Heath LowryRelated papers
Giakoumis K. (2004), ‘The Ottoman Advance and Consolidation in Epiros and Albania During the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries’, Ηπειρωτικό Ημερολόγιο, v. 23, pp. 217-244.
Lying between East and West, Epiros 1 and Albania 2 were among the remotest provinces of the Balkans. Their limited natural resources, inaccessible shores, swampy plains and compact mountain-chains cut them off from most of the arterial roads of the Balkan peninsula and made them a province of secondary importance. It was only the Ionian islands, the Epirote and Albanian ports and the Otranto straits that were Epiros' constant bridgehead towards the Apennine peninsula. For, when a Balkan state assumed power, it attempted unceasingly to control the Epirotic and Albanian coasts in order to keep an eye on the opposite shore. Correspondingly, whenever a great power rose in the Italian peninsula, it felt the urge to take control of the passages and the opposite coasts. Access to the Balkan centres was chiefly made possible by the via Egnatia 3 , whose major ports in the Adriatic, Durrës and Vlorë, were among the most important cities of Epiros. From there and via Lake Ohrid, Monastir and Thessaloniki, the via Egnatia reached Istanbul. Thus, the provinces of Epiros and Albania were before all a border district of great strategic importance. This area was always a potential springboard for expansionist schemes of western Christian states to the Balkans and later, especially in the 15th century, of the Ottoman empire to the Italian peninsula. It is for these reasons and in order to hinder western interference in the Ottoman operations in the 14th and 15th century Balkans that the newly emerging Ottoman empire included Epiros and Albania in its strategic operational plans and felt the urge to struggle tenaciously for provinces of otherwise little importance from an economic perspective before the crucial campaign against Constantinople.
Elite Byzantine Kinship, ca.950-1204: Blood, Reputation, and the Genos (Introduction)
Elite Byzantine Kinship, ca.950-1204: Blood, Reputation, and the Genos, 2019
This study explores the role and function of the Byzantine aristocratic family group, or genos, as a distinct social entity, particularly its political and cultural role, as it appears in a variety of sources in the tenth through twelfth centuries. While the genos has served as a central component of many historical arguments attempting to explain the changes occurring in this period, no scholar has yet produced a study focused on the genos as a social unit, and even the concept’s basic definition remains unclear. At the same time, historians of Late Antiquity, Medieval Europe, and Byzantium have all struggled to find meaningful ways to analyze and interpret kinship structures beyond the household or nuclear family. This work seeks to ameliorate these shortcomings and, in so doing, addresses aspects of cultural, social, and political change in Byzantium through the lens of kinship.
Frontier Elites of the Ottoman Empire during the War for Crete (1645-1669): The Case of Ali-Paša Čengić
To the most Illustrious and Excellent noble, known for every honor and worthy of every praise, Sir Antonio Bernardo Governor General in Dalmatia and Albania, bow and warmest salutations. After the fortunate victory of Your Excellency, who has, accompanied by his potent army, come to (aid) the noble City [Kotor], where Your valorous prudence has made Your enemies retreat shamefully, with furled banners, and shame on their faces, whom the Lord, Holy Virgin and the glorious St. Trifun had not permitted the fulfillment of their desires, … This is the excerpt from the letter received by the Venetian governor-general in Dalmatia, Antonio Bernardo in September 1657, after the end of two month long unsuccessful Ottoman siege of Venetian town of Kotor. Bernardo personally supervised defense and this is one of the typical letters, written in flowery baroque style that congratulate him on victory. However, what makes this letter interesting is the fact that it was written by Ali-paša Čengić, sandjak bey of Hercegovina, one of the two commanders that were in charge of the besieging force. Moreover, the commander that did practically everything that was in his power, short of attacking the forces of other sandjak bey, to undermine the success of this siege: from sabotage of artillery to the reveling the plans of attacks to the defenders. The goal of this paper is to attempt to shed some light on the events that led one Ottoman sandjak bey to put himself so openly in the Venetian service. By doing so this paper also aims to address one more general issues. That is: the relationship between the periphery and center, or more concretely between the local elites and the central government in the time of prolonged warfare.
‘The Sons of Hagar’ in Archbishop Eustathios’ The Capture of Thessaloniki: Some Evidence Concerning Late Twelfth Century Byzantine-Turkish Relations
Symmeikta 17 (2005-2007) 213-221.
Frontier Elites of the Ottoman Empire during the War for Crete (1645–1669): The Case of Ali-Pasha Čengić
Europe and the 'Ottoman World' Exchanges and Conflicts, 2013
Cogbill, J., ‘A historiographical examination of the Byzantine family system under Alexios I Komnenos’, Diogenes Postgraduate Journal 7/1 (2019), pp. 17-29.
Diogenes Postgraduate Journal, 2019
The successful 1081 Komnenian coup against Nikephoros III Botaneiates is generally seen by modern historians as denoting a marked shift in the governance of the Byzantine Empire and attitudes towards the nature of imperial rule itself. Although previous emperors had relied upon familial support, Alexios I Komnenos is typically viewed as unique in creating a privileged position within the court hierarchy for his extended family. However, there has been a relative lack of scholarship examining how and why this shift in imperial governance took place, and how in practice the Komnenoi differed from previous dynasties. This paper will examine the existing scholarship on this topic, establish common historiographical themes and briefly suggest potential avenues for future research.
Appendix 4: Epigraphy [The Greek and Latin inscriptions from the villages of Beyözü/Avkat, Kozören, and Elmapınar (Pontus)] (preview)
in: J. Haldon, H. Elton, J. Newhard (eds.), Archaeology and Urban Settlement in Late Roman and Byzantine Anatolia: Euchaita-Avkat-Beyözü and its Environment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 287–322., 2018
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The Evrenos Family & the City of
Selânik (Thessaloniki):
Who Built the Hamza Be¤ Câmi’i & Why?
Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri:
Hamza Be¤ Câmii Niçin ve Kimin Taraf›ndan Yap›ld›?
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Heath W. Lowry
The Evrenos Family & the City of
Selânik (Thessaloniki):
Who Built the Hamza Be¤ Câmi’i & Why?
Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri:
Hamza Be¤ Câmii Niçin ve Kimin Taraf›ndan Yap›ld›?
Çeviri: K›vanç Tanr›yar
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Copyright © 2010
by Bahçeflehir University & Heath W. Lowry
The Evrenos Family & the City of Selânik (Thessaloniki):
Who Built the Hamza Be¤ Câmi’i & Why?
................
Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri:
Hamza Be¤ Câmii Niçin ve Kimin Taraf›ndan Yap›ld›?
by
Heath W. Lowry
Text composition & Photo layout by Faruk Özbey
Published by: Bahçeflehir University Press
Ç›ra¤an Cad. Osmanpafla Mektebi Sok. No: 4-6 Befliktafl/‹stanbul
Tel: 90 (212) 381 05 60 Fax: 90 (212) 381 05 50
www.bahcesehir.edu.tr • e-mail:[email protected]
Distributed by: U¤ur E¤itim Pazarlama ve Yay›nc›l›k A.fi.
‹ncirli Cad. No: 99 Bak›rköy 34147 ‹stanbul
Telephone: 90 (212) 660 58 41 Fax: 90 (212) 660 58 42
www.uguryayincilik.com.tr • e-mail: [email protected]
Printed by: Promat
No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical photocopying, recording, or otherwise without
the permission of the author, except in the
case of quotations embodied in books,
critical articles and reviews
ISBN: 978-975-6437-98-8
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Table of Contents
Preface & Acknowledgments .................................................................... vii
Who Built the Hamza Be¤ Câmi’i & Why? ................................................ 3
Who Were the Hafsa & Hamza Be¤ Named in the Mosque’s
1467-1468 Dedicatory Inscription?............................................................ 16
Other Known Endowments of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos & his Descendants
(Evrenoso¤ullar›) in Selânik: ...................................................................... 22
The Evrenoso¤ullar› & the City of Selânik: Administrative Links ................ 34
Conclusion................................................................................................ 43
Bibliography.............................................................................................. 47
‹çindekiler
Önsöz ve Teflekkürler .............................................................................. 55
Hamza Be¤ Câmii Niçin ve Kimin Taraf›ndan Yapt›r›ld›? .......................... 57
Cami’nin 1467-1468’deki Kitabesinde ad› geçen
Hamza Be¤ ve Hafsa Kimdir? .................................................................... 70
Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos ve Evrenoso¤ullar›n›n
Selânik’te Bilinen Di¤er Vak›flar›: .............................................................. 76
‹dari ‹lgili Ba¤lant›lar›: Evrenoso¤ullar› ve Selânik fiehri ............................ 88
Sonuç ...................................................................................................... 97
Kaynakça .................................................................................................. 99
v
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Preface & Acknowledgments
Family history is but one of many neglected fields in Ottoman studies.
A primary reason for this lacuna is the absence of family names among the
Ottomans, a feature which makes it extremely difficult to trace any particular
family throughout the six-hundred year time frame during which the Ottoman
state existed.
In 2008, following the appearance of my The Shaping of the Ottoman Balkans
book, the first crack in the silence surrounding Ottoman family history
appeared, when I was contacted by two descendents of Hâcı/Gâzi Evrenos,
one of the 14th century Ottoman March Lords (Uc Be¤s), responsible for the
conquest, between the early 1460s and 1417, of much of what is today
Northern and Central Greece. Ersin Evrenos (a retired Turkish naval captain)
and Özer Gazievrenoso¤lu (an ‹stanbul attorney), after watching a television
program in which I discussed the book, the opening chapter of which is
devoted to the conquests and infrastructural development projects of their
ancestor Evrenos, literally tracked me down and generously shared with me a
veritable treasure trove of family documents and photos. Most importantly,
Ersin Bey provided me a copy of a 17th century (ca. 1675) family tree (aile
fleceresi) listing all of Evrenos’ male descendents, together with a large
number of marginalia providing details on, among other things, their
endowments and administrative positions they had held.
These materials provided the impetus for my 2010 book (ca-authored with
‹smail E. Erünsal) entitled: The Evrenos Dynasty of Yenice-i Vardar: Notes &
Documents. As its title implies, this work’s focus is on the family’s history in
Yenice-i Vardar [Gr.: Giannitsa], a town lying some twenty-five miles to the
west of the key Macedonian city of Selânik (Thessaloniki), which, following its
founding by Evrenos in the late 1400s, was to remain the home base of the
dynasty he spawned for the next half millennia.
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At a January 10, 2010 gathering of the Evrenoso¤ullari (sons of Evrenos), timed
to coincide with the appearance of the Yenice-i Vardar book, which was
attended by some eighty-five family descendents, I was given copies of two
additional family trees which were compiled in the late 19th century. These
two aile fleceris provide a great deal of further information (in the form of marginalia) on descendents of Evrenos who lived between ca. 1675 and ca. 1895.
As I studied these family trees I became increasingly aware of the close ties
linking the family to the city of Selânik, ties highlighted by a surprisingly large
number of religious endowments (vakıfs) endowed by family members
therein.
The present study, utilizing these new materials, is intended to serve as a kind
of ‘appendix’ to The Evrenos Dynasty of Yenice-i Vardar book, and to fill in
one more gap in the history of this key Ottoman family, while, at the same
time, to contribute to our understanding of the Ottoman architectural history
of the city of Selânik (Thessaloniki).
Once again, it is my pleasure to express my thanks to Faruk Özbey of U¤ur
Publications, who is responsible for the design of this book. He has worked
patiently with me step by step on this project (as well as on all of my previous
Bahçeflehir publications). In addition, Hande Alpay of U¤ur Publications, and
Ziya Alpay, General-Secretary of the Bahçeflehir Univeristy, have assisted the
project in countless ways.
Thanks for the translation of the Turkish text are due to K›vanç Tanr›yar.
I am particularly grateful to Enver Yücel, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of
Bahçeflehir University, for the opportunity of presenting this essay as the
second work in appear in the university’s ‘Occasional Papers in History’
series.
It goes without saying that whatever shortcomings there may be in the present
work, are mine and mine alone.
Heath W. Lowry
‹stanbul, Turkey
May, 2010
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The Evrenos Family &
the City of Selânik (Thessaloniki)
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Who Built the Hamza Be¤ Câmi’i & Why?
The answer to the question embodied in the title of this study has plagued virtually every historian and architectural historian who has written on the site,
the so-called Hamza Be¤ Câmii, which is oldest extant Ottoman mosque in
Selânik (Thessaloniki).1 Now, thanks to a recently discovered âile fleceresi
(genealogical or family tree) belonging to the Evrenoso¤ullar› (the descendants
1
These studies include (in order of publication): a) O. Tafrali: Thessalonique des origines
jusqu’au 14 siècle. Paris, 1910 [Hereafter: Tafrali, 1910]; b) Semavi Eyice: “Yunanistan’da
Türk Mimari Eserleri” [Turkish Architectural Works in Greece], in Türkiyat Mecmuas›,
Volume XI (‹stanbul, 1954), pp. 157-182 [Hereafter: Eyice, 1954]; c) Babinger, Franz:
“Ein Türkischer Stiftungs-brief des Nerkis vom Jahre 1029 = 1620,” in Aufsätze und
Abhandlungen II. München, 1966 [Hereafter: Babinger, 1966]; d) Robert Anhegger:
“Beiträge zur Osmanische Baugeschichte III.: Moscheen in Saloniki und Serre, in
Istanbuler Mitteilungen, Volume 17 (1967), pp. 312-324 [Hereafter: Anhegger, 1967];
e) Machiel Kiel: “Notes on the History of Some Turkish Monuments in Thessaloniki and
Their Founders,” in Balkan Studies, Volume XI (Thessaloniki, 1970), pp. 123-148
[Hereafter: Kiel, 1970]; f) A. S. Ünver: “Selânik’te Yüz Eserimiz Hakk›nda” [Regarding
Our One Hundred Monuments in Thessaloniki], in Güney-Do¤u Avrupa Araflt›rmalar›
Dergisi, Volume I (‹stanbul, 1972), pp. 257-260 + Plates [Hereafter: Ünver, 1972];
g) Apostolos E. Vacalopoulos: A History of Thessaloniki. Thessaloniki (Institute for Balkan
Studies), 1972 [Hereafter: Vacalopoulos, 1972]; h) Heath W. Lowry: “Portrait of a City:
The Population and Topography of Ottoman Selânik (Thessaloniki) in the Year 1478,” in
Diptycha, Volume II (Athens, 1980-1981), pp. 254-293 [Hereafter: Lowry, 1980-1981];
i) Ekrem Hakk› Ayverdi: Avrupa’da Osmanl› Mimarî Eserleri [Ottoman Architectural
Monuments in Europe]. Vol. IV., Book V: Yunanistan (Greece). ‹stanbul, 1982 [Hereafter:
Ayverdi, 1982]; j) Vasilis Dimitriades: Topografia tis Thessalonikis data tin epohi tis
Tourkokratias, 1430-1912 [The Topography of Thessaloniki During the Tourkokratia, 14301912], Thessaloniki (Society for Macedonian Studies), 1983 [Hereafter: Dimitriades, 1983];
k) D. Nalpandis [Editor]: Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments of Thessaloniki.
Thessaloniki, 1997 [Hereafter: Nalpandis, 1997]; l) Christos Zafiris: The Thessaloniki
Handbook. Athens, 1997 [Hereafter: Zafiris, 1997]; m) ‹smail B›çakç›: Yunanistan’da Türk
Mimarî Eserleri [Turkish Architectural Works in Greece]. ‹stanbul (‹SAR), 2003 [Hereafter:
B›çakç›, 2003]; n) M. Paissidou (Ed.): Monuments of the Ottoman Period of Thessaloniki.
Thessaloniki (Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities), 2004 [Hereafter: Paissidou, 2004];
o) Hellenic Ministry of Culture’s Directorate of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Antiquities
[Ed. by Ersi Brouskari]: Ottoman Architecture in Greece. Athens, 2009. pp. 494 + 550
Color Photographs, Gravures, Period Photos, Plans & Maps [Hereafter: Brouskari, 2009]
& p) Aimilia Stefanidou [Ed.]: He synterese kai apokatastase tou othomanikon mnemeiou
sten Hellada [The Conservation and Restoration of Ottoman Monuments in Greece].
Thessaloniki (University Studio Press), 2009. pp. 636 + Plates, Plans & Photos [Hereafter:
Stefanidou, 2009].
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Heath W. Lowry
of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos, the 14th century conqueror of most of today’s northern
and central Greece (including the city of Selânik), we have an answer.2
While it has long been known that the inscription of the mosque in question
[Plate 1] states that it was not built by Hamza Be¤, but rather by his daughter,
Hafsa in h. 872 (August 2, 1467-July 22, 1468), until now, no one has been
able to successfully answer the question of just who the Hamza Be¤ named as
Plate I.: Hamza Be¤ Câmii [ca. 1935]3
2
In a series of recent works I have dealt with the important Uc Bey (March Lord) dynasty
of the Evrenoso¤ullar› (sons of Evrenos), and with their patriarch, Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos.
These studies (all but one of which has appeared in both English & Turkish editions)
include: 1) Heath W. Lowry: The Shaping of the Ottoman Balkans, 1350-1550: Conquest,
Settlement & Infrastructural Development of Northern Greece. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University
Press), 2008. pp. xii + 286 + 10 Maps + 220 Photos [Hereafter: Lowry, 2008] Turkish
Edition: Heath W. Lowry: Osmanl› Döneminde Balkanlar›n fiekillenmesi, 1350-1550: Kuzey
Yunanistan’›n Fethi, ‹skân› ve Altyap› Geliflmesi. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press),
2008. pp. xii + 286 + 10 Maps + 220 Photos; 2) Heath W. Lowry: In the Footsteps of
the Ottomans: A Search for Sacred Spaced & Architectural Monuments in Northern Greece.
‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press), 2009 xvi + 231 + 350 color photos [Hereafter: Lowry,
2009a]; Turkish Edition: Heath W. Lowry: Osmanl›lar›n Ayak ‹zlerinde: Kuzey Yunanistan
Mukaddes Mekânlar ve Mimarî Eserleri Aray›fl Yolculuklar›. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir Üniversitesi Yay›nlar›), 2009. xvi + 231 + 350 color photos; 3) Heath W. Lowry: Ottoman
Architecture in Greece: A Review Article With Addendum & Corrigendum. ‹stanbul
(Bahçeflehir University Press), 2009. viii + 79 + 8 photos [Hereafter: Lowry, 2009b] & 4)
Heath W. Lowry & ‹smail E. Erünsal: The Evrenos Dynasty of Yenice-i Vardar: Notes &
Documents. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press), 2010. pp. ix + 184 + 90 Photos
[Hereafter: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010] Turkish Edition: Heath W. Lowry & ‹smail E. Erünsal:
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The Family of Evrenos & The City of Selânik
5
the father of the endower in the mosque’s dedicatory inscription (kitabe) actually was. The kitabe, which remains in situ, names the site’s builder as: Hafsa
bint-i Hamza Be¤ (Hafsa, the daughter of Hamza Be¤), and yet the mosque
(câmi) in question (actually it was constructed as a mescid, or small prayer
house, and subsequently enlarged as a mosque prior to 1592-1593, and then
rebuilt once again in the opening decades of the 17th century), was, almost
from the time it was built, popularly known as the: Hamza Be¤ Mescidi, rather
than as the: Hafsa Mescidi [Plate 2].
Plate 2: Interior of the Hamza Be¤ Câmii [in a rare photo ca. 1900]4
Indeed, as I have shown in an earlier study, just a decade after the original
mescid (small house of prayer) was constructed, a detailed tax register of 1478
[Tapu-Tahrir Defter #7], which includes data on the city of Selânik, lists a
cema’at-i mescid-i Hamza Be¤ (community of the small mosque of Hamza
Be¤) among the city’s Muslim districts.5 This community of 38 households, or
approximately 200 people, is listed as attached to the Christian mahalle-i
Ketafi (Quarter of Kataphyge, or Refuge). This reference clearly establishes
Yenice-i Vardar’l› Evrenos Hanedan›: Notlar & Belgeler. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir Üniversitesi
Yay›nlar›), 2010. pp. ix + 184 + 90 Photos.
3
Source: Brouskari, 2009: p. 223.
4
Source: Postcard reprinted in: Seyfettin Ünlü [Ed.]: Yadigâr› Selânik: Kartpostallarda Evvel
Zaman. ‹stanbul (T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanl›¤›), 2006. p. 71 [Hereafter: Ünlü, 2006].
5
Lowry, 1980-1981: citing TT#7: p. 531.
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Heath W. Lowry
that virtually from the date of its construction, the mescid was known not by
the name of its endower, but rather by that of her father.
The first and only visitor to Selânik to note the discrepancy between the common name of the mosque and the actual name of its endower was the 16th century Ottoman cosmographer, Âfl›k Mehmed, who, in the course of his travels,
worked as an accountant in the Selânik office of pious foundations in
1592-1593. His work, the Menâz›rü’l-Avâlim, contains the following detail in
regard to the mosque’s name:6
The third [mosque in Selânik] is the Câmi‘-i Hamza Be¤; this
mosque was actually built by Hafsa, the daughter of Hamza
Be¤…. When, in the year 1001 (1592-1593), with the guidance
and advice of the Anatolian scholar (Ulemâ-i Rûm) Kemâlü’d-dîn
Mehmed son of Ahmed, known as Taflköprîzâde, who was then
the religious judge (kad›) in Selânik, I was serving as an accountant in the office of pious foundations in Selânik, I found, among
the documents pertaining to the religious endowments of
Selânik, that the vakfiye (pious endowment charter) of the
Mosque of Hamza Be¤ is actually registered in the name of
6
Ak, Mahmud (Editor): Âfl›k Mehmed: Menâz›rü’l-Avâlim. 3 Vols. Volume I. Tahlil ve
Dizin. pp. I – CDLXXI; Volume II. Metin. pp. I -LXVIII & 1-949; and, Volume III.
