toward a desired foture self (or selves) (e.g., Shipp & Jansen, 20 JI). Identity narratives, like any story, draw on archetypes, themes, and scnpts that are prevalent in society generally (e.g., the high achiever, the dutiful plodder) and in the organization specifically, but are personalized to fit the md!Vldual (Watson, 2009). Sonenshein, Dutton, Grant, Spreitzer, and Sutcliffe (2013), tor example, describe how individuals framed their personal growth narrative m terms of achievement in one organization, learning in another, and helping othe~s in a third - but in all three, the narratives were embedded in the idiosyncratic experiences of the individuals. A major subtext of institutionalized socialization is ~o . provide a ~to (or stories) that explains and legitimates the newcomers' JOb and orgamzat10nal choice and the socialization process itself. Schweingruber and Berns (2005, p. 689) describe how managers at a dor-t~ sale~ compa.ny interact wH~ new recruits to develop narratives of how the sales JOb will transfo~ the rec~u1ts sense of sel1; thereby "building character in young people." Identity narratives,_ again like any story, emphasize certain experiences and th:me~ in the service of an overarching plotline, and conveniently downplay or omit missteps that would detract from the narrative flow. Not surprisingly, then, identity narratives are a prime (if not the prime) means through which newcomers realize the identity motives of seJ1Cenhancement (a sense of growth), self-coherence (a sense of internal consistency), and selfCcontinuity (a sense of stability over time, a thematic thread - unless a dramatic personal transformation is part of the plothne). 8 28 B. £. Ashforth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M Sluss Socialization and identity over time Identity narratives are both prospective and retrospective (Ashforth, 2001; Birren & Schroots, 2006). They are prospective or future-oriented in that new- 29 ing an executive). 9 They are retrospective or past-oriented in that newcomers responsibilities. Gamma change is associated with the events and tipping points noted earlier, where one experiences an epiphany or breakthrough in understanding or ability (e.g., Bauer, McAdams, & Sakaeda, 2005; Press & Arnould: 2011). Identity narratives appear remarkably adept at incorporating such d1scontinmt1es. On one hand, the discontinuity can be framed as a dramatic turning point in a narrative, where the impoverished or naive "before" identity is contrasted with may also periodically look back (during, for example, career counseling, perfor- the enriched "'after" identity. Such narratives are common in organizations that mance appraisals, and anniversaries) to take stock of their progress and to utilize divestiture to induce personal transformation. Bruder (1998, p. 98), for example, discusses how neophyte monks attempt to shed their "old/false self" for a "new/true self." On the other hand, where one seeks a narrative more consistent with the identity motive of selt:continuity, the gamma change can be accommodated by the use of relatively abstract identity labels (e.g., a "valued employee" at two months is one who tweaks the routines to make them better, whereas a valued employee at one year is one who can think outside the box; McAdams, 1999) or - returning to the discussion of chameleon-like skills - by couching the identity itself in terms of flexibility and change ("! am highly adaptive"). comers enter particular organizations and jobs for a reason, and the narrative one tells at the outset provides the purported plot that one seeks to enact (e.g., to become an excellent structural engineer, to take steps toward someday becom- recalibrate the narrative in light of recent events and alterations of the initial trajectory. Identity narratives vary in their specificity, temporal scope, and tentativeness. Newcomers may have clear desired future selves but only a vague notion of how to realize them, clear short- or medium-term desired selves but little sense of the long-term, selves that are only experimental or provisional embodiments of their desired future self, and so on (Ibarra, 1999; Ibarra & Petriglieri, 2010). None of this is necessarily problematic as narratives are fundamentally about making sense of an inherently equivocal past and inherently unknowable future while in the fulcrum of the present. Indeed, Shipp and Jansen (2011, p. 77) note that stories ollen begin "in the middle" such that they are continually edited as circumstances warrant. This is especially appropriate to newcomers since they In sum, a situated self emerges as the newcomer enacts and refines a new identity during the socialization process, receives social validation from valued audiences, and constructs an edifying identity narrative to make sense of the are in the process of becoming. Because of the ongoing nature of craning and journey. updating one's identity narrative, the meaning of given events may be reinter- preted as socialization unfolds and the future comes into focus (Ashforth, 2012). Finally, many of the events newcomers encounter are emotionally charged. Discussion Because research on affect has begun to more fully explore issues of duration, Although socialization and identification are fundamentally processual, time has lagged effects, and residual influence, attending to emotional experiences offers promise for understanding the temporal dynamics of socialization (e.g., Gilbert, Pine!, Wilson, Blumberg, & Wheatley, 1998; Walker, Vogl, & Thompson, 1997). This is especially true for narratives as the structural-affect theory of narrative explains how individuals understand the role of affect in narratives (Brewer, 1996; Brewer & Lichtenstein, 1982). In particular, individuals enjoy stories been largely an '"absent presence" in theory and empirical research. Our model, summarized in Figure 2.1, is intended to provide some temporal hooks for future work. We argued that newcomers have certain