Metin. pp. 950-1866. Ankara (Türk Tarih Kurumu), 2007 [Hereafter: Afl›k Mehmed:
Volume II]. See: Vol. II., Folios 16a-16b: “Sâlis Câmi‘-i Hamza Bey'dür ve bu câmi‘i
Hafsa binti Hamza Bey nâm hâtûn binâ itmifldür. ‘Ulemâ-i Rûm'dan hâyiz-i kemâlât-› fazl
u ‘irfân ve fâyiz-i makãlât-› tahkîk u îkãn Kemâlü'd-dîn Mehmed b. Ahmed efl-flehîr biTaflköprîzâde -etâle'llâhü ‘ömrehû ve efâza ‘alâ-rûh› vâlidihî rahmetehû ve birrehûSelânik'de kãdî iken sene ihdâ ve elfde râk›mü'l-hurûf mûmâ-ileyh ta‘yîn ve iflâreti ile
evkãf-› Selânik muhâsebât›n gördü¤ümde [II,16b] sukûk ve sicillât-› evkãf-› Selânik'de
mukayyed olan evkãf-› Câmi‘-i Hamza Bey vakfiyyesin Hafsa binti Hamza Bey ismi ile
sebt olunm›fl buldum. Bu câmi‘i binâ iden Hamza Bey olmayup duhteri Hafsa Hâtûn
oldu¤›na anunla istidlâl olund›. Gãyetü'l-emr efvâh-› halkda Câmi‘-i Hafsa binti Hamza
Bey telaffuz› sakîl olup îcâz kasd› içün nihâyet-i flöhretinden | muzâf mevsûf› ile mahzûf
olup muzâfun-ileyh ile iktifâ olund› ve bu câmi‘ medîne-i Selânik'ün emâkininden mekân› flerîf ve encümen-i latîfdedür ve evvel binâ olundukda gãlibâ ikãmet-i salât-› cum‘a olunmak üzre binâ olunmayup gãyet ihtisâr üzre bir kubbe-i sagîre ile binâ olunm›fl, ba‘dehû
medîne-i Selânik'de kesret-i ‘›mârât ve âbâdânî hasebi ile salât-› cum‘a ikãmet olunmas›
lâz›m oldukda cânib-i flarkî ve cânib-i garbî ve cânib-i flimâlîsine birer mikdâr mekân
dahi zamm u ilhâk olunup ve cevânib-i selâs›ndan suffeleri müfltemil harem ile mahfûf ve
muhât old›.”
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Hafsa, the daughter of Hamza Be¤. I reached this conclusion by
examining this vakfiye and realized that this mosque was
actually built by Hafsa the daughter of Hamza Be¤ and not by
Hamza Be¤ himself.
It was difficult for the people to pronounce the name as the:
‘Mosque of Hafsa, daughter of Hamza Be¤,’ and to make it shorter they eliminated the first part of this title and they were satisfied with just using the name of the famous man, Hamza Be¤.
This mosque is located in a good area of the city. When it was
constructed it was probably not built for the purpose of holding
Friday prayers and therefore it was covered with a small dome.
But later, when the city grew and developed, it became necessary to hold Friday prayers there. It was enlarged with additional rooms being added on the three sides facing east, west and
north.7
In an earlier study I have suggested that the exclusion of the actual donor’s
name from popular usage may have resulted from the reluctance of the
mosque’s primarily male constituency to pray in a site named after a woman;
hence the attribution, not to its actual female endower, but rather to her
father.8 Despite Âfl›k Mehmed’s suggestion that this name change was due
rather to the difficulty of pronouncing the rather cumbersome: mescid-i Hafsa
bint-i Hamza Be¤, I remain to be convinced. His explanation, if correct, still
would not account for why the site did not come to be known as the:
mescid-i Hafsa [Hatûn/Han›m].
While Âfl›k Mehmed’s observations regarding the mescid/câmiis actual name
are partially confirmed by the original dedicatory inscription which still adorns
the site [Plate 3], he appears to be the only Ottoman writer to have fully
recognized the fact that the name by which the site was commonly known was
not in keeping with the wording of its endowment charter. Somewhat
surprisingly, his comments are based solely on the wording of the vakfiye
(endowment charter) and he does not refer to the dedicatory inscription
7
Afl›k Mehmed: Volume II.: 16a-16b.
8
Lowry, 2008: pp. 157-158.
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(kitabe) which even today remains in situ? As our subsequent investigation
will show, had he done so, he might well have arrived at a somewhat different conclusion regarding the site’s building history.
Plate 3: The 1467-1468 Dedicatory Inscription Naming Hafsa as the Endower9
The inscription, which has recently been cleaned as part of the ongoing
restoration of the mosque, reads:
9
Source: My thanks to the Greek restoration architect, Pascales Androudis, for this photo
which has made it possible (for the first time) to record an accurate reading of its
contents. I am likewise indebted to my Princeton friend and colleague, Professor Hossein
Modarressi, whose unequalled skill as an epigrapher assisted me in deciphering this
inscription.
10
This verse is from the Qur’an: Sura #72, line 18.
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Line 1:
Line 2:
Line 3:
Line 1: ‘Mescids without question belong to Allah. Accordingly, name no one
together with Allah.’
Line 2: The person responsible for this blessed mescid was Hafsa, the daughter of Hamza Be¤ --May her grave be purified--11
Line 3: May God have mercy to those who see this mescid and pray for its
benefactress.
Date: eight hundred seventy two [August 2, 1467- July 22, 1468]
Four things are clear from this inscription: 1) the original building was constructed as a mescid, i.e., a small house of prayer (where no Friday noon
prayer with a sermon is given); 2) its named endower was a woman named
Hafsa the daughter of Hamza Be¤; 3) it was completed in the hicri year 872
(August 2, 1467-July 22, 1468), and, 4) the mescid’s named benefactress,
Hafsa the daughter of Hamza, had died prior to the point in time at which the
inscription was carved (1467-1468), as the phrase ‘May her grave be purified,’
is only used for the deceased.
As discussed above, the fact that it was originally a mescid is also confirmed
by the 1478 Selânik tahrir defter (tax register), which (only a decade after it
was built) names a cema’at-i mescid-i Hamza Be¤ (community of the small
mosque of Hamza Be¤) among the Muslim groups residing in the city.
11
None of the earlier publications of this inscription correctly read the phrase:
“tâbe serâhâ” (‘May her grave be purified’) and therefore were unaware of the incongruity of a mescid’s inscription referring to its endower as someone who was deceased
when it was built. See: a) Kiel, 1972: p. 133 where he transcribes the phrase as: “tar-a-ha-b” and leaves it untranslated; b) Ayverdi, 1982: pp. 275-276 (basing his reading
on that given by Kiel), gives it as:
; and,
Ayverdi’s reading of Kiel), likewise gives it as:
3) B›çakç›, 2003: p. 314 (based on
(târib) [Emphasis is mine].
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Machiel Kiel, based on Âfl›k Mehmed’s referring to the site as a mosque (câmii)
in 1592-1593, concludes that at some point between 1468 and that date it had
been enlarged, i.e., turned into a mosque. He further argues, albeit without
benefit of citation, that subsequently “this enlarged mosque was destroyed by
fire or earthquake and was in such a bad state that a thorough repair became
necessary.”12 I have encountered no source supporting Kiel’s assertion regarding it having been “destroyed by fire or earthquake,” and presumably he was
simply trying to account for the fact that a second inscription, this one dated
1618-1619, refers to it having been built as a mosque in that year? It seems
more likely that the initial 1467-1468 mescid had in the period between 1468
and 1592-1593, been converted into a câmii (by the addition of a minber or
pulpit for the Friday sermon and the three side rooms referenced by Âfl›k
Mehmed). This is why Âfl›k Mehmed, in 1592-1593 referred to it as such.
Then, in 1619, the entire structure was once again rebuilt and enlarged as
attested by the second inscription.13
From the fact that this second kitabe (dedicatory inscription) is likewise
extant, we may infer the following: 1) the Hafsa bint-i Hamza Be¤ Mescidi
[Built: 1467-1468] later underwent a major enlargement/renovation/rebuilding; b) this renovation occurred in the hicri year 1028 (December 19, 1618 –
December 9, 1619); c) the individual responsible for the form it has today is
referred to in the inscription simply as the: ‘Bevvâb.’ i.e., the ‘Gatekeeper’ or
‘Chamberlain.’ From a vak›fnâme drawn up by Mehmed Nerkisi Efendi in
1620, we know that the name of our Bevvâb was actually: Mehmed Be¤; and,
d) Bevvâb Mehmed Be¤ gave himself more credit than was warranted when he
claims to have ‘built’ rather ‘restored/renovated/enlarged’ a preexisting sanctuary.14 This would appear to have been a bit disingenuous on his part, as the
original 1467-1468 kitabe (inscription) was left in situ following the
1618-1619 rebuilding/enlargement.
12
Kiel, 1970: p. 132.
13
As for Kiel’s contention [Kiel, 1970: p.132, fn.42] that Âfl›k Mehmed somehow mistakenly labeled what was always a mosque (câmi) as a small mosque (mescid), it is completely undermined by: a) the fact that Âfl›k Mehmed does not refer to it as a mescid
at the time of his visit, but rather notes that it had originally been built as such and
then enlarged into a mosque; b) the 1467-1468 inscription which calls the structure (whose
building it commemorates) a mescid (though Kiel inexplicably translates the word masajdid in the inscription as: câmi (mosque) [Kiel, 1970: pp. 131-133]); and, c) the 1478
Selânik tahrir defter, which lists a Muslim community of the mescid of Hamza Be¤
(cema’at-i mescid-i Hamza Be¤) [Lowry, 1980-1981: citing T.T. Defter #7: p. 531].
14
See: Babinger, 1966: pp. 49-50 & Kiel, 1970: pp. 132-134. Given the frequency with
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This second ‘restoration/renovation’ kitabe [Plates 4 & 5] reads as follows:
Kad benâ’l-Bevvâbu hâze’l-câmi’e
Hâlisan lillâhi zü’l-fazl›’l-vedûd
Kâle târîhan lehu Abdü’l’Hamîd
Üdhulû bi’l-birri yâ ehle’s-sücûd.
sene: 1028
This Mosque was built by the Bevvâb (Gatekeeper),
As a gift to God who loves and benefits those who love him
Abd al-Hamid made the chronogram:
‘enter in piety, ye people of prayer’
Year: 1028 [December 19, 1618 – December 9, 1619]
Plate 4: 1619 Inscription in the Hamza Be¤ Câmii15
which descendants of Evrenos were named Mehmed Be¤ (in the line which is still extant
today, that of ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤, there are no less than nine (9) ‘Mehmed Be¤s’ named
in the 17th century version of the family tree), it is certainly not beyond the realm of
possibility that the ‘Bevvâb Mehmet Be¤’ named in the 1618-1619 inscription as the
mosque’s rebuilder may have been an Evrenoso¤lu? [See: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: p.12]
15
Source: Ayverdi, 1982: p. 371.
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Plate 5: Present Day State of the 1619 Hamza Be¤ Câmii Inscription16
Referances to the mosque are also found in the works of two 17th century
Ottoman travelers: a) Kâtip Çelebi [aka: Hâc› Halife], whose Cihannümâ
[Description of the World], written between 1648-1653, provides the names
of the ten mosques in Selânik which were extant at the time of his visit. That
of ‘Hamsabeg,’ is number nine on his list;17 and, b) the Seyahatnâme [Book of
Travels], by Evliyâ Çelebi (who visited Selânik in 1667-1668), whose list of
Muslim sanctuaries in the city includes the following description of our site:
“The Mosque of Hamza Be¤: which is located in the neighborhood of the
Bezzâzistan [Bedestan], is filled with worshippers by day and night [Plate 6]; it
is a lead-covered pleasant structure.”18
Evliyâ’s attestation as to the site’s popularity is easy to understand, as it is
located at the heart of what was the commercial center of the Ottoman city.
Today, it still stands on the main street of the city (the Egnatia), across from the
Bedestan (covered market hall), and directly in front of what once was the
city’s main Kervansaray (inn for merchants and their goods) [Plate 6].
16
Photo by H. Lowry (August, 2008).
17
Hammer[-Purgstall], Joseph von: Rumeli und Bosna, geographisch beschrieben von Mustafa
18
Evliyâ Çelebi bin Dervifl Mehemmed Zillî: Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi [Evliyâ Çelebi’s
Ben Abdalla Hadschi Chalfa (Vienna, 1812).
Book of Travels] VIII. Kitap [Topkap› Saray› Kütüphanesi Ba¤dat 308 Numaral› Yazman›n
Transkripsiyonu-Dizini]. Edited by Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yücel Da¤l› & Robert Dankoff.
‹stanbul (Yap› Kredi Yay›nlar›), 2003 [Hereafter: Evliyâ Vol. III.: Folio 226b.
The
Ottoman text reads: “Andan Hamza Be¤ câmi‘i: Bezzâzistân›n kurbunda olmak ile gece
ve gündüz cemâ‘ati münkat›‘ olmaz kursum kubâbl› câmi‘-i latîfdir.”
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Plate 6: Selânik’s Hamza Be¤ Câmii in 2007 (Prior to Restoration)19
Before proceeding to identify the Hamza Be¤ named in our inscription, it may
be useful to examine the various identifications advanced in earlier studies,
two of which inadvertently contain clues which tend to confirm the analysis
subsequently offered herein:
a) In his 1970 article, the Dutch Ottoman architectural historian,
Machiel Kiel concluded: “This man must have been fiarabdar Hamza
Bey, who, under Murad II, was military commander and became in
1460, in the reign of Mehmed Fatih, Beylerbey of Anatolia Sivas-Tokat
region. He had his feudal goods [sic. timar or zeamet?] in the surroundings of Uzun Köprü in present-day Turkish Thrace, and is known for the
dervish convent, Zaviye, he had built in the quarter of K›y›k in
Adrianople.”20 The only thing linking Kiel’s fiarabdar Hamza Bey to the
Hamza Be¤ in question is the coincidental factor that both men lived in
the 15th century Balkans and that each bore the common name: Hamza.
Kiel goes on link the rebuilding/expansion of the site in 1619-1620 to
its earlier having been “destroyed by fire or earthquake,” an unsupportable conjecture in support of which he provides no source?;
b) The late Ekrem Hakk› Ayverdi, a pioneer in the field of Ottoman
architectural history, in his 1982 work on the Ottoman architectural
19
Photo: H. Lowry (2006).
20
Kiel, 1970: pp. 131-132.
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patrimony in Greece, adopted a somewhat more cautious tone, and,
after a long exegesis on the various theories as to Hamza Be¤’s identity which are found in the works of Kiel, Anhegger, etc. (all of which he
rejected), concluded: “Hamza Bey hakk›ndaki bu uzun u¤raflman›n neticesi, onun Rumeli Beylerbeyili¤i zaman›nda, Selânik ile al›flkanl›¤›
olan, belki de orada evlenip kalan k›z› Hafsa Hâtûn taraf›ndan câmiin
yapt›r›ld›¤›dir” [“After this long digression on the identity of Hamza
Bey, all that can be stated is that in the time of the Rumeli Beylerbeys,
he was an individual familiar with Selânik, that perhaps he married
there, and that his daughter built a mosque in the city”];21
c) In this 1993 book, ‹smail B›çakç›, a high school teacher in
Gümülcine, i.e., a western Thracian Turk, following Ayverdi, likewise
adopted a cautious approach and wrote: “Hamza Bey’in Fatih Sultan
Mehmed’in ak›nc› beylerinden olmas› muhtemeldir. Kimli¤i hakk›nda
kesin bir hükümde bulunmak güçtür” [“It is possible that Hamza Bey
was one of the leaders of the ak›nc›s (irregular cavalrymen) under
Sultan Mehmed II. It is difficult to arrive at a definitive conclusion as
to his identity”].22 While providing no source to back his suggestion
that Hamza may have been one of Mehmed II’s ak›nc› commanders, as
our subsequent examination will show, his conclusion in this regard
appears in fact to be correct;
d) In the 2004 brochure, published by the Ephorate of Byzantine
Monuments in Thessaloniki, entitled: Monuments of Ottoman Period of
Thessaloniki, the editors write: “According to the inscription in the west
façade, it was built in 1467-8 by the daughter of the military commander Hamza Bey, after whom it was named. Originally a small mosque
without a minaret…. Another inscription over the entrance tells us that
the monument was rebuilt in 1620, after an earthquake of a fire, by Kapi
Mehmed Bey.”23 There is nothing in the 1467-1468 inscription naming
Hamza Bey as a military commander, or suggesting that the mescid had
21
Ayverdi, 1980: p. 275.
22
B›çakç›, 2003: p. 313.
23
Paissidou, 2004: p. 10.
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at one time not possessed a minaret? Nor is there anything in the second inscription referring to the structure having been rebuilt in 1619
(not 1620) as a result of damage caused by an earthquake of fire?;
e) Lili Sampanopoulou (an archeologist in the Ephorate of Thessaloniki,
and the author is the chapter on the Hamza Be¤ mosque in the Hellenic
Ministry of Culture’s 2009 opus on: Ottoman Architecture in Greece),
writes: “It was built by Hafse Hatun,24 the daughter of the army officer
Hamza Bey, who, if the identification is correct, lost his life in 1461
fighting in the land of Dracula, at the side of Mehmed II. As a result, the
title of flehid was bestowed on him, and he was numbered among the
martyrs of Islam.”25 Here to, as our subsequent discussion will establish, her ‘identification’ of Hamza Be¤ as someone who “lost his life
fighting in the land of Dracula, i.e., Moldavia, thereby earning the sobriquet ‘flehid’ (‘martyr’) is correct, although he did not do so “at the side
of Mehmed II,” in 1461, but rather at the side of Süleyman Pafla on
January 10, 1475.
In short, as this brief survey indicates, there is no consensus among scholars
as to the actual identity of the Hamza Be¤ named in the 1467-1468 dedicatory kitabe (inscription) as the father of Hafsa, the woman named as endower of
our mescid/câmi.
24
Note: The word ‘hatun’ is not found in the inscription.
25
Brouskari, 2009:
p. 222.
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Who Were the Hafsa & Hamza Be¤
Named in the Mosque’s 1467-1468
Dedicatory Inscription?
As noted at the outset of this study, the answer to the query regarding Hamza
Be¤’s identity is found in a ‘marginalia’ next to the name of a certain Hamza
Be¤ (a grandson of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’ son Barak Be¤), in an âile flecere (family tree) of the Evrenoso¤ullar› (descendants of Evrenos) which was drawn up
in the 19th century.26
The ‘marginalia’ in question [Plate 7] reads:
HAMZA BE⁄
“Hamza Be¤, H›z›r Be¤’in ikinci o¤ludur. Selânik’de câmi‘ binâ
idüb nukûd ve emlâk vakf eylemifldir. Küçük kar›ndâfl› Umur Be¤
ile Karabo¤dan’da flehîd olmufllard›r.”
[Translation: Hamza Be¤ was the second son of H›z›r Be¤. He
built a mosque in Selânik and endowed it with cash and property. He was martyred, together with his younger brother Umur
Be¤, at Karabo¤dan = Moldavia]
Plate 7: Hamza Be¤ Entry in 19th Century fiecere27
26
This particular version of the ‘family tree’ belongs to the family of Haydar Evrenoso¤lu
in ‹zmir. A copy of it was provided to me by a member of this family Alparslan
Evrenoso¤lu (a businessman in ‹stanbul), in January 2010.
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It is the fortuituous survival of this ‘marginalia’ which allows us to tentatively
identify the father of Hafza as an Evrenoso¤lu, and more specifically, as a great
grandson of Evrenos.
The following breakdown [Plate 8] of the line of Evrenos’ eldest son, Hâc›
Barak Be¤ allows us to pinpoint the lineage of the individual referred to in the
flecere’s marginalia:
Plate 8: The Line of Evrenos’ Son Hac› Barak Be¤28
27
Source: Haydar & Alparslan Evrenoso¤lu [Photo: H. Lowry (2010)].
28
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: p. 9.
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While this confirms that among the fourth generation descendant’s of
Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos there was a Hamza Be¤, it does not establish that this particular Evrenoso¤lu was the father of the Hafsa named in the mescid’s inscription. That can only be done circumstantially, that is, by piecing together a
number of known facts, which, when viewed together, allow us to propose the
following identification:
1) First and foremost, is the fact that the ‘marginalia’ in the late 19th
century aile fleceresi (genealogical chart) clearly states that Evrenos’
great-grandson, Hamza Be¤, built and endowed (with cash and property) a mosque in Selânik. This leads us to look for a sanctuary in the city
bearing his name;29
2) A thorough examination of the names of the 134 (one-hundredthirty-four) known Ottoman câmis and mescids in Selânik, establishes
that there was only one which bore the name: Hamza Be¤.30 This is the
mescid/câmi which is the focus of the present study;
3) The original dedicatory inscription preserved in the Hafsa bint-i
Hamza Be¤ Mescidi aka Hamza Be¤ Mescidi, gives us a terminus a quo
for its building of: 1467-1468;
29
The phrase in the marginalia next to Hamza Be¤’s name in the 19th century flecere which
reads: “He built a mosque in Selânik and endowed it with cash and property” is not
given in the marginalia found in the 17th century family tree. The full text of the note
in the 19th century version reads: “Hamza Be¤ was the second son of H›z›r Be¤. He
built a mosque in Selânik and endowed it with cash and property. He was martyred,
together with his younger brother Umur Be¤, at Karabo¤dan.” In contrast, in the earlier
17th century flecere the note next to Hamza Be¤’s name reads: “The deceased Hamza
Be¤, in the company of Umur Be¤ was martyred in Karabo¤dan at the rout/defeat of
Süleyman Pafla. He achieved the grace of God” [See: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 81-82].
30
This list is based on the works of: a) Ayverdi, 1982: pp. 269-280 & b) Ünver, 1972:
pp. 257-260. Ayverdi’s description is based on registers of the office of pious foundations and the sites named by Evliyâ Çelebi as having been extant in the mid-17th century; whereas Ünver’s work provides a transcription of a list of vak›fs in Selânik which
is preserved in a 19th century register of pious foundations.
31
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 80-81.
Moldavia.
Note: In Ottoman usage ‘Karabo¤dan’ is the name for
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4) Likewise, the 1478 Selânik tahrir defter (tax register), establishes
that only a decade after its construction this particular site was already
popularly known, not by the name of its benefactress Hafsa, but rather
by that of her father: Hamza Be¤;
5) The flecere marginalia also provides us a clue as to the date of
Hamza Be¤’s death, when it states that: “He was martyred, together with
his younger brother Umur Be¤, at Karabo¤dan.” The earlier 17th century
version of the family tree, provides the further information that the
Evrenoso¤lu brother’s martyrdom occurred in the “rout/defeat of
Süleyman Pafla at Karabo¤dan” (Karabo¤dan’da Süleyman Pafla
s›n¤›n›nda).31 The Süleyman Pafla in question was Sultân Mehmed II’s
close friend and confidant, the Bosnian-born eunuch, who was then
serving as Beylerbe¤i (Governor General) of Rumelia, i.e. the Balkans.
Süleyman Pafla’s 80,000 man army was defeated, indeed routed, on
January 10, 1475 at the hands of the Moldavian forces led by the
Voyvoda, Stephen the Great.32 The Moldavian forces ambushed the
army of Süleyman Pafla, which fled in panic. Most were killed or
drowned in the Danube, and the bodies of the fallen were burnt by
Stephen, while those who were captured were impaled. While there is
no way of determining the actual fate of Hamza Be¤ and his brother
Umur Be¤, the ‘marginalia’ in the 17th century flecere leaves no doubt
but that they were among the fallen.33 What is certain is that our
Hamza Be¤ died in 1475, just eight years after the point in time at
which a man named Hamza Be¤ is listed as the father of a woman
named Hafsa, who is named as having endowed a mescid in the city of
Selânik;
6) Due to what is now the first accurate reading of the mescid’s
extant 1467-1468 inscription, we know that ‘Hafsa, the daughter of
32
For a description of the ‘rout’ of Süleyman Pafla, see: Franz Babinger: Mehmed the
Conqueror & His Time [Trans. By R. Manheim & Edited by W. C. Hickman]. Princeton
(Princeton University Press), 1978. P. 334 & pp. 339-341.
33
34
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 80-81.
Note: As a case in point, we may cite an example from Serres (Siros) in the 1478 tahrir
defter (tax register), where a quarter named after a mescid built by a woman is record-
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Hamza Be¤,’ had died prior to the time that the mescid was actually
built/completed, i.e., prior to 1467-1468;
7) This interpretation is strengthened by virtue of the fact that the
wording of the 1467-1468 Hafsa kitabe (inscription) allows us to infer
that, in contrast to Hafsa, her father, Hamza Be¤ was still alive when
the mescid was erected. Had he predeceased her we might expect that
it would have read: Hafsa bint-i merhum Hamza Be¤ (Hafsa, daughter
of the deceased Hamza Be¤), or: Hafsa bint-i flehid Hamza Be¤ (Hafsa,
daughter of the martyred Hamza Be¤);
8) In all likelihood, Hafsa, the mescid’s endower, was unmarried
when she died (prior to 1467-1468) and may therefore be assumed to
have been a young woman at the time of her death. This is inferable
from the fact that she appears in the inscription as ‘the daughter of’
(bint-i Hamza) rather than as ‘the wife of’ (hâtûn-i xxx), which is the
way a married woman would generally be named.34 An alternative
explanation might be that the father was a well known or famous individual and thus she is named as his daughter rather than as the wife of
a less well known husband?;
Bearing these known facts in mind, a logical inference may be drawn, i.e., a
scenario, in which, as the note in the flecere suggests, eight years prior to his
death on January 10, 1475, our Hamza Be¤, perhaps in response to a deathbed request made by his daughter (or to honor her memory), had in fact, as
the 19th century aile flecere states established an endowment of cash and property in the name and memory of his daughter and built a mescid in Selânik
(1468).
Such a scenario would likewise account for the fact that virtually from the date
of its construction (as attested to by the 1478 tahrir defter), the site was known
by the name of Hamza [Evrenoso¤lu] Be¤, rather than by that of his deceased
daughter who is named in the inscription as its builder. As the scion of the
ed as the: mahalle-i mescid-i Ayfle Hâtûn-i Do¤an Be¤ (quarter of the small mosque of
Ayfle, wife of Do¤an Be¤). For a discussion of this site, see: Lowry, 2008: p. 157.
35
As he was referred to by Afl›k Mehmed: Volume II.: Folio 16b.
36
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010:
pp. 81-109.
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city’s first conqueror, who was himself a well known commander of the ak›nc›
(light irregular cavalry), who had fallen in battle just three years prior to the
compilation of the 1478 tahrir defter, it is easy to understand how both the
mescid and the Muslim community it served came to be known by the name
of the ‘famous man’35 Hamza Be¤. It was this fact which led the compiler of
the 19th century family tree, to list it as an endowment of the father Hamza
Be¤, rather than that of his daughter Hafsa.
The Evrenos ‘family tree’ likewise establishes that the line of Barak Be¤ ended
in the sixth generation, i.e., most likely in the second half of the 16th century.
This fact coincides nicely with what is known about former mescid (which had
been rebuilt as a mosque at some point between 1467-1478 and 1592-1593),
subsequently being taken over and rebuilt/enlarged as a câmi at the beginning
of the 17th century by the Bevvâb (Gatekeeper) Mehmed Be¤. Stated differently, as the endower’s line had ended, our Bevvâb was able to take over an existing endowment and enlarge it.
One thing seems clear: the Hamza Be¤ named as the father of the endower
was an Evrenoso¤lu. This would also account for Âfl›k Mehmed’s referring to
him as a ‘famous man,’ a term in keeping with his status as a descendant of
Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos, and as a commander of the ak›nc›s, who had been martyred in battle.
If this identification stands, the present analysis likewise provides us the name
of an otherwise unknown great-great-granddaughter of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos,
namely: Hafsa [nee: Evrenoso¤lu].
As the following section of the present study illustrates, the attribution of the
Hafsa /Hamza Be¤ Mescidi in Selânik to a member of the dynasty established
by Hâc›/Gazi Evrenos, rather than being an exceptional event, is fully in keeping with the historical record of their presence in the city, as we know of no
less than nine (9) other pious endowments in Selânik (spanning the period
from the 1390s until 1886), built by members of this family.
37
See: Lowry, 2008: pp. 85.
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Other Known Endowments of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos & his
Descendants (Evrenoso¤ullar›) in Selânik:
The descendants of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos were to play an important role in all
stages of the Ottoman history of Selânik (Thessaloniki), from its initial surrender to the forces commanded by Evrenos in ca. 1387-1394, until it was occupied by the Kingdom of Greece in 1912. While, as might be expected the
majority of the Evrenoso¤ullar›’s pious endowments were located in their
home base,36 the nearby town of Yenice-i Vardar, which had been founded by
the dynasty’s patriarch, Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos in the late 1380s; in Selânik, in
addition to the Hamza Be¤ Câmi, they were also responsible for the endowment of at least nine additional sites:
1) Gâzi Evrenos Be¤ Câmi’i (Mosque of Gâzi Evrenos): In the aftermath of the city’s initial conquest in ca. 1387-1394, Evrenos is known
to have endowed a mosque and a soup-kitchen in Selânik. In an earlier study I have suggested that this may have been the converted
Byzantine sanctuary of the Profitis Elias.37 Referenced by Ayverdi as the
Evrenos Be¤ Camii-‹mareti (Evrenos Be¤ Mosque-Soup Kitchen), that
author notes that it is listed together with his soup-kitchens in Yenice-i
Vardar, Serez and Gümülcine, in a Defter-i Vezîr (register of pious
foundations).38
Given the fact that Evrenos had died prior to the second Ottoman
taking of the city in 1430, we may logically conclude that the mosquesoup kitchen he founded in Selânik must have been endowed during
the first occupation which lasted from ca. 1387-1403. That said, there
is little in the way of evidence to help establish either the exact date of
its founding or its actual location. However, given the relative short
duration of the first occupation, it seems likely that Evrenos may have
chosen to house his endowment in a preexisting structure in the city.
38
Ayverdi, 1982: p. 274.
I have been unable to locate the register he is citing and there-
fore am unable to confirm or deny his statement in this regard.
39
See: Lowry, 1980-1981: p. 258.
40
For a detailed discussion of this issue, which highlights the similarity between early
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The 1478 tax register (tahrir defter), which provides a breakdown
of the city’s quarters (mahalles) and communities (cema’ats), does not
list any area of the city named after the Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos endowment.39
This suggests that his endowment may not have outlived the first occupation. Indeed, the only clue which may conceivably point us towards
its location is the name of the site which Ayverdi found preserved in the
archives of Pious Foundations in ‹stanbul. There, as noted above, the
Evrenos soup kitchen is called the: Evrenos Be¤ Câmii-‹mareti, or the
‘Mosque – Soup Kitchen of Evrenos Be¤.’ This name raises the possibility that Evrenos may have appropriated one of the numerous preexisting
Byzantine churches in the city for his câmii-imâret. Were this the case,
there is a rather thin line of evidence suggesting that it might have been
the Church of the Prophet Elijah (Profitis Elias) [Plate 9], which is located in the northwest quadrant of the city.40
Plate 9: The Church of Profitis Elias in Thessaloniki
41
Ottoman dervish graffito in this church with that preserved on the walls of the Evrenos
Zâviye-‹mâreti in Gümülcine, see: Lowry, 2008: pp. 85-90.
41
Photo: H. Lowry (2008).
42
Ayverdi, 1982: p. 278. See also: Dimitriades, 1983: p. 327.
43
Evliyâ, 2003: Folio 226b – “Andan Kara Alî Be¤ câmi‘i: Ma‘mûr u âbâdân mezkitdir.”
See also: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 13 & 50-51.
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2) Gâzi Evrenos Be¤ ‹mâreti (Soup Kitchen of Gâzi Evrenos): See: #1
above;
3) Kara Ali Be¤ Câmi’i (Mosque of Kara Ali Be¤): Described by Evliyâ
Çelebi in 1667-1668 as being “prosperous and flourishing” (ma’mûr ve
âbâdân).42 The Kara Ali Be¤ in question was a great grand-son of
Evrenos in the line of ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤ [Note: this line in order of
descent went: 1) Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos; 2) ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤; 3) Evrenos
Be¤; and, 4) Kara Ali Be¤].43 In all likelihood it dates to the opening
decades of the 16th century.44 While it is certainly not inconceivable
that there may have been more than one individual named Kara
(Black/Dark) Ali Be¤, it is the fortitudinous survival of the annotated 19th
century aile fleceresi (family tree) of the Evrenoso¤ullar› belonging to the
branch of the family settled in ‹zmir, which allows us to identify this
Kara Ali Be¤ as an Evrenoso¤lu.45 Next to the name Kara Ali Be¤ in the
‹zmir flecere is a note reading: “Selânik’de câmi’ binâ idüb nuküd ve
emlâk vakf eylemifltir” (“he built a mosque in Selânik and endowed it
with cash and property”). This note establishes the Kara Ali Be¤ mosque
44
This is inferable from the fact that the father of Kara Ali Be¤, i.e., Evrenos Be¤ (grandson of the dynasty’s founder), is known to have endowed a section of the Hâc› Bektafl
complex in central Anatolia in the year h. 901 (September 21, 1495 – September 10,
1496). See: Zeynep E. Yurekli-Gorkay: Legend and Architecture in the Ottoman Empire:
The Shrines of Seyyid Gazi and Hac› Bektafl. Unpublished PhD Dissertation (Harvard
University), 2005. pp. 175 & 282-283 & Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 125-127.
45
Shortly after the publication of Lowry/Erünsal, 2010, the fourth in a series of ‘family
reunions’ was held by the descendants of Evrenos in ‹stanbul on January 10, 2010. One
of the members in attendance was Alparslan Evrenoso¤lu, a businessman, who originates
from the branch of the family which settled in Turkey after the Balkan War in 1912.
He generously agreed to provide me a copy of this flecere which was not available to
us when we were writing the Evrenos Dynasty of Yenice-i Vardar: Notes & Documents
book (in which we published an earlier 17th century version of the ‘family tree’). While
generally agreeing in content as regards family members named in both versions, there
are additional names and notes detailing positions held by, and activities of, family members in the 18th and 19th century, as well as a few notes relating to the earlier period
(of which this is one).
Of the additional notes for members of the family in the generations after the 17th century flecere was drawn up, one is of particular interest as it may shed light on an important monument which survives in the nearby town of Yenice-i Vardar (Giannitsa). In
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 24-25, we had accepted Machiel Kiel’s dating of this site to
the 15th century, while completely rejecting his identification of it as the tomb (türbe)
of Evrenos’ grandson, Ahmed Be¤. Instead, we suggested that, as it clearly was not built
as a türbe (mausoleum), it most likely was a sibyan mektebi (primary school), built by
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in Selânik as one of the numerous pious endowments of the dynasty
founded by Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos;
4) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Câmii aka Sa’atl› Câmii:46 The 19th century ‹zmir flecere contains the following information on the building activity of Selim S›rr› [Evrenoso¤lu] Pafla [Died: h. 1208 = 1793-1794] in
Selânik:
“He took over a mosque, erected by Seyfullah A¤a, which had
completely fallen into ruin and he completely rebuilt it as a stone
structure, next to which he erected a stone clock tower (kârgîr
sâ‘at [kulesi]).47 And, in the courtyard of the mosque he built a
double row of rooms for students and a couple of classrooms
(dershâne) and a library (kütübhâne). There was a sebîl (water
distribution center – fountain) next to it which had fallen into
one of Evrenos’ sons (either ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤ or his brother ‹sa Be¤) in the 15th
century (this identification was based on Kiel’s having argued that its masonry technique
clearly pointed to a 15th century construction date). However, a note in the 19th century flecere raises the strong possibility that while the building in question is indeed a
school it may not date to the 15th but rather to the second half of the 18th century.
This note, next to an Evrenoso¤lu named: fierif Yusuf Be¤ contains the information that
in his capacity as mütevelli (administrator) of his ancestor’s pious foundation he: “constructed a stone building, covered with a dome, lying to the north of the Clock Tower,
as a kurrâhhâne = darülkurâ” (school for the study of the Quran) [Turkish text: “ve
sa‘âtin flimâl cânibinde kârgîr binâ ile kubbeli bir kurrâhâne binâ itmifllerdir”]. The
building which is extant today, lies 100-150 meters to the NW of the clock tower and
is a domed building built of stone. The fleceres description of the site build by fierif
Yusuf Be¤ as a stone building covered with a dome, together with the information relative to its location vis-a vis the clock tower, suggests that (contra Kiel) the building which
survives today may be that built in the late 18th century by fierif Yusuf Be¤ [died: h.
1200 (1785-1786)]. As such it should be correcly referred to as the: fierif Yusuf Be¤
Kurrâhhânesi.
One of the more interesting and lighter ‘notes’ in this flecere, is that found next to a
certain ‹skender Be¤. It reads: “Bin yüz elli bir senesinde ahbâb›n›n belinden pifltov
boflânub kazâen flehid” (“In the year 1151 [1738-1739], the pistol in the belt of one of
his friends accidently discharged and he was martyred”). In addition, the 19th century version of the flecere has created a mythological ancestry for the dynasty stretching back
into 12th century Central Asia.
46
Dimitriades, 1983: pp. 321-323. An excellent study of this site, together with numerous
period photos, maps and illustrations has recently appeared (in Greek). See: Paschalis
Androudis: “ To Tjami tou Selim Pafla i Saatli Camii Thessalonikes: Symvole sten istoria kai ten architektonike enos chamenou othomanikou temenous, “in Thessalonikeon Polis,
Volume 04/27 (March, 2009), pp. 43-51. [Hereafter: Androudis, 2009]. The author has
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ruin and whose water source was broken. This too, he rebuilt
beautifully; and what is more, he set aside a sum of money so
that during the summer months ice would be provided to cool
the water so as to quench people’s thirst.”49 [Plates 10-16]
5) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Sa’at Kulesi (Clock Tower): See: #4 above;
6) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Dershânesi (School): See: #4 above;
7) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Kütüphânesi (Library): See: #4 above;
8) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Sebîli (Water Distribution Fountain): See:
#4 above;
kindly provided me copies of several photos from this article and given permission to
use them in the present study.
47
Note the similarity of the action taken by Selim S›rr› [Evrenoso¤lu] Pafla in the late 18th
century in regard to the ruined Seyfullah A¤a Câmii, with that taken by the Bevvâb
Mehmed Be¤ vis-a-vis the Hafsa bint-i Hamza Be¤ Câmii in 1619. In both instances an
earlier endowment is renewed/rebuilt by someone with no known/clear relationship to the
original endower.
48
The full text of the ‘marginalia’ next to Selim Pafla’s name in the ‘family tree’ reads:
“fierif Yusuf Be¤efendi’nin ikinci necl-i necîleri ve sunuv-› asîlleri olub menâhî-i âlihîden
perhîz ve ictinâb ve her hâlde tahsîl-i r›zâ-y› cenâb-› hüdâya sa‘y ve flitâb üzere olub
sa‘y-› mesâ‘-î-i meflkûre ve bânî-i mebânî-i mebrûre olmalar›yla Selanik’de kadîmden
Seyfullah A¤a merhûmun binâs› olub mürûr-› zamân ile müflrif-i harâb olmufl idü¤i müstebân olan câmi‘-i flerîfi bi’t-tammâmmatühâ kârgîr olarak binâ ve ihyâ ve ittisâlinde hem
ser üç ve âlâ bir kârgîr sâ‘at inflâ ve havlusunda yeniden iki s›râ tâlib odalar›yla
müte‘addid dershâne ve kütübhâne îcâd ve ittisâlinde vâki‘ sebîl dahî harâba yüz tutarak
rahnedâr ve mecrâlar› bi’l-külliye flikest ve fenâ bulmufliken kemâliyle ta‘mîr ve atflân-›
müslimîne irvâ ve dilsîr kasd›yla mecrâlar›n› icrâdan baflka hengâm-› sayfda mikdâr-› vâfî
buz ta‘yîniyle teflne dilân› sîrâba muvaffak tevfîk-i cenâb-› vahhâb olarak bu hasenât-›
mebrûrenin hademesi vezâifîn-i ma‘ ziyâdetin tatmîm buyurub bir kâr-› istimrâr-› leyl-i
ve’n-nehâr iflbu bin iki yüz otuz üç sâl›nda karâr itdikde itlâf-› nâ-mütenâhî-i cenâbü’lhakk-› ahakk-› âlîlerinden numûdâr ve iktirân-› tevfîkât-› aliye-i Samadâniyye bedîdâr
olarak sene-i mezkûre fievvâli’nin dördüncü günü bâ-rütbe-i vâlâ-y› vüzerât-› Rum ‹li
Eyâleti uhde-i dâverânelerine tevcîh ve ihsân-› hümâyûn buyurulmufldur. Hazar-› hüceste
fefîk her azîm ve seyrde rehber-i tarîk olarak cenâb-› feyyâz-› mutlak kâffe-i emrde muvaffak eyleye. Emîn be-hürmeti beniyyü’l-emîn.”
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Plate 10: The fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Câmii aka Sa’atl› Câmii
& its Adjacent Sa’at Kulesi (Clock Tower)49
49
Postcard in the collection of H. Lowry.
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Plate 11: The fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Sa’at Kulesi (Clock Tower) & Dershanesi (School)
in Foreground with the fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Câmii aka
Sa’atl› Câmii (Clock Tower Mosque) in Background50
50
Ünlü, 2006: p. 68.
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Plate 12: Late 19th Century Engraving of the Sa’atl› Câmii & its School51
51
Photo courtesy of: Paschalis Androudis.
29
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Plate 13: fierif S›rr› Selim Pafla Câmii aka Sa’atl› Câmii with Clock Tower in Background52
Plate 14: Remains of the Sa’atl› Câmii With the Hükümet Kona¤› (Government Building)
Taken in the Aftermath of the Great Fire of August 18, 191753
52
Ünlü, 2006: p. 67.
53
Photo courtesy of: Paschalis Androudis.
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Plate 15: fierif S›rr› Selim Pafla Câmii aka Sa’atl› Câmii
to the Left of the Hükümet Kona¤› (Government Building)54
Plate 16: Former Site of the fierif S›rr› Selim Pafla Câmii
to the Left of the Hükümet Kona¤› (Government Building)55
54
Moutsopoulos, N.K.: Thessoloniki, 1900-1917. English Edition: Thessaloniki (M.Molho
Publications), 1981. p. 181.
55
Brouskari, 2009: p. 242.
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9) Hastâne-i Askerî (Military Hospital): A document preserved in
the ‹stanbul Baflbakanl›k Arflivi (Prime Ministry Archives),56
Which is dated March 5, 1886 (30 Kanun-i sânî 1303), establishes that Mehmed fiefik Pafla [Evrenoso¤lu], in his capacity as
mütevelli (administrator) of his ancestor’s pious foundation, had
contributed no less than 1150 Ottoman gold liras [Note: 1 gold
lira contained 7.26 grams of gold in this period, i.e., 1150 gold
liras weighed 8,340 grams or 8.34 kilograms] toward the construction costs of a military hospital (hastâne-i askerî) in the city
of Selânik (Thessaloniki). Clearly, even as late as the end of the
19th century, the income from what was by then a five hundred
year old foundation, was still sufficient to not only pay for the
rebuilding of its founder’s mausoleum in Yenice-i Vardar (a project undertaken in the same year by Mehmed fiefik Pafla and associates), but also enabled its administrators to engage in charitable works for society at large.57
Plate: 17: Hastâne-i Askerî (Military Hospital)58
56
‹stanbul: Baflbakanl›k Arflivi: Y. Mtv. Dosya Numara 30 (Gömlek Numara 70).
57
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 93-95 & Ayverdi, 1982: p. 286.
58
Photo (January 25, 2010): Courtesy of Evangelos Hekimoghlou.
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This hospital, which still exists today [Plate 17], is the tenth of the endowments known to have been constructed in Selânik by Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos and
his progeny. As such it establishes that Evrenos and his descendants remained
closely linked to the city and its embellishment from the closing decade of the
14th through the end of the 19th century, i.e., for a period spanning half a millennium.
Ersin Evrenos (a retired Captain in the Turkish navy), informs me that his great
aunt (büyük hala) Semiha Han›m (his maternal great uncle Suphi Be¤’s sister
Kadriye’s daughter), related that the hospital was built on the site of their family home in Selânik. This identification seems quite plausible, as the
Evrenoso¤ullar› are known to have possessed numerous properties in the city,
as well as in the surrounding countryside.59 This would mean that not only was
the sum of 8.34 kilograms of gold given for the building of the hospital, in fact
the land it was to be constructed on was also a gift of the Evrenoso¤ullar›.
Evangelos Hekimoghlou, the distinguished local historian of Thessaloniki,
reports that after 1912, the hospital (located at the juncture of Nea Egnatia &
Kaftantzoglou Streets) served as the ‘424 Hospital of the Greek Army’ until
2007 when (following the construction of a new military hospital) it was
closed. Presently it is listed as a ‘State Property,’ which is awaiting transfer to
the University of Macedonia.
59
Semiha Han›m also relates that the Selânik (Thessaloniki) sea-side home belonging to
Mustafa Faik Be¤, one of the last mütevellis (administrators) of Evrenos’ pious
foundations in Greece, still stands and is currently used by the Greek military. I have to
date been unable to locate and identify this building?
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The Evrenoso¤ullar› & the City of Selânik:
Administrative Links
While standard Ottoman chronicle accounts (written in the 16th century and
thereafter), note the important role played by Evrenos in the first capture of
Selânik, they usually attribute the city’s conquest to the ruling Sultan.
However, the 17th century traveler Evliyâ Çelebi, who paid a great deal of
attention to the details of conquest as he traversed the Balkans, is careful to
state that Selânik was “conquered in the year h. 792 [1390] by the Vezirs of
Gâzi Hüdavendigâr of the House of Osman, that is, Sultan Murad I., by the
hand of Gâzi Evrenos Be¤, from the hands of the unbelievers” (sene 792
târîhinde Âl-i Osmân'dan Gâzî Hudâvendigâr ya‘nî Sultân Murâd Hân-› Evvel
ibn Orhân Gâzî vüzerâlar›ndan be-dest-i Gâzi Evrenos Be¤ kefere-i Rûm elinden dest-i kahr ile feth edüp).60
Nor did the relationship between the Evrenoso¤ullar› and the city of Selânik
began and end with the city’s surrender in ca. 1390. Following its reoccupation by Byzantine forces in the wake of Timurlenk’s (Tamerlane’s) defeat of
Y›ld›r›m Bâyezid, in 1403, it was besieged in June 1422 by Evrenos eldest son
Barak Be¤, and its eastern sections --between Kalamaria and Cassandra-- plundered;61 this was followed by nine years of Venetian rule (1423-1430), after
which is was retaken by Sultân Murad II on March 29, 1430, with the able
assistance of ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤ (another son of Evrenos) and his ak›nc› (light
irregular cavalry) forces.62
It is from the work of the Byzantine chronicler, Anagnostes, who was present
when the city fell, that we learn of the subsequent steps taken by Sultân Murad
II to create an Ottoman presence in the newly conquered Selânik. He writes:
He [Murad II] decreed that all the remaining houses and nearly
all the churches should be given to those from other lands who
had preferred, perhaps, the city [Thessaloniki] instead of that one
which they had inhabited, and to the Turks coming from Yenitze
60
See: Evliyâ Çelebi, Vol. VIII.: Folio 223b.