identity motives, and two in particular - selt:continuity and selt:enhancement - are embedded in desirnd possible selves that newcomers hope to realize. C~ntray to the. 1mphc1t v1~w that learning and adjustment unfold smoothly according to clock time, the notion of event time suggests that learning and adjustment are largely dependent on a involving surprises and suspense. What this means for socialization is that the surprises that foster sensebreaking provide key plot points that help newcomers cacophony of major and minor events. These events often occur in the context of: (1) institutionalized socialization, where the organization more or less cho- structure their emerging identity narrative. Moreover, as time passes, newcomers can grow fonder of their narrative through retellings. As C. S. Lewis observed, narrative lust, has been given its sop and laid asleep, are we at leisure to savour reographs newcomer development; and (2) newcomer proactive behaviors: where individuals actively seek information about the context and the1r role within 1t. Through sensebreaking and sensegiving, the organization attempts to shape the the real beauties" (quoted in Brewer, I 996, p. 121). meaning that newcomers derive from their experiences. At the same tin:e,. new- Gamma change comers enact the identity associated with their position and membership in the organization, embodying their role and processing their visceral reactions. "we do not enjoy a story fully at the first reading. Not till the curiosity, the sheer Newcomers construct, typically in concert with institutionalized socialization, identity narratives that organize the desired selves, events, and sen~akig into Gamma change occurs when the meaning of a construct changes over time (Thompson & Hunt, 1996). For example, role crafting at two months may mean minor tweaks to the task routines taught during training, whereas role crafting at one year may mean conceiving an entirely new way of fulfilling one's I reasonably coherent stories that unite the past, present, and future into a goaldirected arc. As the enacted identity is refined over time and the identity narratives are burnished, newcomers receive social validation from their managers, 30 B. E. Ashforth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M Sluss peers, customers, and other important audiences, thus reinforcing their progress and intended trajectory. In articulating these dynamics, the discussion touched on additional explicitly temporal concepts, notably event sequencing, punctuated equilibria, an all-consuming present, time lags, duration of impact, temporary identity, swift socialization, time compression, and gamma change. An agenda for temporal research Our focus on what happens "between the snapshots" produced by survey research on socialization and identification, as summarized in Figure 2.1, suggests several key directions for more temporally oriented future research. First, the notion of event time indicates that newcomer learning and adjustment are paced by a suc- cession of major and minor events. However, research is needed on the nature sequence, and impact of particular events. For example, which events should b~ presented as carefully choreographed developmental experiences and which should be allowed to arise more spontaneously according to the demands of the job? Which kinds of events are likely to cause positive and negative deflections in the trajectory of learning and adjustment? What has more lasting impact, a single major event (e.g., a public award) or a series of minor events (e.g., private thank-yous)? Second, the time lag between certain socialization events or practices and their impact on newcomer learning and adjustment, as well as the duration of their impact, remains undertheorized. As examples, what kinds of practices are more likely to have an instantaneous effect, a cumulative eftbct over time, or a delayed ''sleeper" etfect? What kinds of practices are most effective as once-only interventions versus periodic renewals versus a more or less constant presence? And what specific forms of learning and adjustment are most likely to display instantaneous, cumulative, or delayed effects, or to be amenable to once-only, periodic, and constant interventions? Third, the concept of identity narratives offers great potential for understanding how newcomers make sense of the vicissitudes and dynamism of their socialization experiences. For instance, given that stories often begin in the middle and adapt to emergent events, what kinds of experiences are likely to play major and minor roles in identity narratives? How do newcomers' future work selves vary across occupations, organizations, and industries, and how amenable is a g.iven future work self to various identity narratives? I-low elastic are identity narratives - that is, how much change, discontinuity, and outright disconfirmation can they absorb before becoming untenable? Methodological implications We suspect that a major reason why temporal research questions such as these are understudied is the heavy reliance on surveys, whether in cross-sectional or longitudinal studies. As noted, Bauer et al. (2007) found that socialization studies typically assess learning and adjustment in three-month increments. While such Socialization and identity over time 31 studies assume and often find that meaningful change has occurred during each · crement it remains that the choice of three months 1s largely arbitrary (why m not two? 