61
Vacalopoulos, 1972: p. 62.
62
Fahamettin Baflar: “Evrenoso¤ullar›,” in Turkiye Diyanet Vakf› ‹slam Ansiklopedisi, Volume
11 (‹stanbul, 1995), pp. 539-541.
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[Yenice-i Vardar]. All of that region is a plain, one day’s journey
distant to the west of the city. By virtue of its suitability or
because of the haste of him who originally chose it for habitation
[Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos], it had many Turkish inhabitants. Murad,
during the time that he was staying in the city [of Thessaloniki],
visited this area, I do not know how, for sightseeing and hunting,
and being there he rendered this area almost completely uninhabited, taking the inhabitants away and ordering them quickly
to resettle in Thessaloniki. Those who were ordered to carry out
this decree [prostagma] did so quickly, in no way delaying after
his departure [from Yenice-i Vardar]. Arriving there [Yenice-i
Vardar] and taking off all the Turks there through force rather
than through obedience to Thessaloniki, they provided them
with houses in place of those which they formerly had, according to the decree. Murad had decided on both of these measures
and he decreed that they should be thus so that the city might
have a more effective defense. Also, as it was a city on the sea’s
littoral it therefore needed a large number of inhabitants. Further
he wanted it to have a full market so that all goods would flow
into it, and it would attract many people to the city which would
then furnish those who needed them commerce and exchange as
a result of which the city would easily become wealthy.63
This passage establishes that among the very first Muslims settled in Selânik,
in the wake of its second occupation, there must have been a significant number of the descendants of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos. For, from the time he founded
it (in ca. 1385), Yenice-i Vardar’s earliest inhabitants consisted of Evrenos’
family members, i.e., his seven sons, their families, and retainers.64 Stated differently, not only had the family played key roles in both the first and second
conquest of Selânik, they likewise comprised (however unwillingly) a significant portion of its immediate post-1430 Muslim inhabitants.
63
Speros Vryonis, Jr.: “The Ottoman Conquest of Thessaloniki in 1430,” in Anthony Bryer
& Heath Lowry [Eds.]: Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine & Early Ottoman
Society. Washington, D.C. & Birmingham, England, 1986. pp. 281-321. [Emphasis is
mine]
64
The names of virtually all of Evrenos’ seven sons are preserved as names of quarters
(mahalles) in the 16th century tahrir defters (tax registers) covering Yenice-i Vardar. See:
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 109-116.
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Literally, from its initial conquest “by the hand of” Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos Be¤ in
1390 until it was surrendered (without a shot fired) to the army of the Hellenic
Kingdom of Greece in 1912, the history of the important seaport emporia of
Selânik (Thessaloniki) and that of the descendants of its Ottoman conqueror
were inextricably linked.
The well-known 19th century Ottoman poet Yahya Kemal’s memoirs contain
an interesting note which illustrate the importance of the family in the city’s
history. He relates:
The Evrenoso¤ullar› possessed large mansions in the quarter
known as the Snake Column (Y›lanl› Mermer) [Note: in the
nortwest quadrant of the city].65 These mansions, while run
down, possessed large and equally unkept gardens. When the
Ottoman Sultân Abdülmecid I (1823-1861) paid a state visit to
Selânik, the descendants of Evrenos built a special köflk (mansion), where he stayed during his time in the city. Following his
visit, they closed the mansion out of respect for him and never
used it again…. The roots and branches of this family were so
widely spread throughout the city that the courts were tied up for
years at a time while attempting to resolve the law suits and
fights over their inheritance issues.66
Indeed, on the day of its surrender to the Hellenic Army on October 26, 1912,
the city was represented in the Ottoman Parliament by a founding member of
the ‹ttihâd ve Terrakî (Union & Progress Party) who was also a Member of its
Plate 18], a
Merkez-i Umûmî (Central Committee), a certain Rahmi Be¤ [P
direct descendant in the fifteenth generation of Evrenos. Somewhat paradox-
65
66
Dimitriades, 1983: pp. 121-123.
Nihat Sami Banarl› (Ed.): Yahya Kemal’in Hat›ralar›. 2nd Edition. ‹stanbul (Fetih Cemiyeti
Yahya Kemal Enstitüsü), 1997. p. 32. My thanks to Özer Gazievrenoso¤lu, a descendant
of Evrenos, who is an ‹stanbul attorney, for drawing this reference to my attention. See
also: Yahya Kemal: Çocuklu¤um, Gençli¤im, Siyasi ve Edebi Hat›ralar›m [My Childhood,
Youth, Political and Literary Memoirs]. ‹stanbul, 1973. In This work, the famous poet and
man of letters relates how as child when his family moved from Üsküp to Selânik, they
were guests in the home of Evrenoso¤lu Faik Bey (in the city’s Y›lan Mermer, or ‘Snake
Column neigborhood) [Note: the snake column still stands today in front of of an electrik
sub-station at 3 Agioi Dimitriou Str.], who was the father-in-law of Yahya’s fathers brother, who was an iç güveyisi (man who lives with his wife’s parents).
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ically, it was this political movement he helped found, which, a few short
years later, would bring the Ottoman Empire to an end, the very Empire that
half a millennia earlier his ancestor Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos had helped create.
Plate 18: Rahmi [Evrenoszâde] Be¤67
67
Photo: Postcard in the collection of H. Lowry. In 1934, following the adoption of the ‘family name’ law in the Turkish Republic, Rahmi Be¤ took the surname: ‘Arslan.’ He was one
of the few descendents of Evrenos I am aware of who did not adopt some form of his ancestor’s name, e.g., ‘Evrenos,’ ‘Evranos’ ‘Evrenoso¤lu,’ ‘Evranoso¤lu’ ‘Gazievrenoso¤lu’ etc.
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In the decade of 1895-1905, the city of Selânik began to expand along the
seashore into the eastern suburbs. Wealthy businessmen and high ranking
officials began to build villas in the area which came to be known as the
Hamidiye Quarter (after Sultân Abdülhamid II). Among the first to do so was
Rahmi Be¤ [Evrenoszâde], whose seafront mansion [Plates 19-21] was to be
perhaps the last building erected by the descendants of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos in
the city he had conquered five hundred years earlier.
Plate 19: Villas in the Hamidiye Quarter: Rahmi Be¤’s in the Foreground68
68
Photos 19-21: Courtesy of Melekflah Arslan, grand-daughter of Rahmi [Evrenoszâde] Arslan.
The use of ‘zâde’ in place of ‘o¤lu’ for Rahmi Be¤ reflects the fact that he was a descendent on the distaff (female) side of the family. Melekflah Han›m reports that the villa subsequently became the temporary home of the Anatolian College of Merzifon (which was
relocated to Selânik), and then, when Anatolia College moved to its present location in the
Panorama area of the city, it was used as the College’s Alumni Association Headquarters.
Later it was torn down and in its place a block of apartments were erected. See: George
E. White: Adventuring with Anatolia College. Grinnel, lowa (Herald-Register Publishing
Company), 1940. pp.134, 141 & photo following p. 160. White more correctly identifies
the building in the foreground of this photo as: ‘The School for Girls’ i.e., the campus of
the girl’s wing of Anatolia College. Of it, he writes: “‘The School for Girls’ had vacated
its old abode on Rue Franque, where American missions work had been started long before
and carried on for years, and it now occupied a new and far better site between Allatini
Street and the Aegean Seashore. The ground was limited and the building, while good of
its kind, was only the ‘konak or mansion of a Turkish official, who had left with the rest
of his people” [p. 134].
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Plate 20: Rahmi [Evrenoszâde] Be¤’s Seafront Mansion (ca. 1900)
Plate 21: Rahmi [Evrenoszâde] Be¤’s Selânik Seafront Villa, ca. 1912
39
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Nor was the presence of a descendant of Evrenos is such a role an anomaly,
as throughout the course of the preceding five hundred years, numerous
Governors (Sancak Be¤s) of the important Province of Selânik had likewise
been descendants of the region’s 14th century conqueror. Based upon notes
preserved in the various surviving family trees (aile fleceres) of the
Evrenoso¤ullar›,69 we may trace the following family members who served as
Sancak Be¤s (Governors) of the important province of Selânik.70 These included:
a)
In the 15th century, Abdi Be¤, the firstborn son of Musa Be¤
(a son of Hâc› Ahmed Be¤), served for fifteen years simultaneously as
the administrator of Evrenos’ pious foundation, and as Sancak Be¤ of
Selânik (Thessaloniki);
b) In the 16th century, Yusuf Be¤, who died in 1593-1594, had served
as Sancak Be¤ (Provincial Governor) both in Selânik (Thessaloniki) and
Üsküp (Skopje);
c)
In the 17th century, Mehmed Pafla (Be¤), served for forty years
simultaneously as the administrator of Evrenos’ pious foundation and
Sancak Be¤ (Provincial Governor) of Selânik (Thessaloniki). He died
between December 19, 1645 and January 18, 1646;
69
The most important of these documents is that drawn up in the last quarter of the 17th
century which is in the possession of Ersin Evrenos in ‹stanbul. It was published in facsimile, with a modern Turkish text and an English translation in Lowry/Erünsal, 2010:
pp. 42-80. Three later versions compiled in the late 19th century, have also been given
to me by family members (since the publication of Lowry/Erünsal, 2010): a) Emin Özer
Evrenos, b) Aynur [Evrenoso¤lu] Onbafl›o¤lu and, c) Haydar & Alparslan Evrenoso¤lu.
Of these, that owned by Hardar Evrenoso¤lu is the most useful as it includes notes next
to the names of 18th & 19th century family members, as well as a few notes for members of earlier generations which are not found in the Ersin Evrenos owned 17th century flecere. In this study, I have combined the information relative to administrative positions held by family members in these two family trees, i.e., those owned by Ersin
Evrenos & Haydar Evrenoso¤lu. Needless to say, I am extremely grateful to these and
numerous other members of the Evrenoso¤ullar› (in particular Özer Gazievrenoso¤lu) for
their generosity in sharing these and other family memorabilia with me. See:
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 42-80.
70
Numerous other family members likewise served as Sancak Be¤s in other provinces
throughout the Balkans in this period.
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d) Later in the 17th century, Süleyman Be¤, who likewise served as
the administrator of his ancestor’s pious foundation, was appointed
Sancak Be¤ (Provincial Governor) of Selânik (Thessaloniki), by Sultan
Mehmed IV in the year between June 1, 1669 and May 22, 1670. He
died in office while on campaign in 1673-1674;
e)
In the 18th century, fierif Mehmed Be¤, served as the Deputy
Governor (mütesellîm) of the Province of Selânik. He was martyred at
the battle of Hotin in the year 1183 (1769-1770);
f) In the 18th century, Selim S›rr› Pafla, served as Governor of the
Province of Selânik on two occasions: first in 1785 and then again in
1788-1789;71
The ‘marginalia’ next to the name of Mehmed Pafla/Be¤ is of particular interest, as it suggests that in a period when Ottoman officials seldom served long
in a single post, he virtually ran the all important province of Selânik for the
first half of the 17th century, i.e., from ca. 1606 until his death in 1645. The
note actually reads:
The aforementioned deceased Mehmed Pafla was the administrator of Evrenos Be¤’s pious foundation for approximately forty
years, during which time he was the Governor of Selânik. He
participated in many Holy Wars and carried out many services
to the House of Osman. He was famous for his generosity and for
the diligence he paid to his religious observances. He died in the
month of Zilhicce in the year h.1055 (December 19, 1645January 18, 1646) and was buried in the courtyard of the noble
mosque. May God grant him mercy.72
71
For: Selim S›rr› Pafla’s distinguished career, albeit it one marked by frequent removals
and reinstatements, due to his tendency to speak truth to power, see:
Sicil-i Osmanî. ‹stanbul, 1311(1893-1894). See: Volume III. p. 59.
72
Mehmed Süreyya:
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 70-71. The text reads: “Merhûm-› mezbûr Mehmed Pafla ceddi
Evrenos Be¤’in evkâf›na k›rk seneye karîb Selânik sanca¤› ile ma‘an cem‘ edip ma‘an
mutasarr›f olmufldur. Nice gazâda hâz›r olup selâtîn-i âl-i Osmân hazerât›na nice hidmeti
sebk idüp sâlih ve muttakî ve kerem ve sehâ ile ma‘rûf ve meflhûr idi. Bin elli befl
Zilhiccesi’nde vefat edip Yenice-i Vardar’da câmi‘-i flerîfi hareminde defn edilmifldir.
Rahmetu’llâhi aleyh.”
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As the notes preserved in this flecere attest, the highest regional administrative
post to which the Evrenoso¤ullar› were generally appointed was that of Sancak
Be¤ (Provincial Governor) of Selânik, the territory which included their home
town base of Yenice-i Vardar.73 Even the sketchy material at our disposal
seems to indicate that this position almost appears at times in the 16th and 17th
century to have been a hereditary appanage set aside for members of the
family.
In a 2003 book, The Nature of the Early Ottoman State, I argued that the
descendants of the early Uc Be¤ dynasties (the Evrenoso¤lular›, the
Mihalo¤lular›, the Turahano¤lular›, the Malkoço¤lular› and the descendants of
‹sa Be¤ of Üsküp), were never appointed to positions higher than Sancak Be¤
(Provincial Governor), nor were they ever given Ottoman princesses as wives,
and suggested that this was done in an attempt to not further strengthen their
already significant regional authority.74 The ‘marginalia’ on individual members of the descendants of Evrenos in the preserved aile fleceres (genealogical
trees), support that assessment, as prior to the late 19th century no member of
this family ever appears to have attained a position higher than Sancak Be¤
(Provincial Governor) in the Ottoman bureaucracy.
73
Note: While there are only six Evrenoso¤lus specifically known (from marginalia in the
various surviving fleceres) to have served as Sancak Be¤ in Selânik (a seventh, Selim
S›rr› Pafla is known to have the position as well, but this fact is not specifically mentioned in the fleceres), it is quite possible that other family members (next to whose names
no marginalia appear) may likewise have held this post? The ‘marginalia’ providing information on individual family members are limited to less than ten percent of the names
preserved in the various family trees, and most frequently seem to reflect the fact that
those so noted had also served as mütevellis (administrators) of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’ vak›f
(pious foundation). In point of fact, the most likely explanation to account for the
Evrenoso¤lus flecere’s was the need the administrators had to correctly identify male
descendants who were due a portion of the annual disbursement of funds from the surplus accrued by the pious foundation of their ancestor, as well as from the income generated by their privately owned land-holdings (mülk). In general, the keeping of such
aile fleceres (family trees) was not a common Ottoman practice.
74
Heath W, Lowry: The Nature of the Early Ottoman State. Albany, New York (SUNY
Press), 2003. pp. 139-143.
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Conclusion
As previously demonstrated in The Evrenos Dynasty of Yenice-i Vardar: Notes
& Documents book,75 Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos and his descendants were the virtual rulers of a large territory surrounding their ancestral home base of Yenice-i
Vardar (Giannitsa) for over half a millennia. The lands their vak›fs (pious foundations) owned encircled Yenice-i Vardar and stretched from Selânik
(Thessaloniki) in the west, to Vodina (Edessa) in the east, Avrethisar
(Ginekokastro) in the north, and, Karaferya (Veria) in the south. Their holdings
in this region which were attached to the vak›fs created by Evrenos, his son
‹sa Be¤ and grandson Ahmed Be¤, comprised over seventy (70) villages and
some of the most fertile land in what is today Northern Greece76 [See: MAP I].
Map I: Showing Locations of Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’ Pious Foundations (Vak›fs)77
75
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 16-74.
76
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: pp. 159-164.
77
Lowry, 2009: p. 5.
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When we factor into this equation that Evrenos had, prior to moving to
Yenice-i Vardar, likewise established large foundations (vak›fs) in, first the area
of Gümülcine (Komotini) in western Thrace, and, then in Siroz (Serres) in eastern Macedonia,78 some idea of the extent of the vast financial resources, and
consequent power, which his descendants had at their disposal becomes
apparent [See: MAP I].
These properties of his pious foundation were supplemented by large tracks of
land throughout northern Greece which were passed from generation to generation as mülk (privately held property). The full extent of these privately held
lands is established in a recently published mülknâme, drawn up in 1603 and
verified by the tu¤ra (imperial monogram) of Sultân Ahmed I.79 This document
reconfirmed the family’s ownership of mülk holdings stretching from
Gümülcine in the east, to Köstendil and beyond in the west. These were properties which had been granted to Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos in the 14th century by the
Sultâns Murad Hüdavendigâr (1362-1389) and Y›ld›r›m Bâyezid (1389-1402).
With the accession of each new Ottoman ruler the ownership of such holdings
had to be reconfirmed by the issuance of a new mülknâme. The
Evrenoso¤ullar›’s rights in this regard continued to be acknowledged by each
new sultan until the beginning of the 20th century.80
78
For these holdings, see: Levent Kayap›nar: “Osmanli Üc Be¤i Evrenos Be¤ Ailesinin
Menflei, Yunanistan Co¤rafyas›ndaki Faaliyetleri ve Eserleri,” in Abant ‹zzet Baysal Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Volume 2004-1, No. 8 (2004), pp. 133-142, and,
Zeki Salih Zengin: “‹lk Dönem Vakfiyelerinden Serez’de Evrenuz Gazi’ye Ait Zâviye
Vakfiyesi,” in Vak›flar Dergisi, Volume 28 (Ankara, 2004), pp. 101-120.
79
See: Ayflegül Çal›: “Ak›nc› Bey’e Evrenos Bey’e Ait Mülknâme,” in OTAM Dergisi, NO.
20 (Ankara, 2006), pp. 59-79 [Hereafter: Çal›, 2006]; & Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: p. 119.
80
Çal›, 2006: p. 66.
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As the present study has sought to illustrate, from the 14th through the 19th
century, a not insignificant portion of the wealth the Evrenos family controlled
was periodically expended by the vak›f’s mütevellis (administrators of pious
foundations) on the embellishment of the city of Selânik. While today, only
two of the ten endowments they are known to have constructed in the city: a)
the mid-15th century Hamza Be¤ Mescidi/Câmii; and, b) the late 19th century
Hastâne-i Askerî (Military Hospital), have survived, their very existence serves
as a living reminder of the ties which throughout the past five-hundred-fifty
years have linked the city of Selânik (Thessaloniki) and the Evrenoso¤ullar›.81
81
Note: I would like to express my gratitude and appreciation to my friend Professor ‹smail
Erünsal, who kindly assisted me with the reading and interpreting of the two Arabic
inscriptions from the Hafsa bint-i Hamza Be¤ Câmii published in this study. Likewise,
thanks are due to Mustafa Birol Ülker, the Assistant Librarian at the ‹slam Araflt›rmalar›
Merkezi (‹SAM), who, when I am working in ‹stanbul, is always so gracious in responding to my frequent requests for copies of this or that article.
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Kiel, Machiel: “A Note on the Exact Date of Construction of the White Tower
of Thessaloniki,” in Balkan Studies, Volume 14 (Thessaloniki, 1973), pp.
352-357.
Kiel, Machiel: “Notes on the History of Some Turkish Monuments in
Thessaloniki and Their Founders,” in Balkan Studies, Volume XI
(Thessaloniki, 1970), pp. 123-148.
Kiel, Machiel: Studies on the Ottoman Architecture of the Balkans. Aldershot,
GB & Brookfield, Vermont, USA (Variorum), 1990.
Kiel, Machiel: “Yenice-i Vardar (Vardar Yenicesi – Giannitsa): A Forgotten
Turkish Cultural Centre in Macedonia of the 15th and 16th Century,” in
Studia Byzantina et Neohellenica Neerlandica, Volume 3 (Leiden, 1971),
pp. 300-329.
Lowry, Heath W.: In the Footsteps of the Ottomans: A Search for Sacred Space
& Architectural Monuments in Northern Greece. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir
University Press), 2009. xvi + 231 + 350 color photos.
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Heath W. Lowry
Lowry, Heath W.: Ottoman Architecture in Greece: A Review Article With
Addendum & Corrigendum, ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press:
Occasional Papers in History #1), 2009. pp. viii + 79.
Lowry, Heath W.: “Portrait of a City: The Population and Topography of
Ottoman Selânik (Thessaloniki) in the Year 1478,” in Diptycha, Volume II
(Athens, 1980-1981), pp. 254-293.
Lowry, Heath W.: The Nature of the Early Ottoman State. Albany, New York
(State University of New York Press), 2003.
Lowry, Heath W.: The Shaping of the Ottoman Balkans, 1350-1550: The
Conquest, Settlement & Infrastructural Development of Northern Greece.
‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press), 2008. pp. xii + 286 + 250 Maps &
Plates.
Lowry, Heath W. & Erünsal, ‹smail E.: The Evrenos Dynasty of Yenice Vardar:
Notes & Documents. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press), 2010. pp. ix +
184 + 90 & Plates.
Mehmed Süreyya: Sicil-i Osmanî. Volume III. ‹stanbul, 1311(1893-1894).
Moutsopoulos, N.K.: Thessaloniki, 1900-1917. English Edition: Thessaloniki
(M. Molho Publications), 1981.
Nalpandis, D. [Editor]: Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments of
Thessaloniki. Thessaloniki, 1997.
Paissidou, M. (Ed.): Monuments of the Ottoman Period of Thessaloniki.
Thessaloniki (Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities), 2004.
Stefanidou, Aimilia [Ed.]: He synterese kai apokatastase tou othomanikon mnemeiou sten Hellada [The Conservation and Restoration of Ottoman
Monuments in Greece]. Thessaloniki (University Studio Press), 2009. pp.
636 + Plates, Plans & Photos.
Tafrali, O.: Thessalonique des origines jusqu’au 14 siècle. Paris, 1910.
Ünlü, Seyfettin [Ed.]: Yadigâr› Selânik: Kartpostallarda Evvel Zaman.
[Souvenirs of Selanik: Former Times in Postcards]. ‹stanbul (T.C. Kültür ve
Turizm Bakanl›¤›), 2006.
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The Family of Evrenos & The City of Selânik
51
Ünver, A.S.: “Selânik’te Yüz Eserimiz Hakk›nda” [Regarding Our One
Hundred Monuments in Thessaloniki], in Güney-Do¤u Avrupa
Araflt›rmalar› Dergisi, Volume I (‹stanbul, 1972), pp. 257-260 + Plates.
Vacalopoulos, Apostolos E.: A History of Thessaloniki. Thessaloniki (Institute
for Balkan Studies), 1972.
Vacalopoulos, Apostolos E.: History of Macedonia, 1354-1833. Thessaloniki
(Institute for Balkan Studies), 1973.
Vryonis, Speros: “The Ottoman Conquest of Thessaloniki in 1430,” in Anthony
Bryer & Heath Lowry [Eds.]: Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine &
Early Ottoman Society. Washington, D.C. & Birmingham, England, 1986.
pp. 281-321.
Weber, Shirley Howard: Voyages and Travels in the Near East During the XIXth
century. Princeton, NJ., 1952.
White, George E.: Adventuring with Anatolia College. Grinnel, lowa (HeraldRegister Publishing Company), 1940.
Yahya Kemal: Çocuklu¤um, Gençli¤im, Siyasi ve Edebi Hat›ralar›m [My
Childhood, Youth, Political and Literary Memoirs]. ‹stanbul, 1973.
Yeniflehirlio¤lu, Filiz: Türkiye D›fl›ndaki Osmanl› Mimari Yap›tlar› [Ottoman
Architectural Works Outside of Turkey]. Ankara, 1989.
Yurekli-Gorkay, Zeynep E.: Legend and Architecture in the Ottoman Empire:
The Shrines of Seyyid Gâzi and Hac› Bektafl. Unpublished PhD Dissertation
(Harvard University), 2005.
Zafiris, Christos: The Thessaloniki Handbook. Athens, 1997.
Zengin, Zeki Salih: “‹lk Dönem Osmanl› Vakfiyelerinden Serez’de Evrenuz
Gâzi’ye Ait Zâviye Vakfiyesi” [The Early Ottoman Religious Foundation
Charters: The Charter of Gazi Evrenos’ Dervish Lodge in Serez], in Vak›flar
Dergisi, Volume XXVIII. Ankara, 2004. pp. 101-120.
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Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri
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Önsöz ve Teflekkürler
Aile tarihi, Osmanl› araflt›rmalar›n›n en ihmal edilmifl alanlar›ndan sadece
biridir. Bu eksikli¤in en önemli sebebi Osmanl›larda soyad›n›n olmamas›d›r.
Bu özellik, Osmanl›lar›n alt› yüz y›ll›k varl›¤› boyunca, bir ailenin izini
sürmeyi son derece zorlaflt›r›r.
2008’de Osmanl› Döneminde Balkanlar›n fiekillenmesi adl› kitab›m
yay›nland›ktan sonra, 1360’lar›n bafl› ile 1417 aras›nda bugünkü Kuzey ve
Orta Yunanistan’›n ço¤unun fethinden sorumlu olan 14. yüzy›l Osmanl› Uc
Be¤lerinden Hac›/Gazi Evrenos’un iki ard›l›yla iletiflime geçti¤imde Osmanl›
aile tarihini çevreleyen sessizlikte ilk çatlak aç›ld›. Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri’nden
Emekli bir Deniz Kurmay Albay olan Ersin Evrenos ve ‹stanbul’lu avukat Özer
Gazievrenoso¤lu, ilk bölümü atalar› Evrenos’un fetihlerine ve altyap› geliflim
projelerine adanm›fl olan kitab›m› tart›flt›¤›m bir televizyon program›nda beni
gördükten sonra kelimenin tam anlam›yla peflime düfltü ve aile belgeleri ve
foto¤raflar›ndan bir hazineyi benimle cömertçe paylaflt›. En önemlisi, Ersin
Bey bana aile flecerelerinin 17. yüzy›la ait bir kopyas›n› (yakl. 1675) sa¤lad›.
fiecere, vak›flar ve sahip olduklar› idari mevkiler ile ilgili ayr›nt›lar veren çok
say›da ç›kmayla birlikte, Evrenos’un tüm erkek haleflerinin bir listesini içeriyordu.
Bu materyaller, ‹smail Erünsal ile birlikte yazd›¤›m, 2010 senesinde
yay›mlanan, Yenice-i Vardar’l› Evrenos Hanedan›: Notlar ve Belgeler adl›
kitab›m›n ortaya ç›kmas›na vesile oldu. Bafll›¤›n›n da gösterdi¤i üzere bu
çal›flma ailenin kilit Makedonya flehri Selânik’in (Thessaloniki) yaklafl›k yirmi
befl mil bat›s›ndaki bir kasaba olan Yenice-i Vardar’daki [Yun.: Giannitsa] tarihine odaklan›yordu. Yenice-i Vardar, 1300’lerin sonunda Evrenos’un
kasabay› kurmas›n›n ard›ndan, befl yüz y›ll›k hanedan›n›n üssü olmaya devam
edecekti.
Yenice-i Vardar kitab›n›n yay›mlanmas›yla ayn› tarihe gelen, 10 Ocak
2010’daki yaklafl›k seksen befl aile üyesinin kat›ld›¤› Evrenoso¤ullar›
toplant›s›nda bana 19. yüzy›l›n sonunda derlenmifl iki aile fleceresinin kopyas›
daha verildi. Bu iki aile fleceresi yakl. 1675 ve yakl. 1895 seneleri aras›nda
yaflam›fl Evrenos halefleri hakk›nda ç›kma formunda daha önce inceledikler-
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imden de çok ve bolca bilgi veriyor. Bu aile flecerelerini inceledikçe aileyi
Selânik flehrine ba¤layan yak›n ba¤lar› daha iyi fark ediyorum. Buradaki aile
üyelerinin vakfetti¤i inan›lmaz çokluktaki vak›f bu ba¤lar› vurguluyor.
Yeni materyallerden faydalanan bu çal›flman›n Yenice-i Vardar’l› Evrenos
Hanedan›: Notlar ve Belgeler’e bir nevi ilave görevi görmesi, bu kilit Osmanl›
ailesinin tarihinde bir bofllu¤u daha doldurmas› ve ayn› zamanda Selânik
flehrinin (Thessaloniki) Osmanl› dönemi mimari tarihini anlamam›za katk›da
bulunmas› amaçlan›yor.
U¤ur Yay›nlar›ndan Faruk Özbey’e kitab›n tasar›m›ndan ötürü bir kez daha
teflekkür etmek isterim. Önceki Bahçeflehir yay›mlar›mda oldu¤u gibi bu proje
için de benimle ad›m ad›m sab›rla çal›flt›. Ayr›ca, U¤ur Yay›nlar›ndan Hande
Alpay’›n ve Bahçeflehir Üniversitesi Genel Sekreteri Ziya Alpay’›n projeye bir
bir sayamayaca¤›m kadar yard›m› dokundu.
Bu kitab›n Türkçe’ye çevrilmesinde eme¤i geçen K›vanç Tanr›yar’› teflekkürü
bir borçbilir ve baflar›lar›n›n devam›n› dilerim.
Bahçeflehir Üniversitesi Mütevelli Heyeti Baflkan› Enver Yücel’e bilhassa minnettar›m çünkü bu makalenin üniversitenin ‘Tarih Raporlar›’ dizisinde ç›kacak
ikinci çal›flma olmas›n› sa¤lad›.
Bu çal›flmada karfl›n›za ç›kabilecek herhangi bir hatan›n sadece bana ait
oldu¤unu söylememe gerek yok.
Heath W. Lowry
‹stanbul, Türkiye
May›s, 2010
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Hamza Be¤ Câmii Niçin ve Kimin Taraf›ndan Yapt›r›ld›?
Bu çal›flman›n bafll›¤›nda sorulan sorunun cevab›, Hamza Be¤ Câmii isimli
Selânik’te (Thessaloniki) günümüze kalm›fl en eski Osmanl› cami hakk›nda
yazm›fl her tarihçinin ya da mimarl›k tarihçisinin kafas›n› kurcalam›flt›r.1
Selânik flehri de dâhil, bugünkü Kuzey ve Orta Yunanistan’›n büyük bir
bölümünü 14. yüzy›lda fetheden Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un halefleri olan
1
Bu çal›flmalar aras›nda (yay›mlanma s›ras›na göre): a) O. Tafrali: Thessalonique des origines jusqu’au 14 siècle. Paris, 1910 [Bundan böyle: Tafrali, 1910]; b) Semavi Eyice:
“Yunanistan’da Türk Mimari Eserleri,” Türkiyat Mecmuas›, Cilt XI (‹stanbul, 1954), s.
157-182 [Bundan böyle: Eyice, 1954]; c) Babinger, Franz: “Ein Türkischer Stiftungs-brief
des Nerkis vom Jahre 1029 - 1620,” Aufsätze und Abhandlungen II. München, 1966
[Bundan böyle: Babinger, 1966]; d) Robert Anhegger: “Beiträge zur Osmanische
Baugeschichte III: Moscheen in Saloniki und Serre, in Istanbuler Mitteilungen, Cilt 17
(1967), s. 312-324 [Bundan böyle: Anhegger, 1967]; e) Machiel Kiel: “Notes on the
History of Some Turkish Monuments in Thessaloniki and Their Founders,” Balkan
Studies, Cilt XI (Thessaloniki, 1970), s. 123-148 [Bundan böyle: Kiel, 1970]; f) A. S.
Ünver: “Selânik’te Yüz Eserimiz Hakk›nda,” Güney-Do¤u Avrupa Araflt›rmalar› Dergisi,
Cilt I (‹stanbul, 1972), s. 257-260 + Levhalar [Bundan böyle: Ünver, 1972]; g) Apostolos
E. Vacalopoulos: A History of Thessaloniki. Thessaloniki (Institute for Balkan Studies),
1972 [Bundan böyle: Vacalopoulos, 1972]; h) Heath W. Lowry: “Portrait of a City: The
Population and Topography of Ottoman Selânik (Thessaloniki) in the Year 1478,”
Diptycha, Cilt II (Athens, 1980-1981), s. 254-293 [Bundan böyle: Lowry, 1980-1981]; i)
Ekrem Hakk› Ayverdi: Avrupa’da Osmanl› Mimarî Eserleri, Cilt IV, Kitap V: Yunanistan.
‹stanbul, 1982 [Bundan böyle: Ayverdi, 1982]; j) Vasilis Dimitriades: Topografia tis
Thessalonikis data tin epohi tis Tourkokratias, 1430-1912 [Tourkokratia Dönemi Selânik
Topo¤rafyas›], Selânik (Society for Macedonian Studies), 1983 [Bundan böyle: Dimitriades,
1983]; k) D. Nalpandis [yay. haz.]: Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments of
Thessaloniki. Thessaloniki, 1997 [Bundan böyle: Nalpandis, 1997]; l) Christos Zafiris: The
Thessaloniki Handbook. Athens, 1997 [Bundan böyle: Zafiris, 1997]; m) ‹smail B›çakç›:
Yunanistan’da Türk Mimarî Eserleri. ‹stanbul (‹SAR), 2003 [Bundan böyle: B›çakç›, 2003];
n) M. Paissidou (yay. haz.): Monuments of the Ottoman Period of Thessaloniki.
Thessaloniki (Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities), 2004 [Bundan böyle: Paissidou, 2004];
o) Hellenic Ministry of Culture’s Directorate of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Antiquities
[yay. haz. Ersi Brouskari]: Ottoman Architecture in Greece, Atina, 2009, s. 494-550,
Renkli Foto¤raflar, Gravürler, Dönem Foto¤raflar›, Planlar ve Haritalar [Bundan böyle:
Brouskari, 2009] ve p) Aimilia Stefanidou [yay. haz.]: He synterese kai apokatastase tou
othomanikon mnemeiou sten Hellada [Yunanistan’daki Osmanl› Abidelerinin Korunmas› ve
Restorasyonu]. Selânik (University Studio Press), 2009. s. 636 + Levhalar, Planlar ve
Foto¤raflar [Bundan böyle: Stefanidou, 2009].
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Heath W. Lowry
Evrenoso¤ullar›’na ait yak›n zamanda bulunmufl bir âile fleceresi sayesinde
art›k cevab› biliyoruz.2
Söz konusu caminin kitabesinde [Levha 1] yazd›¤› üzere, yap›y› Hamza Be¤’in
de¤il, h. 872 (2 A¤ustos 1467- 22 Temmuz 1468) tarihinde k›z› Hafsa’n›n
yapt›rd›¤› uzun zamand›r biliniyor olsa da, flimdiye dek kimse caminin
Levha 1: Hamza Be¤ Câmii [yakl. 1935]3
2
Yak›n zamanda yay›mlad›¤›m bir dizi çal›flmada Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n önemli Uc Bey
hanedanl›¤›yla ve reisleri Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos ile u¤raflt›m. Bu çal›flmalar aras›nda (içlerinden
biri hariç hepsi hem ‹ngilizce hem Türkçe yay›mland›): 1) Heath W. Lowry: The Shaping
of the Ottoman Balkans, 1350-1550: Conquest, Settlement & Infrastructural Development
of Northern Greece. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press), 2008. s. xii + 286 + 10
Harita + 220 Foto¤raf [Bundan böyle: Lowry, 2008] Türkçe Bask›: Heath W. Lowry:
Osmanl› Döneminde Balkanlar›n fiekillenmesi, 1350-1550: Kuzey Yunanistan’›n Fethi, ‹skân›
ve Altyap› Geliflmesi. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press), 2008. s. xii + 286 + 10
Harita + 220 Foto¤raf; 2) Heath W. Lowry: In the Footsteps of the Ottomans: A Search
for Sacred Spaced & Architectural Monuments in Northern Greece. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir
University Press), 2009, s. xvi + 231 + 350 renkli foto¤raf [Bundan böyle: Lowry, 2009a];
Türkçe Bask›: Heath W. Lowry: Osmanl›lar›n Ayak ‹zlerinde: Kuzey Yunanistan Mukaddes
Mekânlar ve Mimarî Eserleri Aray›fl Yolculuklar›.
‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir Üniversitesi
Yay›nlar›), 2009, s. xvi + 231 + 350 renkli foto¤raf; 3) Heath W. Lowry: Ottoman
Architecture in Greece: A Review Article With Addendum & Corrigendum. ‹stanbul
(Bahçeflehir University Press), 2009, s. viii + 79 + 8 foto¤raf [Bundan böyle: Lowry,
2009b] ve 4) Heath W. Lowry ve ‹smail E. Erünsal: The Evrenos Dynasty of Yenice-i
Vardar: Notes & Documents. ‹stanbul (Bahçeflehir University Press), 2010, s. ix + 184 +
90 Foto¤raf [Bundan böyle: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010] Türkçe Bask›: Heath W. Lowry ve
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Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri
kitabesinde ad› geçen vakfedenin babas› Hamza Be¤’in kim oldu¤u sorusunu
doyurucu biçimde cevaplayamam›flt›.
As›l yerindeki kitabe, yap›y› infla edeni flu flekilde adland›r›yor: Hafsa bint-i
Hamza Be¤. Yine de söz konusu câmi neredeyse infla edildi¤i zamandan beri
genelde Hafsa Mescidi de¤il, Hamza Be¤ Mescidi olarak biliniyor (câmi asl›nda
mescid olarak infla edilmifl, daha sonraki bir tarihte câmi olarak geniflletilmifl ve
sonra 17. yüzy›l›n bafllar›nda bir kez daha yeniden infla edilmifl). [Levha 2].
Levha 2: Hamza Be¤ Câmii ‹ç Mekân [yakl. 1900 y›l›ndan kalma nadir bulunan bir foto¤raf]4
Daha önceki bir çal›flmamda gösterdi¤im üzere, Selânik ile ilgili verilerin
bulundu¤u 1478’e ait ayr›nt›l› bir tapu tahriri [Tapu-Tahrir Defter #7], esas
mescid infla edildikten tam on sene sonra, flehrin Müslüman semtleri
aras›ndaki bir cema’at-i mescid-i Hamza Be¤’den bahsediyor.5 Bu otuz sekiz
haneden ya da yaklafl›k iki yüz kifliden oluflan cemaat, defterde H›ristiyan
mahalle-i Ketafi’ye (Yunanca: Kataphyge) ba¤lanm›fl görünüyor. Bu referans,
‹smail E. Erünsal: Yenice-i Vardar’l› Evrenos Hanedan›: Notlar ve Belgeler. ‹stanbul
(Bahçeflehir Üniversitesi Yay›nlar›), 2010, s. ix + 184 + 90 Foto¤raf.
3
Kaynak: Brouskari, 2009: s. 223.
4
Kaynak:
Kartpostal
(yeni
bask›).
Seyfettin
Ünlü
[yay.
haz.]:
Yadigâr›
Selânik:
Kartpostallarda Evvel Zaman. ‹stanbul (T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanl›¤›), 2006. s. 71
[Bundan böyle: Ünlü, 2006].
5
Lowry, 1980-1981: al›nt› TT#7: s. 531.
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Heath W. Lowry
hemen hemen mescidin infla edildi¤i tarihten itibaren onun vakfedenin ad›yla
de¤il, vakfedenin babas›n›n ad›yla bilindi¤ini aç›kça gösteriyor.
Caminin yayg›n ad›yla vakfedenin esas ad› aras›ndaki uyuflmazl›¤a iflaret eden
ilk ve tek ziyaretçi, seyahatleri s›ras›nda, 1592-1593 seneleri aras›nda vak›flar
müdürlü¤ünün Selanik flubesinde muhasebeci olarak çal›flm›fl 16. yüzy›l kozmograf› Âfl›k Mehmed’di. Menâz›rü’l-Avâlim adl› eseri caminin ad›yla ilgili flu
ayr›nt›y› içerir:6
[Selânik’teki] üçüncü [cami] Câmi‘-i Hamza Be¤’dir; bu cami
asl›nda Hamza Be¤ k›z› Hafsa taraf›ndan infla edilmifltir…
Taflköprîzâde olarak bilinen ve o s›ralar Selânik kad›s› olan
Ulemâ-i Rûm Ahmed o¤lu Kemâlü’d-dîn Mehmed’in rehberli¤i
ve tavsiyesiyle 1001 (1592-1593) senesinde Selânik’teki vak›flar
müdürlü¤ü flubesinde muhasebeci olarak hizmet ederken,
Selânik vak›flar›na ait belgeler aras›nda Hamza Be¤ Cami’nin
vakfiyesinin asl›nda Hamza Be¤ k›z› Hafsa ad›na kay›tl›
oldu¤unu buldum. Bu sonuca vakfiyeyi inceleyerek vard›m ve
bu caminin asl›nda Hamza Be¤ de¤il, Hamza Be¤ k›z› Hafsa
taraf›ndan infla edildi¤i ç›kar›m›n› yapt›m.
6
Ak, Mahmud (yay. haz.): Âfl›k Mehmed: Menâz›rü’l-Avâlim. 3 Cilt. Cilt I. Tahlil ve Dizin.
s. I – CDLXXI; Cilt II. Metin. s. I -LXVIII ve 1-949 ve Cilt III. Metin. s. 950-1866.
Ankara (Türk Tarih Kurumu), 2007 [Bundan böyle: Afl›k Mehmed: Cilt II]. Bkz: Cilt II,
Folyo 16a-16b: “Sâlis Câmi‘-i Hamza Bey'dür ve bu câmi‘i Hafsa binti Hamza Bey nâm
hâtûn binâ itmifldür. ‘Ulemâ-i Rûm'dan hâyiz-i kemâlât-› fazl u ‘irfân ve fâyiz-i makãlât› tahkîk u îkãn Kemâlü'd-dîn Mehmed b. Ahmed efl-flehîr bi-Taflköprîzâde -etâle'llâhü ‘ömrehû ve efâza ‘alâ-rûh› vâlidihî rahmetehû ve birrehû- Selânik'de kãdî iken sene ihdâ ve
elfde râk›mü'l-hurûf mûmâ-ileyh ta‘yîn ve iflâreti ile evkãf-› Selânik muhâsebât›n
gördü¤ümde [II,16b] sukûk ve sicillât-› evkãf-› Selânik'de mukayyed olan evkãf-› Câmi‘-i
Hamza Bey vakfiyyesin Hafsa binti Hamza Bey ismi ile sebt olunm›fl buldum. Bu câmi‘i
binâ iden Hamza Bey olmayup duhteri Hafsa Hâtûn oldu¤›na anunla istidlâl olund›.
Gãyetü'l-emr efvâh-› halkda Câmi‘-i Hafsa binti Hamza Bey telaffuz› sakîl olup îcâz kasd›
içün nihâyet-i flöhretinden | muzâf mevsûf› ile mahzûf olup muzâfun-ileyh ile iktifâ olund›
ve bu câmi‘ medîne-i Selânik'ün emâkininden mekân-› flerîf ve encümen-i latîfdedür ve
evvel binâ olundukda gãlibâ ikãmet-i salât-› cum‘a olunmak üzre binâ olunmayup gãyet
ihtisâr üzre bir kubbe-i sagîre ile binâ olunm›fl, ba‘dehû medîne-i Selânik'de kesret-i
‘›mârât ve âbâdânî hasebi ile salât-› cum‘a ikãmet olunmas› lâz›m oldukda cânib-i flarkî
ve cânib-i garbî ve cânib-i flimâlîsine birer mikdâr mekân dahi zamm u ilhâk olunup ve
cevânib-i selâs›ndan suffeleri müfltemil harem ile mahfûf ve muhât old›.”
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‹nsanlar caminin ismini ‘Hamza Be¤ K›z› Hafsa Cami’ olarak
telaffuz etmekte zorlan›yordu ve ismi k›saltmak için bafll›¤›n
ikinci yar›s›n› att›lar ve sadece ünlü Hamza Be¤’in ismini kullanmak onlara yetti.
Bu cami flehrin iyi bir yerinde bulunmaktad›r. Muhtemelen
Cuma namazlar›n› k›lmak amac›yla infla edilmemiflti, bu yüzden
küçük bir kubbeyle kaplanm›flt›r. Fakat sonra flehir büyüdü¤ünde
ve geliflti¤inde Cuma namazlar›n› burada k›lmak farz oldu.
Do¤u, bat› ve kuzeye bakan üç yüzüne ek mekân yap›lmak
suretiyle geniflletildi.7
Daha önceki bir çal›flmamda as›l vakfedenin isminin yayg›n kullan›ma dahil
edilmemesinin caminin a¤›rl›kl› olarak erkeklerden oluflan cemaatinin kad›n
ismi tafl›yan bir yerde namaz k›lmak istememesinden kaynaklanabilece¤ini, bu
yüzden esas kad›n vakfedenin de¤il babas›n›n isminin kullan›ld›¤›n› öne
sürmüfltüm.8 Âfl›k Mehmed’in bu isim de¤iflikli¤inin sebebini mescid-i Hafsa
bint-i Hamza Be¤’in telaffuzunun zorlu¤u olarak göstermesine ra¤men,
fikrimde ›srar ediyorum. Aç›klamas›, (e¤er do¤ruysa) mekân›n neden mescid-i
Hafsa [Hatûn/Han›m] olarak tan›nmad›¤› sorusunu aç›klam›yor.