'or five?) and not explicitly tied to the kin d s o f' nuance dtempora I dynamics discussed earlier and elsewhere (e.g., Ashforth, 2012; Klein & Heus~r, 2008; Vancouver, Tamanini, & Yoder, 2010; Vancouver & Warren, Wl2). fo better capture the spirit of event time, we recommend that res_earchers ahgn data collection with at least expected major events as well as major task cycles .. However, the greater the number of potentially disruptive m_ajor and_ mmor events, and the greater the unpredictability of their nature, sequencmg, and impact, the more important it becomes to use additional research methods. to capture temporal dynamics (Ashforth, 2012). Three methods seem most prom1smg. F."st, as noted, qualitative research, especially ethnographic research, has pro~1de very infonnative thick descriptions of so~ialztn an~ 1dentrty dynamics 1~ organizational settings. This method continues ~o provide an e~clnt means of surfacing novel insights on how these dynamics unfold ove_r time. I_Jowever, socialization scholars have oversampled newcomers to full-time, white-collar occupations in large Western organizations, typically offering traditional "'.ork arrangements (Ashforth, Sluss, & Harrison, 2007) - thereby ra1smg questwns about the relevance of our models to a wide variety of other work permutatwns. to 'fhus, we encourage researchers to focus on more diverse setting_s. in ord~ explore the otherwise hidden contingencies and boundary cond1twns of our models. . Second, the growing use of the experience sampling method (ESM) m organizational studies is very promising as ESM provides more frequent ~semt than traditional survey research and can include open-ended responses for surfacing insights. In ESM, participants are alerted at certain times (whether at fixed or random intervals) or after certain events to pause and reflect on th~1r expn~c, often in real time (Beal & Weiss, 2003; Hektner, Schmidt, & Cs1kszentm1haly1, 2007). This method allows researchers to access reactions to ongoing events that may otherwise be forgotten or colored by memory biases. Similarly, m the case of planned events such as an orientation, formal training, or perfo~anc evaluation, a pre-post design can be used to assess change associated with an event (Vancouver & Warren, 2012; e.g., Klein & Weaver, 2000). . Finally, and related to ESM, a particularly promising methodo_logy for surfacing changes in learning and adjustment in ~he ~ake _of events. 1s t_urn1ng point analysis (TPA) (also known as the retrospective mterv1ew techmque, cf. momentum mapping, Jansen & Hotinann, 2011 ). TPA uses semistructured mterv1ews ~ver time. to document the degree of and reasons for change in a given var~ble Participants plot their trajectory, preferably through repeated mterv1ews, and focus on possible reasons for any changes in the trajectory. For mstance, a p_articipant in a study by Bullis and Bach (1989) attributed reduced 1dent1ficat1on with their graduate program to the stress of writing their first graduate paper an_d attributed increased identification to receiving a good grade on a paper. This method has seldom been used in organizational studies, suggesting a clear opportunity for future research. 32 B. E. Ashforth, S. H. Harrison, and D. M Sluss Conclusion Dictionary.com defines becoming as "any change involving realization of potentialities." In the context of organizational socialization, becoming is about developing newcomers into valued members of the organization by fostering and realizing desired possible selves. As a process, becoming is fundamentally about the dynamic interplay over time between individuals and their contexts. Only by explicitly incorporating a temporal lens in our theorizing and empirical research designs can we truly understand the nuances of how newcomers realize their potential. Acknowledgment We thank Yitzhak Fried and Abbie Shipp for their very helpful comments on an earlier drafi. Notes Adjusttnent includes a range of outcomes, otlen divided temporally into proximal categories (e.g., role clarity, task mastery, social integration, role crafting) and distal (e.g., perfonnance,job satisfaction, organizational commillnent, organizational citizenship behaviors; e.g., Ashforth, 2012; Bauer et al., 2007; Kamm eyer-Mueller & Wanberg, 2003). 2 In the "Discussion" section, we will consider t\vo quantitative or mixed methods experience sampling and turning point analysis- that offer great promise for unpacking these dynamics. 3 By "role" we mean one's position in the organization, including one's job and broader membership, and the expectations associated with both. This definition i1nplicitly melds two sociological perspectives on roles, the structural-functionalist and the symbolic interactionist {Ashforth, 2001; Sluss et al., 2010). 4 For a discussion of temporally oriented individual differences vis-8.-vis socialization - that is, prior experiences, temporal focus, learning versus performance goal orientation, and anticipated organizational tenure - see Ashforth (2012). 5 Note that self-coherence and self-continuity are similar but distinct with regard to temporal focus. Self-coherence focuses on the desire for identity integrity in the present whereas self-continuity focuses on integrity across the past, present, and future. As a result, one may experience self-coherence without self-continuity but not vice versa. 6 To be sure, one can begin with a resonance for the industry or organization and then search for job opportunities within either. However, one would still face the same identity questions about the job and broader role, except that one would be more predisposed toward drawing favorable conclusions regarding resonance. 7 It should be recognized that individuals differ regarding whether they view work as a central life interest (Dubin, 1992). The greater the interest, the greater the motivation to develop a positive work-based identity(ies). 8 In contrast to a sense of continuity, various studies emphasize the multiple, fragmented, and even contradictory nature of individuals' narratives (e.g., Clarke, Brown, & Hailey, 2009; Sveningsson & Alvesson, 2003). The issue, we believe, is really one of perspective.At ground level, the inherent equivocality of events, nuanced complexity of dynamic situations, and diversity of potential narratives are readily evident, suggesting cacophonous sensemaking as individuals sort through the empirical noise. 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