Âfl›k Mehmed’in mescid/câmii’nin esas ismi ile ilgili yorumlar› camiyi süsleyen
orijinal kitabe taraf›ndan [Levha 3] k›smen do¤rulan›yor ve kozmograf caminin
yayg›n olarak kullan›lan isminin vakfiyedeki kelimelerle tutmad›¤›n› kabul
eden tek Osmanl› âlimiymifl gibi görünüyor. Yorumlar›n›n sadece vakfiyede
yazanlara dayanmas› ve bugün yerinde bulunan orijinal kitabeye gönderme
yapmamas› biraz flafl›rt›c›d›r. Araflt›rmam›z›n gösterece¤i üzere e¤er yapsayd›
mekân›n infla tarihiyle ilgili biraz farkl› bir sonuca varabilirdi.
7
Afl›k Mehmed: Cilt II: 16a-16b.
8
Lowry, 2008: s. 157-158.
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Levha 3: Hafsa’y› Vakfeden Olarak Gösteren 1467-1468 Kitabesi9
Caminin süren restorasyonunun bir parças› olarak yak›n zamanda temizlenmifl
kitabe flöyledir:
9
Kaynak: Bu foto¤raf için Yunanl› restorasyon mimar› Pascales Androudis’e teflekkür etmek
istiyorum. Bu sayede, içindekilerin tam bir okumas›n› kaydetmek (ilk kez) mümkün oldu.
Benzer flekilde, Princeton’dan arkadafl›m ve meslektafl›m Profesör Hossein Modarressi’ye
teflekkürü borç bilirim. Bir epigrafyac› olarak eflsiz maharetiyle bana kitabenin bu k›sm›n›
çözmemde yard›mc› oldu.
10
Kuran: Sure #72, ayet 18.
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Sat›r 1:
Sat›r 2:
Sat›r 3:
Sat›r 1: ‘Mescidler flüphesiz Allah’›nd›r. Bu yüzden, kimsenin ad›n› Allah’la
bir tutmay›n.’
Sat›r 2: Bu kutsal mescidin [inflas›ndan] sorumlu kifli Hamza Be¤ k›z›
Hafsa’d›r –Kabri temizlensin-11
Sat›r 3: Rab bu mescidi gören ve vakfeden han›m› için dua edenlere merhamet eylesin.
Tarih: sekiz yüz yetmifl iki [2 A¤ustos 1467- 22 Temmuz 1468]
Bu kitabeden net olarak dört fley ç›k›yor: 1) orijinal yap› mescid olarak infla
edilmiflti, yani vaaz›n da verildi¤i Cuma ö¤le namaz› k›l›nm›yordu; 2) ad›
geçen vakfeden Hamza Be¤ k›z› Hafsa adl› bir kad›nd›; 3) infla hicri 872’de (2
A¤ustos 1467- 22 Temmuz 1468) tamamlanm›flt› ve 4) kitabe haz›rland›¤›nda
mescidin vakfedeni Hamza k›z› Hafsa vefat etmiflti çünkü ‘Kabri temizlensin’
deyifli sadece ölüler için kullan›l›r.
Yukar›da tart›fl›ld›¤› üzere, yap›n›n asl›nda bir mescid oldu¤u 1478 Selanik
tahrir defterinde de onaylan›yor. Defter, (inflas›ndan yaklafl›k on y›l sonra)
flehirde ikamet eden Müslüman gruplar› aras›nda bir cema’at-i mescid-i
Hamza Be¤’den bahsediyor.
11
Bu kitabe önceki yay›mlarda flimdiye dek do¤ru okunmad›:
“tâbe serâhâ”
(‘Topra¤› [yatt›¤› yer] güzel olsun’) ve bu yüzden bir mescid kitabesinin mescidin inflas›
s›ras›nda vakfedeninden vefat etmifl gibi bahsetmesinin çeliflki yaratt›¤›n›n fark›na
var›lamad›. Bkz: a) Kiel, 1972: s. 133 dua cümlesinin okunuflu “ta-r-a-ha-b” olarak vermifl
ve çevirmemifltir; b) Ayverdi, 1982: s. 275-276 (okumas›n› Kiel’in sundu¤u okumaya
dayand›rarak), flöyle veriyor:
ve 3) B›çakç›, 2003: s. 314 (Ayverdi’nin Kiel oku-
mas›na dayanarak), benzer flekilde flöyle veriyor:
(târib) [Vurgular bana aittir].
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Machiel Kiel, Âfl›k Mehmed’in 1592’de yap›ya cami demesine dayanarak,
1468 ve bu tarih aras›nda yap›n›n geniflletildi¤i, yani camiye dönüfltürüldü¤ü
sonucuna var›yor. Ayr›ca, al›nt›dan faydalanmamas›na ra¤men, “bu geniflletilmifl cami yang›nda ya da depremde harap olmufltu ve o kadar kötü durumdayd›
ki bafltan afla¤› onar›lmas› gerekiyordu” diye iddia eder.12 Kiel’in “yang›nda ya
da depremde harap olmufl” iddias›n› destekleyen hiçbir kayna¤a rastlamad›m.
Belki de sadece 1618-1619 tarihli ikinci bir kitabede yer alan yap›n›n o sene
bir cami olarak infla edildi¤i iddias›n› aç›klamaya çal›fl›yordu. 1467-1468’de
infla edilmifl ilk mescidin 1468 ve 1592-1593 aras›ndaki dönemde camiye
dönüfltürülmüfl olmas› (Âfl›k Mehmed’in bahsetti¤i üzere Cuma vaaz› için bir
minber ve caminin üç yüzüne odalar›n eklenmesiyle) daha muhtemel
görünüyor. Âfl›k Mehmed’in 1592-1593’te yap›dan bu flekilde bahsetmesinin
sebebi budur. Öyleyse, ikinci kitabenin kan›tlad›¤› üzere 1619’da tüm yap› bir
kez daha yeni bafltan infla edildi ve geniflletildi.13
‹kinci kitabenin günümüze kalm›fl olmas›na dayanarak, benzer flekilde flu
ç›kar›mlar› yapabiliriz: 1) Hafsa bint-i Hamza Be¤ Mescidi [‹nfla tarihi: 14671468] daha sonra büyük bir geniflletilme/renovasyon/yeniden infla sürecinden
geçti; b) bu renovasyon hicri 1028’de (19 Aral›k 1618-9 Aral›k 1619) gerçekleflti; c) Kitabe yap›n›n bugünkü formundan sorumlu olan bireyden sadece
‘Bevvâb’ yani ‘kap›c›’ ya da ‘mabeyinci’ diye bahsediliyor. 1620’de Mehmed
Nerkisi Efendi taraf›ndan kaleme al›nan bir vak›fnâmeden Bevvâb’›m›z›n
isminin asl›nda Mehmed Be¤ oldu¤unu ve d) Bevvâb Mehmed Be¤’in önceki
ibadethanenin ‘restore/renove edilmifl/geniflletilmifl’ten ziyade ‘infla edilmifl’
oldu¤unu iddia ederken kendine ona yüklenmifl olandan fazla itibar etti¤ini
biliyoruz.14 Bu yaklafl›m kendi hesab›na biraz abart›l› durabilir zira akabinde
1619’daki yeniden infla/geniflletmeden sonra orijinal 1467-1468 kitabesi
yerinde b›rak›lm›fl.
12
13
Kiel, 1970: s. 132.
Kiel’in iddias›na göre [Kiel, 1970: s.132, dn.42] Âfl›k Mehmed bir biçimde yanl›fll›kla hep
cami olan bir yap›y› mescid diye adland›rm›flt›. fiu gerçekler iddiay› tamamen çürütüyor:
a) Âfl›k Mehmed ziyareti s›ras›ndaki durumuna göre yap›dan mescid diye bahsederken,
sadece aslen mescid olarak infla edilip cami olarak geniflletildi¤ini söylüyor. b) yap›ya
mescid (Kiel, anlafl›lmaz biçimde, kitabedeki masajdid kelimesini câmi diye çevirse de
[Kiel, 1970: s. 131-133]) diyen ve onun inflas›n› abidelefltiren 1467-1468 kitabesi ve
c) Hamza Be¤ mescidinin Müslüman bir cemaatini (cema’at-i mescid-i Hamza Be¤) kaydeden 1478 Selânik tahrir defteri [Lowry, 1980-1981: al›nt› T.T. Defter #7: s. 531].
14
Bkz: Babinger, 1966: s. 49-50 ve Kiel, 1970: s. 132-134. Evrenos haleflerinin ne kadar
s›k Mehmed Be¤ ismini ald›¤› düflünülürse (günümüze kalm›fl ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤ silsilesinde, 17. yüzy›l aile fleceresi versiyonunda en az dokuz ‘Mehmed Be¤’ ad› geçiyor,
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Bu ikinci ‘restorasyon/renovasyon’ kitabesi [4. ve 5. Levhalar] flu flekilde
okunuyor:
Kad benâ’l-Bevvâbu hâze’l-câmi
Hâlisan lillâhi zü’l-fazl›’l-vedûd
Kâle târîhan lehu Abdü’l’Hamîd
Üdhulû bi’l-birri yâ ehle’s-sücûd.
sene: 1028
Bu cami Bevvâb taraf›ndan infla edilmifltir,
Hâlis bir niyyetle Allah r›zas›n› kazanmak için
Yap›m›na tarih olarak Abdü’l Hamîd
‘Dindarl›kla girin, ey secde edenler’i [düflürmüfltür]
Sene: 1028 [19 Aral›k 1618 – 9 Aral›k 1619]
Levha 4: Hamza Be¤ Câmii 1619 Kitabesi15
1618-1619 kitabesinde camiyi yeniden infla eden kifli olarak ismi geçen ‘Bevvâb Mehmed
Be¤’in bir Evrenoso¤lu olmas› kesinlikle imkan d›fl› de¤il? [Bkz: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s.
12].
15
Kaynak: Ayverdi, 1982: s. 371.
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Levha 5: 1619 Hamza Be¤ Câmii Kitabesinin Bugünkü Durumu16
‹ki 17. yüzy›l Osmanl› seyyah›n›n eserleriyle ilgili referanslara caminin daha
sonraki geçmiflinin izine rastlanabilir. a) Kâtip Çelebi [nam› di¤er: Hâc›
Halife]; 1648-1653 senelerinde yaz›lm›fl Cihannümâ’s›, seyahati s›ras›nda
gördü¤ü, günümüze kalm›fl on Selânik caminin isimlerini verir. ‘Hamsabeg,’
listesinde dokuzuncu s›radad›r17 ve b) Evliyâ Çelebi’nin Seyahatnâme’si.
Selânik’i 1667-1668 y›llar› aras›nda ziyaret etmiflti; flehirdeki Müslüman
ibadethanelerinin listesi bizim yap›n›n tasvirini de içerir: “Bezzâzistân
[Bedestan] mahallesinde bulunan Hamza Be¤ cami gece gündüz ibadet edenlerle doludur. Kurflunla kaplanm›fl hofl bir yap›d›r.”18 [Levha 6]
Evliyâ’n›n yap›n›n popülerli¤i konusunda sundu¤u kan›t› kolayca kabul edebiliriz çünkü Osmanl› flehrinin ticari merkezinin göbe¤inde konumlanm›fl.
Günümüzde hâlâ flehrin ana caddesinde (Egnatia) bedestan›n yan›nda ve
flehrin tarihi kervansaray›n›n tam karfl›s›nda bulunuyor [Levha 6].
Kitabemizde ad› geçen Hamza Be¤’i teflhis etmeden önce, daha önceki
çal›flmalar›n teflhislerini incelemek faydal› olabilir. ‹ki çal›flma da fark›nda
olmadan burada sunulmufl analizi onaylayan ipuçlar› içeriyor:
16
Foto¤raf H. Lowry (A¤ustos, 2008).
17
Hammer[-Purgstall], Joseph von: Rumeli und Bosna, geographisch beschrieben von Mustafa
18
Evliyâ Çelebi bin Dervifl Mehemmed Zillî: Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi. VIII. Kitap
Ben Abdalla Hadschi Chalfa (Vienna, 1812).
[Topkap› Saray› Kütüphanesi Ba¤dat 308 Numaral› Yazman›n Transkripsiyonu – Dizini].
Yay. haz. Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yücel Da¤l› ve Robert Dankoff. ‹stanbul (Yap› Kredi
Yay›nlar›), 2003 [Bundan böyle: Evliyâ, Cilt VIII.: Folyo 226b. Osmanl›ca metin flöyle:
“Andan Hamza Be¤ câmi‘i: Bezzâzistân›n kurbunda olmak ile gece ve gündüz cemâ‘ati
münkat›‘ olmaz kursum kubâbl› câmi‘-i latîfdir.”
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Levha 6: 2007’de Selânik’in Hamza Be¤ Câmii (Restorasyondan Önce)19
a) Hollandal›, Osmanl› mimari tarihçisi Machiel Kiel 1970 y›l›
makalesinde flu sonuca var›yor: “Bu kiflinin II. Murad’›n hükümdarl›¤›
s›ras›nda komutan ve 1460’ta Mehmed Fatih’in hükümdarl›¤› s›ras›nda
Sivas-Tokat bölgesi Anadolu Be¤lerbe¤i olan fiarabdar Hamza Bey
olmas› gerekiyor. Bugünkü Türkiye Trakyas›’ndaki Uzun Köprü civarlar›nda t›mar [Not: ya da zeametleri] vard› ve Edirne K›y›k mahallesindeki zaviyesiyle biliniyordu.”20 Kiel’in fiarabdar Hamza Be¤’i söz
konusu Hamza Be¤ ile efllefltirmesindeki tek tesadüfî sebep her iki
kiflinin de 15. yüzy›lda Balkanlarda yaflam›fl ve ayn› ismi, yani
Hamza’y›, tafl›m›fl olmas›. Kiel, 1619-1620’de yap›n›n yeniden infla
edildi¤ini/geniflletildi¤ini destekleyecek hiçbir kaynak göstermedi¤i
meflrulaflt›r›lamaz ç›kar›m›n› “yang›n ya da depremde harap olmufl”
iddias›yla birlefltirmeye devam ederek bir o kadar kar›fl›k bir teori kurmaya devam ediyor.
b) Osmanl› mimarl›k tarihinde bir öncü olan Ekrem Hakk› Ayverdi, sonraki döneminde, 1982 tarihinde, Yunanistan’daki Osmanl› mimari
miras› üzerine kaleme ald›¤› eserinde daha dikkatli bir tav›r tak›nm›flt›r.
Kiel’in, Anhegger’in vs. (hepsini reddeder) eserlerinde bulunan Hamza
Be¤’in kimli¤i ile ilgili uzun bir analizden sonra flu sonuca var›r:
“Hamza Bey hakk›ndaki bu uzun u¤rafl›n›n neticesi, onun Rumeli
19
Foto¤raf: H. Lowry (2006).
20
Kiel, 1970: s. 131-132.
67
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Beylerbeyili¤i zaman›nda, Selânik ile al›flkanl›¤› olan, belki de orada
evlenip kalan k›z› Hafsa Hâtûn taraf›ndan câminin yapt›r›ld›¤›d›r.”21
c) Gümülcine’de bir lise ö¤retmeni, yani bir Bat› Trakya Türkü olan
‹smail B›çakç›, 1993 senesine ait eserinde Ayverdi’ye uyarak temkinli
bir tutum tak›n›r ve flöyle yazar: “Hamza Bey’in Fatih Sultan Mehmed’in
ak›nc› beylerinden olmas› muhtemeldir. Kimli¤i hakk›nda kesin bir
hükümde bulunmak güçtür.”22 B›çakç›, Hamza’n›n II. Mehmed’in ak›nc›
komutanlar›ndan biri oldu¤u iddias› için bir kaynak sa¤lamasa da (ki
araflt›rmam›z böyle oldu¤unu gösterecek) sonucu bu aç›dan do¤ru gibi
görünüyor;
d) Selânik Bizans An›tlar› Müdürlü¤ü’nün yay›mlad›¤› 2004 senesine ait
Monuments of Ottoman Period of Thessaloniki broflüründe editörler
flunlar› yazm›fl: “Bat› cephesindeki kitabeye göre askeriye komutan›
Hamza Bey’in k›z› taraf›ndan 1467-8’de yapt›r›lm›fl ve ad›n› Hamza
Bey’den alm›fl. Aslen minaresi olmayan küçük bir cami… Girifl
üzerindeki bir di¤er kitabe bize abidenin 1620’de bir deprem ya da
yang›ndan sonra Kap› Mehmed Bey taraf›ndan yeniden infla edildi¤ini
söylüyor.”23 1467-1468 kitabesinde Hamza Bey’i askeriye komutan›
olarak adland›ran ya da mescidin minaresi olmad›¤›n› gösteren hiçbir
fley yoktur. ‹kinci kitabede 1619 (1620 de¤il) y›l›nda yeniden infla
edilen yap›n›n yang›n ya da deprem sonucu hasar gördü¤ü ile ilgili de
hiçbir fley yazm›yor;
e) Selânik An›tlar Müdürlü¤ü’nde arkeolog olan ve Yunanistan Kültür
Bakanl›¤›’n›n yay›mlad›¤› 2009 senesine ait Ottoman Architecture in
Greece’de Hamza Be¤ Cami hakk›ndaki bölümü yazan Lili
Sampanopoulou flöyle diyor: “Ordu komutan› Hamza Bey’in k›z› olan
Hafse Hatun taraf›ndan infla edilmifltir.24 E¤er teflhis do¤ruysa Hamza
Bey hayat›n› 1461’de II. Mehmed’in yan›nda Dracula’n›n topraklar›nda
savaflarak kaybetmifltir. Sonuç olarak ona flehid unvan› verilmifltir ve
‹slam u¤runa flehid olanlar aras›nda say›lm›flt›r.”25 ‹lerideki tart›flmam›z›n
21
Ayverdi, 1980: s. 275.
22
B›çakç›, 2003: s. 313.
23
Paissidou, 2004: s. 10.
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gösterece¤i üzere, burada Hamza Be¤ ile ilgili “hayat›n› Dracula’n›n
topraklar›nda savaflarak kaybetmifltir” (yani Moldavya’da) ve flehid
unvan›n› alm›flt›r teflhisi do¤rudur. Gerçi 1461’de “II. Mehmed’in
yan›nda” de¤il, 10 Ocak 1475’te Süleyman Pafla’n›n yan›nda ölmüfltür.
K›sacas›, gözden geçirdi¤imiz üzere 1467-1468 kitabesinde ad› geçen Hamza
Be¤’in mescid/câmimizin vakfedeni olarak geçen Hafsa’n›n babas› olup
olmad›¤› konusunda akademisyenler aras›nda fikir birli¤i yoktur.
24
Not: ‘hatun’ kelimesi kitabede yok.
25
Brouskari, 2009:
s. 222.
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Cami’nin 1467-1468’deki Kitabesinde Ad› Geçen
Hamza Be¤ ve Hafsa Kimdir?
Bu makalenin bafl›nda belirtildi¤i üzere, Hamza Be¤’in kimli¤i ile ilgili sorunun cevab› Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n bir geç dönem 19. yüzy›l aile fleceresinde yer
alan bir Hamza Be¤’in (Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’ un o¤lu Barak Be¤’in bir torunu)
ad›n›n yan›ndaki notta bulunuyor.
Söz konusu fleceredeki not [Levha 7] flöyledir:
HAMZA BE⁄
“Hamza Be¤, H›z›r Be¤’in ikinci o¤ludur. Selânik’de câmi‘ binâ
idüb nukûd ve emlâk vakf eylemifldir. Küçük kar›ndâfl› Umur Be¤
ile Karabo¤dan’da flehîd olmufllard›r.”
Levha 7: 19. Yüzy›l fieceresinde Hamza Be¤ Maddesi27
26
‘fiecere’nin bu özel versiyonu ‹zmirli Haydar Evrenoso¤lu ailesine aittir. Ailenin
üyelerinden biri olan Alparslan Evrenoso¤lu (‹stanbul’da ifladam›) bana bu kopyay› Ocak
2010’da verdi.
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‘Not’un flans eseri varl›¤›n› sürdürmesi, bizim flu ya da bu flekilde Hafza’n›n
babas›n› bir Evrenoso¤lu, daha net konuflmak gerekirse, Evrenos’un torunun
o¤ullar›ndan biri olarak teflhis etmemizi sa¤l›yor.
Evrenos’un en büyük o¤lu Hâc› Barak Be¤’in silsilesindeki flu k›r›lma [Levha 8]
flecerenin ç›kmas›nda bahsedilen flahs›n kimli¤ini teflhis etmemizi sa¤l›yor:
fiecere, Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un haleflerinin dördüncü kufla¤› aras›nda bir
Hamza Be¤ oldu¤unu ispatlasa da, bu durum Evrenoso¤lu’nun Hafsa’n›n
mescid kitabesinde ad› geçen babas› oldu¤unu göstermiyor. Bunu ancak
Levha 8: Evrenoso¤lu Hâc› Barak Be¤’in Silsilesi28
27
Kaynak: Haydar ve Alparslan Evrenoso¤lu [Foto¤raf: H. Lowry (2010)].
28
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 9.
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dolayl› yollardan ispatlayabiliyoruz, yani bilinen bir dizi olguyu getirip bir
bütün olarak bakt›¤›m›zda flu ya da bu flekilde flu teflhisi yapmam›z› sa¤l›yor:
1) Her fleyden önce, 19. yüzy›l aile fleceresindeki ‘not’un Evrenos’un
torununun torunu Hamza Be¤’in Selânik’te bir cami yapt›r›p (nakit ve
mülk) vakfetti¤inin aç›k ve net biçimde belirtilmesi. Bu bilgi bizi
flehirde onun ad›n› tafl›yan bir ibadethaneyi araflt›rmaya itiyor;29
2) Selânik’teki bilinen 134 Osmanl› camii ve mescidinin derinlemesine
incelenmesi Hamza Be¤ ismini tafl›yan tek yap›n›n oldu¤unu ortaya
ç›kar›yor.30 Bu araflt›rman›n odak noktas› olan mescid/câmi budur;
3) Hafsa bint-i Hamza Be¤ Mescidi, nam› di¤er Hamza Be¤ Mescidi’nde
muhafaza edilmifl orijinal kitabe bize inflan›n bafllang›ç olarak 14671468 tarihini veriyor;
4) Benzer flekilde, 1478 Selânik tahrir defteri bu yap›n›n, inflas›ndan
ancak on sene sonra, vakfedenin isminin Hafsa de¤il, onun babas›
Hamza Be¤ olarak yayg›n biçimde bilindi¤ini gösteriyor;
5) fiecere ç›kmas› Hamza Be¤’in ölüm tarihi ile ilgili de bir ipucu
sunuyor: “Karabo¤dan’da küçük kardefli Umur Be¤ ile flehid oldu.”
29
19. yüzy›l fleceresindeki Hamza Be¤ ad›n›n yan›ndaki ç›kmada yer alan deyifl flöyle:
“Selânik’te bir cami yapt›rd› ve ona nakit ve mülk vakfetti.” 17. yüzy›l fleceresindeki
ç›kmada bu deyifl bulunmuyor. 19. yüzy›l versiyonundaki notun tam metni flöyle: “Hamza
Be¤ H›z›r Be¤’in ikinci o¤luydu. Selânik’te bir cami infla etti ve ona nakit ve mülk vakfetti. Küçük kardefli Umur Be¤ ile Karabo¤dan’da flehid oldu.” 17. yüzy›l fleceresinde
Hamza Be¤’in ad›n›n yan›ndaki not, tam tersine, flöyledir: “Umur Be¤’in efllik etti¤i müteveffa Hamza Be¤ Karabo¤dan’da Süleyman Pafla’n›n hezimeti/yenilgisi s›ras›nda flehid oldu.
Allah’›n ihsan›na erdi.” [Bkz: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 81-82]. Daha önceki aile fleceresinde
Hamza Be¤’in Selânik’te bir cami infla edip etmedi¤ine dair bilgi bulunmamas› vakfiyenin
yap›y› k›z› Hafsa taraf›ndan infla edilmifl göstermesiyle ilgili olabilir.
30
Bu incelemenin sonucunda ç›kar›lan liste flu çal›flmalara dayan›yor: a) Ayverdi, 1982: s.
269-280 ve b) Ünver, 1972: s. 257-260. Ayverdi’nin aç›klamas› Defter-i Vezîr’lere ve
Evliyâ Çelebi’nin zikretti¤i, 17. yüzy›l ortalar›nda mevcudiyetini korumufl yap›lara
dayan›yor. Ünver’in çal›flmas› ise bir 19. Yüzy›l vakfiyesinde muhafaza edilmifl bir Selânik
vak›flar› listesinin transkripsiyonunu sa¤l›yor.
31
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 80-81.
kullan›l›r.
Not: ‘Karabo¤dan’ Osmanl›cada Moldavya karfl›l›¤›nda
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fiecerenin erken 17. yüzy›l versiyonu Evrenoso¤lu kardeflin
“Karabo¤dan’da Süleyman Pafla s›n¤›n›nda”31 flehit oldu¤u ile ilgili ek
bilgi sa¤lar. Söz konusu Süleyman Pafla Sultan II. Mehmed’in yak›n
arkadafl› ve s›rdafl›d›r, Bosna do¤umlu bir had›md›r, Rumeli (yani
Balkanlar) Beylerbe¤idir. Süleyman Pafla’n›n 80.000 kiflilik ordusu, 10
Ocak 1475’te Voyvoda Büyük Stefan’›n yönetti¤i Moldavya birlikleri
taraf›ndan yenilgiye hatta hezimete u¤rat›lm›flt›.32 Moldavya birlikleri
Süleyman Pafla’n›n ordusuna tuzak kurmufl, Süleyman Pafla’n›n ordusu
da bunun üzerine panik içerisinde kaçm›flt›. Ço¤u Tuna Nehri’nde
öldürüldü ya da bo¤uldu ve cesetler Stefan taraf›ndan yak›ld›,
yakalananlar ise kaz›¤a geçirildi. Hamza Be¤ ve kardefli Umur Be¤’in
kaderlerinin ne oldu¤unu belirlemek imkâns›z olsa da, 17. yüzy›l
fleceresindeki ‘not’ savaflta ölenler aras›nda olduklar› konusunda geriye
flüphe b›rakm›yor.33 Kesin olan fley flu ki Hamza Be¤ 1475’te, Hamza
Be¤ isimli kiflinin Hafsa isimli kad›n›n babas› olarak kaydedilmesinden
tam sekiz sene sonra, öldü¤ü ve Hafsa’n›n isminin de Selânik’te bir
mescid vakfedeni olarak geçti¤idir;
6) Mescidin günümüze kalm›fl 1467-1468 kitabesinin ilk kesin okumas›
sayesinde art›k ‘Hamza Be¤ k›z› Hafsa’n›n’ mescidin esas infla/tamamlanma tarihinden, yani 1467-1468 y›l›ndan önce vefat etti¤ini biliyoruz;
7) Yukar›da sunulan yorum, 1467-1468 senesine ait Hafsa kitabesindeki bilginin, Hafsa’n›n tersine, Hamza Be¤’in mescid dikildi¤inde hâlâ
hayatta oldu¤u ç›kar›m›n› yapmam›za imkan sa¤lamas›yla desteklenir.
E¤er k›z›ndan evvel ölseydi kitabede flu flekilde okunmas›n› beklerdik:
Hafsa bint-i merhum Hamza Be¤. Ya da: Hafsa bint-i flehid Hamza Be¤;
8) Mescidin vakfedeni Hafsa öldü¤ünde (1467-1468’den önce) büyük
olas›l›kla bekârd› ve bu yüzden gençken öldü¤ü varsay›labilir. Bu
varsay›m, kitabede genelde evli bir kad›ndan bahsedilme biçimi olan
32
Süleyman Pafla’n›n ‘hezimet’inin bir tasviri için, bkz: Franz Babinger: Mehmed the
Conqueror & His Time [Çev. R. Manheim ve yay. haz. W. C. Hickman]. Princeton
(Princeton University Press), 1978. s. 334 ve s. 339-341.
33
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 80-81.
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hâtûn-i xxx yerine bint-i Hamza olarak geçmesinden ç›kar›labilir.
Babas›n›n bilinen ve meflhur bir kifli olmas› ve bu yüzden Hafsa’n›n o
kadar tan›nmam›fl birinin zevcesi de¤il de onun k›z› olarak
adland›r›lm›fl olmas› alternatif bir aç›klama olabilir;
Bu olgular› ak›lda tutarak mant›ksal bir ç›kar›m yap›labilir, yani flöyle bir
senaryo düflünebiliriz. fieceredeki notun gösterdi¤i üzere, 10 Ocak 1475’teki
ölümünden sekiz sene önce bizim Hamza Be¤ belki de yak›n zamanda vefat
etmifl. Hafsa’n›n bir ölüm döfle¤i dile¤ine cevaben ya da onun an›s›n› yüceltmek için k›z›n›n ad›na ve hat›ras›na nakit ve mülkle bir vak›f kurmufl (19.
yüzy›l aile fleceresinin iddia etti¤i üzere) ve Selânik’te bir cami infla etmifltir
(1468).
Böyle bir senaryo, benzer flekilde, hemen hemen infla tarihinden itibaren
(1478 tahrir defterinin gösterdi¤i üzere) yap›n›n kitabede yapt›ran olarak
geçen müteveffa k›z› yerine Hamza [Evrenoso¤lu] Be¤’in ismiyle bilinmesini
aç›klayacakt›r. Kendisi 1478 tahrir defterinin derlenmesinden üç sene evvel
savaflta ölmüfl Hamza Be¤ flehrin ilk fatihinin halefi oldu¤undan, hem
mescidin hem yap›n›n hizmet etti¤i Müslüman cemaatin Hamza Be¤’i ‘meflhur
kifli’ olarak bilmesini anlamak kolay. 19. yüzy›l aile fleceresini derleyen kiflinin
vakf› k›z› Hafsa yerine babas› Hamza Be¤ ad›yla kaydetmesinin sebebi de bu.
Evrenos ‘aile fleceresi’ benzer flekilde Barak Be¤’in silsilesinin alt›nc› kuflakta,
yani büyük ihtimalle 16. yüzy›l›n ikinci yar›s›nda, sona erdi¤ini gösteriyor. Bu
durum, Bevvâb (Kap›c›) Mehmed Be¤’in 17. yüzy›l›n bafl›nda eskiden mescid
olarak bilinen yap›y› (1467-1468 ve 1592-1593 aras›ndaki bir zamanda cami
olarak yeniden infla edilmifl olan) devralmas›yla ve câmiye dönüflterecek
flekilde yeniden infla etmesiyle/geniflletmesiyle bir güzel kesifliyor. Bir di¤er
deyiflle, vakfeden silsilesi sona erer ermez, bizim Bevvâb mevcut bir vakf›
devral›p geniflletebilmifl.
Bir fley kesin görünüyor: Vakfedenin babas› olarak adland›r›lan Hamza Be¤ bir
Evrenoso¤lu. Bu Âfl›k Mehmed’in ondan ‘meflhur kifli’35 diye bahsetmesiyle
34
Not: Denk düflen bir örnek olarak, 1478 Serres (Siros) tahrir defterinde ad› geçen bir
mahalleden örnek verebiliriz, mahalle-i mescid-i Ayfle Hâtûn-i Do¤an Be¤ olarak kaydedilmifl. Bu yerle ilgili bir tart›flma için bkz: Lowry, 2008: s. 157.
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uyumlu. Bu terim Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un halefi statüsüyle ve savaflta flehid
edilen bir ak›nc› komutan› olmas›yla kesifliyor.
E¤er bu efllefltirme do¤ruysa, mevcut analiz bize Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un bir
di¤er bilinmeyen torununun torununu, yani Hafsa’n›n ismini [k›zl›k soyad› ile
Evrenoso¤lu] veriyor.
Mevcut çal›flman›n bir sonraki bölümünün gösterdi¤i üzere, Selânik’teki Hafsa
/Hamza Be¤ Mescidi’ni s›rad›fl› bir olayla efllefltirmekten ziyade, Hâc›/Gâzi
Evrenos taraf›ndan kurulmufl hanedan›n bir üyesine atfetmek flehirdeki
mevcudiyetlerinin tarihi kay›tlar›yla tamamen uyufluyor çünkü Selânik’te bu
ailenin üyelerinin kurdu¤u, 1390’lardan 1886’ya kadar süren bir dönemi kapsayan en az dokuz vak›f daha biliyoruz.
35
Âfl›k Mehmed’in bahsetti¤i flekliyle: Cilt II: Folyo 16b.
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Hâc› Evrenos ve Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n Selânik’te
(Thessaloniki) Bilinen Di¤er Vak›flar›
Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un halefleri, Osmanl› dönemini içeren Selânik
(Thessaloniki) tarihinin tüm aflamalar›nda önemli bir rol oynayacakt›: yakl.
1387-1394 senelerinde Evrenos’un komuta etti¤i birliklere ilk teslim
olmas›ndan 1912’de Yunanistan Krall›¤› taraf›ndan iflgal edilene kadar.
Beklenece¤i üzere, Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n vak›flar›n›n ço¤unun ana üslerinde,
Selânik’in hanedan›n reisi Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos taraf›ndan 1380’lerde kurulan
komflu kasabas› Yenice-i Vardar’da bulunuyordu.36 Selânik’te Hamza Be¤
Câmi d›fl›nda en az dokuz vak›f bölgesinden sorumluydular:
1) Gazi Evrenos Be¤ Câmi’i : Evrenos’un flehrin yakl. 1387-1394’teki ilk
fethinden hemen sonra Selânik’te bir cami ve bir imaret vakfetti¤i
biliniyor. Daha önceki bir çal›flmamda bu yap›n›n camiye
dönüfltürülmüfl Bizans ibadethanesi Profitis Elias olabilece¤ini
söylemifltim.37 Ayverdi Evrenos Be¤ Camii-‹mareti olarak bahsediyor, bir
Defter-i Vezîr’de Yenice-i Vardar, Serez ve Gümülcine’deki imaretler
aras›nda geçti¤ini belirtiyor.
Evrenos’un flehri 1430’da ikinci kez almadan evvel öldü¤ü göz önünde
bulundurulursa, Selânik’te kurdu¤u cami-imaretin flehrin ilk iflgali
s›ras›nda, yakl. 1387 ile 1403 aras›nda, vakfedildi¤ini mant›ksal olarak
ç›karabiliriz. Yani tam kurulma tarihini ya da konumunu bulmak için
gereken kan›t›n yoluna tafl koyacak pek bir fley yok. Ancak ilk iflgalin
görece k›sa sürdü¤ü göz önünde bulundurulursa, Evrenos’un bu vakf›
flehirde daha önce bulunan bir yap› üzerine kurmay› seçmifl olmas›
büyük ihtimal.
36
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010:
s. 81-109.
37
Bkz: Lowry, 2008: s. 85
38
Ayverdi, 1982: s. 274. Al›nt› yapt›¤› defterin yerini bulamad›m, bu yüzden iddias›n› bu
ba¤lamda kabul edemedim ya da reddedemedim.
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Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri
fiehrin mahallelerinin ve cema’atlerinin yerinden edildi¤ini gösteren
1478 tahrir defteri Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un vakf›n›n ismini alan herhangi
bir flehir bölgesi göstermez.39 Bu durum, vakf›n›n birinci iflgalden sonra
mevcudiyetini sürdüremedi¤ini gösterir. Asl›nda yap›n›n konumunu
bulmam›z› sa¤layabilecek tek ipucu Ayverdi’nin ‹stanbul Vak›f
arflivlerinde buldu¤u yap›n›n ismidir. Yukar›da bahsedildi¤i üzere burada Evrenos imarethanesinin ismi Evrenos Be¤ Câmii-‹mareti olarak
geçer. Bu isim, Evrenos’un câmii-imâret için flehirdeki önceden mevcut
olan çok say›da Bizans kilisesinden birini tahsis etti¤i ihtimalini ortaya
atar. Bu durumda, onun flehrin kuzeybat› dörtlü¤ünde yer alan Profitis
Ilias Kilisesi olabilece¤ini gösteren görece az kan›t var. [Levha 9].40
Levha 9: Selânik’teki Profitis Elias Kilisesi
41
39
Bkz: Lowry, 1980-1981: s. 258.
40
Bu kilisedeki erken Osmanl› dervifl graffitosu ile Gümülcine’deki Evrenos Zâviye‹mâreti’nin duvarlar›nda muhafaza edilmifl olan graffito aras›ndaki benzerli¤i vurgulayan
ayr›nt›l› bir tart›flma için, bkz: Lowry, 2008: s. 85-90.
41
Foto¤raf: H. Lowry (2008).
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2) Gazi Evrenos Be¤ ‹mâreti Bkz.: yukar›da #1
3) Kara Ali Be¤ Câmi’i: Evliyâ Çelebi 1667-1668’de ‘ma’mûr ve âbâdân’
diye tasvir ediyor.42 Söz konusu Kara Ali Be¤, ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤ silsilesinde Evrenos’un torunun o¤luydu [Not: halef s›ras›na göre bu silsile
flöyle devam ediyor: 1) Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos; 2) ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤; 3)
Evrenos Be¤ ve 4) Kara Ali Be¤].43 Büyük ihtimalle 16. yüzy›l bafllar›na
dayan›yor.44 Kara Ali Be¤ isimli iki flah›s bulunmas› ihtimald›fl› de¤ildir
ve Kara Ali Be¤’i bir Evrenoso¤lu olarak teflhis etmemizi sa¤layan,45
ailenin ‹zmir’e yerleflmifl koluna ait, notland›r›lm›fl 19. yüzy›l aile
fleceresi günümüze kalm›flt›r. ‹zmir fleceresinde Kara Ali Be¤ isminin
yan›nda bir not flöyle yazar: “Selânik’de câmi’ binâ idüb nuküd ve
emlâk vakf eylemifltir.” Bu not, Selânik’teki Kara Ali Be¤ caminin
Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un kurdu¤u hanedanl›¤›n çok say›daki vakf›ndan
biri oldu¤unu gösterir;
42
43
Ayverdi, 1982: s. 278. Ayr›ca bkz: Dimitriades, 1983: s. 327.
Evliyâ, 2003: Folyo 226b – “Andan Kara Alî Be¤ câmi‘i: ma‘mûr u âbâdân mezkitdir.”
Ayr›ca bkz: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 13 ve 50-51.
44
Kara Ali Be¤’in babas›n›n, yani Evrenos Be¤’in (hanedan›n kurucusunun torunu) h. 901’de
(21 Eylül 1495 – 10 Eylül 1496) ‹ç Anadolu’da Hac› Bektafli külliyesinin bir bölümünü
vakfetti¤inin bilinmesine dayanarak, böyle bir ç›kar›mda bulunulabilir. Bkz: Zeynep E.
Yürekli-Görkay: Legend and Architecture in the Ottoman Empire: The Shrines of Seyyid
Gazi and Hac› Bektafl. Yay›mlanmam›fl doktora tezi (Harvard Üniversitesi), 2005. s. 175
ve 282-283 ve Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 125-127.
45
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010’un yay›mlanmas›ndan k›sa süre sonra, ‘ailenin yeniden birleflmesi’
etkinliklerinin dördüncüsü 10 Ocak 2010’da Evrenos’un ard›llar› taraf›ndan gerçeklefltirildi.
Kat›lan üyelerden biri bir ifladam› olan ve ailenin Türkiye’ye 1912’deki Balkan Savafl›’ndan
sonra yerleflen kolundan gelen Alparslan Evrenoso¤lu’ydu. Çok nazik davrand› ve bize
Yenice-i Vardar’l› Evrenos Hanedan›: Notlar ve Belgeler kitab›n› yazd›¤›m›z zaman
(kitapta aile fleceresinin bir erken dönem 17. yüzy›l versiyonunu yay›mlam›flt›k) elimizde
olmayan flecerenin bir kopyas›n› vermeyi kabul etti. Her iki versiyonda da aile üyelerinin
ismi birbiriyle tutuyordu, ayr›ca 18. ve 19. yüzy›ldaki aile üyelerinin isimleriyle kimin
hangi mevkide bulundu¤unu ve onlar›n faaliyetlerini aç›klayan notlar verilmiflti. Daha önceki döneme ait birkaç not da vard› (bahsedilen flecere bu).
17. yüzy›l fleceresinden sonraki kuflaklar›n aile üyelerine dair ilave notlar aras›nda bir
tanesi bilhassa ilgi çekici çünkü komflu kasaba Yenice-i Vardar’da (Giannitsa) günümüze
kalm›fl önemli bir abideye ›fl›k tutuyor. Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 24-25’te Machiel Kiel’in
yap›y› 15. yüzy›la ait diye tarihlendirmesini kabul etmifltik ama onu Evrenos’un torunu
Ahmed Be¤’in türbesi olarak belirlemesini tamam›yla reddetmifltik. Bunun yerine, türbe
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4) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Câmii (nam› di¤er) Sa’atl› Câmii: 46
19. yüzy›l ‹zmir fleceresi Selim S›rr› [Evrenoso¤lu] Pafla’n›n [vefat›: h.
1208 = 1793-1794] Selânik’teki infla faaliyetleri üzerine flu bilgileri
içermektedir:
“Seyfullah A¤a taraf›ndan infla edilmifl ve tamamen y›k›lm›fl bir
camiyi devrald› ve onu tafl bir yap› olarak oldu¤u gibi yeniden
infla etti, yan›na da bir kârgîr sâ‘at [kulesi] dikti.47 Ve caminin
avlusuna ö¤renciler için iki s›ra oda, bir çift dershâne ve bir
kütübhâne yapt›rd›. Yan›nda harap olmufl ve su kayna¤› k›r›lm›fl
bir sebîl vard›. Bunu da güzelce yeniden infla etti ve dahas› yaz
aylar›nda suyu serinletmek ve insanlar›n susuzlu¤unu gidermek
amac›yla buz sa¤lanmas› için kenara bir miktar para ay›rd›.”48
[Bkz. Levhalar: 10-16]
olarak infla edilmedi¤i aç›k oldu¤undan, çok büyük ihtimalle 15. yüzy›lda Evrenos’un
o¤ullar›ndan biri taraf›ndan (ya ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤ ya da kardefli ‹sa Be¤) infla edilmifl
bir sibyan mektebi oldu¤unu öne sürmüfltük. 15. yüzy›l teflhisi tamamen Kiel’in yap›daki
duvarc›l›k tekni¤inin 15. yüzy›l’da bir inflaat tarihine iflaret etti¤ini iddia etmesine
dayan›yor. Ancak 19. yüzy›l fleceresindeki bir not söz konusu binan›n asl›nda bir Ku’ran
okulu (kurrâhhâne = darülkurâ) oldu¤u ama 15. yüzy›ldan ziyade 18. yüzy›l›n ikinci
yar›s›na ait olabilece¤i gibi kuvvetli bir ihtimali ortaya at›yor. Bu not flu isimdeki bir
Evrenoso¤lu’nun yan›nda duruyor: fierif Yusuf Be¤. Atas›ndan kalan vakf›n mütevellisi
olarak flu bilgiyi veriyor: “ve sa‘âtin flimâl cânibinde kârgîr binâ ile kubbeli bir kurrâhâne
binâ itmifllerdir”. Günümüze kalm›fl yap› saat kulesinin kuzey bat› yönünden 100-150 metre
uzakl›ktad›r ve kubbeyle kaplanm›fl tafl bir yap›d›r fiecerenin tarifine göre, günümüze kalan
yap›n›n 18. yüzy›l sonunda fierif Yusuf Be¤ [ölüm: h. 1200 (1785-1786)] taraf›ndan infla
edildi¤ini (Kiel’in tersine) gösteriyor. Bu sebeplerden fierif Yusuf Be¤ Kurrâhhânesi olarak
adland›r›lmas› do¤ru olur.
Bu fleceredeki daha ilginç ve o kadar ciddi olmayan notlar bir ‹skender Be¤’in yan›nda
bulunuyor. Not flöyle: “Bin yüz elli bir senesinde ahbâb›n›n belinden pifltov boflânub kazâen
flehid.” Ayr›ca, flecerenin 19. yüzy›l versiyonu 12. yüzy›l Orta Asya’s›na uzanan mitolojik
bir köken yaratm›fl.
46
Dimitriades, 1983: s. 321-323. Yak›n zamanda yay›mlanan (Yunanca) ve çok say›da dönem
foto¤raf›, harita ve resim içeren bu yap›yla ilgili mükemmel bir çal›flma. Bkz: Paschalis
Androudis: “To Tjami tou Selim Pafla i Saatli Camii Thessalonikes: Symvole sten istoria
kai ten architektonike enos chamenou othomanikou temenous,” Thessalonikeon Polis, Cilt
04/27 (Mart, 2009), s. 43-51 [Bundan böyle: Androudis, 2009]. Yazar çok nazik davrand›
ve bana bu makaleden birçok foto¤raf›n kopyas›n› bana vererek, bu çal›flmada kullanmama izin verdi.
47
Selim S›rr› [Evrenoso¤lu] Pafla’n›n 18. yüzy›l sonundaki y›k›lm›fl Seyfullah A¤a Câmii’ni
yeniden infla etme giriflimiyle Bevvâb Mehmed Be¤’in 1619’da Hafsa bint-i Hamza Be¤
Câmii’ni yeniden infla etme giriflimi aras›ndaki benzerli¤e dikkat edin. Her iki vakada da
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5) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Sa’at Kulesi: Bkz. yukar›da #4;
6) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Dershânesi: Bkz. yukar›da #4;
7) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Kütüphânesi: Bkz. yukar›da #4;
8) fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Sebîli: Bkz. yukar›da #4;
önceki vak›f esas vakfedenle aç›k bir iliflkisi olmayan ya da böyle bir iliflkinin olup
olmad›¤› bilinmeyen biri taraf›ndna yenidenmifl/yeniden infla edilmifltir.
48
fiecere’de Selim Paflan›n isminin yan›ndaki ‘not’un tam metni flöyle: fierif Yusuf
Be¤efendi’nin ikinci necl-i necîleri ve sunuv-› asîlleri olub menâhî-i âlihîden perhîz ve ictinâb ve her hâlde tahsîl-i r›zâ-y› cenâb-› hüdâya sa‘y ve flitâb üzere olub sa‘y-› mesâ‘î-i meflkûre ve bânî-i mebânî-i mebrûre olmalar›yla Selanik’de kadîmden Seyfullah A¤a
merhûmun binâs› olub mürûr-› zamân ile müflrif-i harâb olmufl idü¤i müstebân olan câmi‘i flerîfi bi’t-tammâmmatühâ kârgîr olarak binâ ve ihyâ ve ittisâlinde hem ser üç ve âlâ
bir kârgîr sâ‘at inflâ ve havlusunda yeniden iki s›râ tâlib odalar›yla müte‘addid dershâne
ve kütübhâne îcâd ve ittisâlinde vâki‘ sebîl dahî harâba yüz tutarak rahnedâr ve mecrâlar›
bi’l-külliye flikest ve fenâ bulmufliken kemâliyle ta‘mîr ve atflân-› müslimîne irvâ ve dilsîr
kasd›yla mecrâlar›n› icrâdan baflka hengâm-› sayfda mikdâr-› vâfî buz ta‘yîniyle teflne
dilân› sîrâba muvaffak tevfîk-i cenâb-› vahhâb olarak bu hasenât-› mebrûrenin hademesi
vezâifîn-i ma‘ ziyâdetin tatmîm buyurub bir kâr-› istimrâr-› leyl-i ve’n-nehâr iflbu bin iki
yüz otuz üç sâl›nda karâr itdikde itlâf-› nâ-mütenâhî-i cenâbü’l-hakk-› ahakk-› âlîlerinden
numûdâr ve iktirân-› tevfîkât-› aliye-i Samadâniyye bedîdâr olarak sene-i mezkûre
fievvâli’nin dördüncü günü bâ-rütbe-i vâlâ-y› vüzerât-› Rum ‹li Eyâleti uhde-i dâverânelerine tevcîh ve ihsân-› hümâyûn buyurulmufldur. Hazar-› hüceste fefîk her azîm ve seyrde
rehber-i tarîk olarak cenâb-› feyyâz-› mutlak kâffe-i emrde muvaffak eyleye. Emîn behürmeti beniyyü’l-emîn.
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Levha 10: fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Câmii nam› di¤er Sa’atl› Câmii
ve yan›ndaki Sa’at Kulesi 49
49
H. Lowry koleksiyonundan bir kartpostal.
81
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Levha 11: Arka Planda fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla] Câmii (nam› di¤er)
Sa’atl› Câmii ile birlikte Ön Planda fierif S›rr› Selim Be¤ [Pafla]
Sa’at Kulesi ve Dershanesi 50
50
Ünlü, 2006: s. 68.
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Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri
Levha 12: Sa’atl› Câmii ve Okulunun 19. Yüzy›l Sonuna Ait Gravürü51
51
Foto¤raf Paschalis Androudis izniyle.
83
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Levha 13: fierif S›rr› Selim Pafla (nam› di¤er) Sa’atl› Câmii, Arka Planda Saat Kulesi52
Levha 14: 18 A¤ustos 1917 Yang›n›n›n Sonras›nda Çekilmifl Sa’atl› Câmii
Kal›nt›lar› ile Hükümet Kona¤› (Government Building)53
52
Ünlü, 2006: s. 67.
53
Foto¤raf Paschalis Androudis izniyle.
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85
Levha 15: Hükümet Kona¤›’n›n Solunda fierif S›rr› Selim Pafla Câmii
(nam› di¤er) Sa’atl› Câmii 54
Levha 16: Hükümet Kona¤›’n›n Solunda Eskiden fierif S›rr›
Selim Pafla Câmii’nin Bulundu¤u Yer55
54
Moutsopoulos, N.K.: Thessaloniki, 1900-1917. ‹ngilizce Bask›: Thessaloniki (M. Molho
55
Brouskari, 2009: s. 242. Foto¤raf›n kayna¤› bilinmiyor.
Publications), 1981. s. 181.
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9) Hastâne-i Askerî: ‹stanbul Baflbakanl›k Arflivi’nde muhafaza edilmifl,56 5 Mart 1886 (30 Kanun-i sânî 1303) tarihli bir belge Mehmet
fiefik Pafla’n›n [Evrenoso¤lu] selefinin vakf›n›n mütevellisi olarak
Selânik’te (Thessaloniki) bir hastâne-i askerî infla edilmesi için en az
1150 Osmanl› alt›n liras› ba¤›fllad›¤›n› gösteriyor [Not: O dönemde 1
alt›n lira 7,26 gram alt›n içeriyordu, yani 1150 alt›n lira 8.340 gram ya
da 8,34 kilogram ediyordu.]. 19. yüzy›l›n sonunda bile o s›ralarda befl
yüz senedir varolan bir vakf›n geliri kurucunun Yenice-i Vardar’daki
mozolesini yeniden infla etmeye (Mehmed fiefik Pafla ve ortaklar›n›n
giriflti¤i bir proje) yetmekle kalmay›p, yöneticilerinin genelinde toplum
için hay›rsever ifller yapmas›n› sa¤lamay› sürdürdü¤ü aç›k.57
Günümüze kalm›fl bu hastane [Levha 17], Selânik’te Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un ve
haleflerinin infla etti¤i bilinen vak›flar›n onuncusu. Evrenos ve haleflerinin
bafll› bafl›na flehirle ve flehrin 14. yüzy›l sonundan 19. yüzy›l sonuna kadar,
yani yar›m yüzy›l› bulan bir dönem, mimarisiyle yak›ndan ilgilendiklerini gösteriyor.
Levha 17: Hastâne-i Askerî
58
56
‹stanbul: Baflbakanl›k Arflivi: Y. Mtv. Dosya Numara 30 (Gömlek Numara 70).
57
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 93-95 ve Ayverdi, 1982: s. 286.
58
Foto¤raf Evangelos Hekimoghlou izniyle (25 Ocak 2010).
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Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri
Ersin Evrenos (Türk donanmas›ndan emekli bir kaptan), bana büyük halas›
Semiha Han›m’›n (büyük day›s› Suphi Be¤’in k›z kardefli Kadriye’nin k›z›) kendisine hastanenin Selânik’teki evlerinin bulundu¤u bölgeye infla edildi¤ini
anlatt›¤›n› aktard›.
Bu teflhis oldukça muhtemel görünüyor çünkü
Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n flehir içinde oldu¤u kadar flehir d›fl›nda da çok say›da
mülkü oldu¤u biliniyor.59 Bu sadece 8,34 kilogram alt›n›n de¤il inflaat›n
yap›laca¤› arazinin de Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n ba¤›fl› oldu¤u anlam›na gelebilir.
Selânik üzerine çal›flan ünlü yerel tarihçi Evangelos Hekimoghlou, 1912’den
sonra hastanenin ‘424 Yunan Askeri Hastanesi’ olarak hizmet verdi¤ini,
2007’de yeni bir askeri hastanenin inflas›n›n ard›ndan kapand›¤›n› bildiriyor.
fiimdi ‘Devlet Mülkü’ olarak kaydedilmifl ve Makedonya Üniversitesi’ne transfer edilmeyi bekliyor.
59
Semiha
Han›m,
Selânik’teki
(Thessaloniki)
evlerinin
Evrenos’lar›n
Yunanistan’daki
vak›flar›n›n son mütevellilerinden Mustafa Faik Be¤’e ait oldu¤unu, hâlâ durdu¤unu ve flu
an Yunan Donanmas› taraf›ndan kullan›ld›¤›n› da anlatt›. fiu ana kadar bu binan›n yerini
teflhis edemedim.
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‹dare ile ‹lgili Ba¤lant›lar: Evrenoso¤ullar› ve Selânik fiehri
16. yüzy›l ve sonras›nda yaz›lm›fl standart Osmanl› vakay›nameleri Evrenos’un
Selânik’in ilk al›n›fl›nda oynad›¤› önemli rolü belirtirken, genelde flehrin fethini iktidardaki padiflaha atfeder. Ancak 17. yüzy›l seyyah› Evliyâ Çelebi
Balkanlar› gezerken ayr›nt›lara çok dikkat etmifltir. Selânik’in fethinden
bahsederken oldukça dikkatli davran›r: “sene 792 târîhinde Âl-i Osmân'dan
Gâzî Hudâvendigâr ya‘nî Sultân Murâd Hân-› Evvel ibn Orhân Gâzî vüzerâlar›ndan be-dest-i Gâzî Evrenos Be¤ kefere-i Rûm elinden dest-i kahr ile feth
edüp.”60
Evrenoso¤ullar› ve Selânik flehri aras›ndaki iliflki, flehrin yakl. 1390’daki
fethedilmesiyle ne bafllad› ne de bitti. Timurlenk’in Y›ld›r›m Bâyezid’i 1403’te
yenmesinin ard›ndan Bizans kuvvetleri taraf›ndan yeniden iflgal edildikten
sonra, flehir 1422’de Evrenos’un büyük o¤lu Barak Be¤ taraf›ndan iflgal edildi
ve do¤u k›s›mlar› –Kalamarya ve Kassandra aras›—ya¤maland›; 61 bunu dokuz
y›ll›k Venedik yönetimi (1423-1430) izledi, bunun ard›ndan Sultân II. Murad
taraf›ndan 29 Mart 1430’da ‹ki Yüreklü Ali Be¤ (Evrenos’un bir di¤er o¤lu) ve
ak›nc› kuvvetlerinin maharetli yard›m›yla yeniden al›nd›.62
fiehir düfltü¤ünde orada bulunan Bizans kronikçisi Anagnostes’in eserinden
Sultân II. Murad’›n yeni fethedilmifl Selânik’te Osmanl› mevcudiyetini yaratmak için neler yapt›¤›n› ö¤reniyoruz:
[II. Murad] kalan tüm evlerin ve neredeyse tüm kiliselerin di¤er
bölgelerden gelip de belki oturduklar› yer yerine flehri
[Thessaloniki] tercih eden kiflilere ya da Yenitze’den [Yenice-i
Vardar] gelen Türklere verilmesini buyurdu. Bu bölgenin tamam›
ovad›r, flehrin bat›s›na bir günlük yol uzakl›¤›ndad›r. Elveriflli
oldu¤undan ya da oray› aslen ikamet yeri seçen [Hâc› Evrenos]
acele etmifl oldu¤undan, birçok Türk mukimi vard›r. Gezme
amaçl› m› avlanma amaçl› m› bilmiyorum, Murad flehirde
[Thessaloniki] kald›¤› s›rada bu bölgeyi ziyaret etmiflti,
60
Bkz: Evliyâ Çelebi, Cilt VIII.: Folyo 223b.
61
Vacalopoulos, 1972: s. 62.
62
Fahamettin Baflar: “Evrenoso¤ullar›,” Türkiye Diyanet Vakf› ‹slam Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 11
(‹stanbul, 1995), s. 539-541.
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oradayken neredeyse bütün bölgeyi boflaltt›, sakinleri [bölgeden]
ç›kard› ve onlara hemen Thessaloniki’ye yerleflmelerini buyurdu.
Bu hükme [prostagma] uymalar› buyrulanlar [IV. Murad
Yenice-i Vardar’dan] gittikten sonra hiç gecikmeden, [buyru¤u]
bir an evvel yerine getirdiler. [Yenice-i Vardar’a] vard›ktan ve
oradaki tüm Türkleri itaat yoluyla de¤il, zorla Thessaloniki’ye
götürerek, fermana göre onlara eskiden sahip olduklar› evler yerine yenilerini verdiler. Murad bu iki önlemi de seçti ve flehrin
daha etkin bir savunmas› olmas› için böyle olmalar›n› buyurdu.
Ayr›ca deniz k›y›s›nda bir flehir oldu¤u için daha çok say›da
mukime ihtiyaç vard›. Dahas› eksiksiz bir pazar›n›n olmas›n›
böylece tüm mallar›n oraya akmas›n› ve birçok kifliyi flehre çekmeyi istedi. fiehir [bu mallarla] ticaret yapmaya ve onlar› takas
etmeye ihtiyaç duyanlar› donatacakt› ve bunun sonucunda flehir
kolayca zengin olacakt›.63
Bu pasaj, ikinci iflgalin sonras›nda Selânik’e ilk yerleflmifl Müslümanlar
aras›nda Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un çok say›da halefi bulundu¤unu ortaya koyuyor. Zira yakl. 1385’te kuruldu¤undan bu yana Yenice-i Vardar’›n ilk mukimleri
Evrenos’un aile üyelerinden, yani yedi o¤lu, onlar›n aileleri ve
hizmetlilerinden olufluyordu.64 Bir baflka deyiflle, aile Selânik’in birinci ve ikinci fethinde kilit bir rol oynamakla kalmad›, benzer flekilde (istemeden de olsa)
o s›radaki 1430 sonras› Müslüman mukimlerinin önemli bir k›s›m› da onlardan
olufluyordu.
Önemli Selânik (Thessaloniki) emporias›n›n tarihi ile Osmanl› fatihinin haleflerininki, 1390’da flehrin Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un ‘ellerinden’ fethedilmesinden
1912’de Yunanistan Krall›¤› ordusuna tek atefl edilmeden teslim oldu¤u
zamana kadar, tam anlam›yla içiçe geçmifltir. Ünlü 19. yüzy›l Osmanl› flairi
Yahya Kemal’in hat›rat› ailenin flehrin tarihindeki önemini gösteren ilginç bir
not içerir. fiöyle der:
63
Speros Vryonis, Jr.: “The Ottoman Conquest of Thessaloniki in 1430,” Anthony Bryer ve
Heath Lowry [yay. haz.]: Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine & Early Ottoman
Society. Washington, D.C. & Birmingham, England, 1986. s. 281-321. [Vurgu bana aittir]
64
Evrenos’un yedi o¤lunun hemen hepsinin isimleri Yenice-i Vardar’› kapsayan 16. yüzy›l
tahrir defterlerinde mahalle ismi olarak muhafaza edilmifltir. Bkz: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s.
109-116.
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Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n Y›lanl› Mermer olarak bilinen mahallede
[Not: flehrin kuzeybat› çeyre¤inde].65 Büyük köflkleri vard›r [Not:
flehrin tam merkezinde]. Bu köflkler harab olmufltur ve büyük, bir
o kadar bak›ms›z bahçeleri vard›r. Osmanl› Sultân›
I. Abdülmecid (1823-1861) Selânik’e devlet ziyaretinde bulundu¤unda, Evrenos’un halefleri sultan›n flehirde kald›¤› zaman
konaklamas› için özel bir köflk yapt›rd›. Ziyaretinden sonra ona
sayg›dan köflkü kapatt›lar ve bir daha kullanmad›lar… Bu ailenin
kökleri ve kollar› tüm flehirde o kadar yay›lm›flt›r ki miras kavgalar›n› çözmeye ve davalar› sonuçland›rmaya çal›fl›rken
mahkemeleri y›llarca meflgul ederler.66
fiehir, 26 Ekim 1912’de Yunan Ordusu’na teslim oldu¤u gün, Osmanl›
meclisinde ‹ttihâd ve Terrakî’nin kurucu üyelerinden biri olan Rahmi Be¤
[Levha 18] taraf›ndan temsil ediliyordu. Rahmi Be¤ ayn› zamanda Merkez-i
Umûmî’nin bir üyesiydi ve do¤rudan on beflinci kuflak Evrenos halefiydi (anne
taraf›ndan). Paradoks flu ki Rahmi Be¤’in bu politik hareketi birkaç sene sonra
atas› Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un befl yüz y›l evvel kurulufluna yard›m etti¤i Osmanl›
‹mparatorlu¤u’nun sonunu getirecekti.
Selânik flehri 1895-1905 aras› deniz k›y›s› boyunca do¤udaki banliyölerine
do¤ru genifllemeye bafllad›. Zengin ifladamlar› ve yüksek rütbeli görevliler
Hamidiye Mahallesi (isim Sultân II. Abdülhamid’den geliyor) olarak an›lacak
bölgeye yal›lar yapt›rmaya bafllam›fllard›. Önde gelenlerden biri de Rahmi
Be¤’di [Evrenoszâde]. Yal›s› belki de flehri befl yüz y›l önce fetheden
Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un halefleri taraf›ndan flehirde yapt›r›lan son yap›yd›
[Levha 18-20].
65
66
Dimitriades, 1983: s. 121-123.
Nihat Sami Banarl› (yay. haz.): Yahya Kemal’in Hat›ralar›. 2. Bask›. ‹stanbul (Fetih
Cemiyeti Yahya Kemal Enstitüsü), 1997. s. 32. Bu referansa dikkatimi çekti¤i için bir
Evrenos olan ‹stanbullu avukat Özer Gazievrenoso¤lu’na teflekkür ederim. Ayr›ca bkz:
Yahya Kemal: Çocuklu¤um, Gençli¤im, Siyâsî ve Ededî Hât›ralar›m. ‹stanbul, 1973. Ünlü
flair ve edebiyatç› bu eserinde çocukken ailesinin Üsküp’ten Selânik’e tafl›nd›¤›n›, Yahya’n›n
babas›n›n erkek kardeflinin (Evrenoslar›n iç güveysiydi) kay›npederi olan Evrenoso¤lu Faik
Bey’in evinde [Not: flehrin Y›lan Mermer mahallesinde – y›lanl› sütun bugün hala #37
Agiou Dimitriou caddesindeki elektrik trafo merkezinin önündedir] misafir olduklar›n›
anlat›r.
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Levha 18: Rahmi [Evrenoszâde] Be¤67
67
Foto¤raf: H. Lowry koleksiyonundan bir kartpostal. Rahmi Be¤, 1934’te Türkiye
Cumhuriyeti’nde Soyad› Kanunu’nun benimsenmesinden sonra, Arslan soyad›n› ald›.
Atas›n›n ad›n›n herhangi bir fleklini almayan, yani ‘Evrenos,’ ‘Evranos,’ ‘Evrenoso¤lu,’
‘Evranoso¤lu,’ ‘Gazievrenoso¤lu,’ vs. bulabildi¤im nadir bir Evrenoso¤lu’ydu.
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Levha 19: Hamidiye Mahallesindeki Villalar: Rahmi Be¤’inki Ön Planda
68
Bir Evrenos halefinin böyle bir rol oynam›fl olmas› da anormal bir durum
de¤ildir çünkü önceki befl yüzy›l içerisinde Selânik eyaletinin çok say›da
Sancak Be¤’i benzer flekilde bölgenin 14. yüzy›ldaki fatihinin halefleriydi.
Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n günümüze kalm›fl çeflitli aile flecerelerinde muhafaza edilmifl notlar›na dayanarak,69 önemli bir vilayet olan Selânik’in Sancak Be¤’leri
olarak hizmet görmüfl flu aile üyelerinin izini sürebiliriz.70 Bunlar aras›nda:
68
Foto¤raf 18-20: Rahmi [Evrenoszâde] Arslan’›n torunu Melekflah Arslan’›n izniyle. Rahmi
Be¤ için ‘o¤lu’ yerine ‘zâde’nin kullan›lmas› onun ailenin kad›n taraf›ndan geldi¤ini gösteriyor. Melekflah Han›m, villan›n sonradan Merzifon Anadolu Koleji’ne geçici olarak ev
sahipli¤i yapt›¤›n› (okul Selanik’e tafl›nm›flt›) ve sonra Anadolu Koleji flehrin Panorama
bölgesinde bulunan bugünkü yerine tafl›nd›¤›nda binan›n Kolej’in Mezunlar Derne¤i olarak
kullan›ld›¤›n› anlat›yor. Daha sonra y›k›lm›fl ve yerine bir dizi apartman dikilmifl. Bkz:
George E. White: Adventuring with Anatolia College. Grinnell, Iowa (Herald-Register
Publishing Company), 1940. s. 134, 141 ve s. 160’tan sonra gelen foto¤raflar. White, bu
foto¤raf›n önünde binay› ‘K›z Okulu’ diye adland›rmakla (yani Anadolu Koleji’nin k›z
kanad›) daha do¤ru bir teflhis yap›yor. Bununla ilgili flöyle yaz›yor: “ ‘K›z Okulu’ uzun
zaman önce Amerikan misyonunun bafllad›¤› ve senelerce sürdü¤ü Rue Franque’taki yerini boflaltm›flt›. Art›k Allatini Caddesi ve Ege Sahili aras›nda yeni ve çok daha iyi bir
binadayd›. Yer k›s›tl›yd› ve bina türünün iyilerinden olsa da sadece kalan aile fertleriyle
birlikte binay› terk etmifl olan bir Türk idarecisinin ‘konak’›yd›.” [s. 134].
69
Bu belgeler aras›ndaki en önemlisi ‹stanbullu Ersin Evrenos’a ait, 17. yüzy›l›n son
çeyre¤inde kaleme al›nm›fl olan belgedir. Modern Türkçe metin ve bir ‹ngilizce çeviriyle
(Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 42-80) t›pk›bas›m olarak yay›mlanm›flt›r. 19. yüzy›l sonunda der-
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Levha 20: Rahmi Be¤ Yal›s› (yakl. 1900)
Levha 21: Rahmi [Evrenoszâde] Be¤’in Selânik’teki Yal›s›, yakl. 1912
lenmifl daha sonraki üç versiyonunu bana yine aile üyeleri verdi (Lowry/Erünsal, 2010’›n
yay›mlanmas›ndan bu yana): a) Emin Özer Evrenos, b) Aynur [Evrenoso¤lu] Onbafl›o¤lu
ve c) Haydar ve Alparslan Evrenoso¤lu. Bunlar aras›nda en çok Haydar Evrenoso¤lu’na
ait olan belge faydal› oldu çünkü 18. ve 19. yüzy›l aile üyelerinin isimlerinin yan›nda
çeflitli notlar içeriyordu, Ersin Evrenos’a ait 17. yüzy›l fleceresinde daha erken kuflaklar›n
üyeleri hakk›nda di¤er belgelerde bulunmayan birkaç not da vard›. Bu çal›flmada bu iki
aile fleceresinde (yani Ersin Evrenos ile Haydar Evrenoso¤lu’nunki) aile üyelerinin ellerinde
bulundurdu¤u yönetici pozisyonlar›yla ilgili belgeyi birlefltirdim. Onlara (özellikle Özer
Gazievrenoso¤lu) ve di¤er birçok Evrenoso¤ullar› üyelerine bu belgeleri ve di¤er aile
hat›ratlar›n› paylaflma nezaketini gösterdikler için ne kadar minnettar oldu¤umu söylememe
gerek yok.
70
Di¤er birçok aile üyesi de bu dönemde Balkanlarda di¤er vilayetlerde Sancak Be¤ olarak
hizmet verdi. Bkz: Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 42-80.
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a) Hâc› Ahmed Be¤ o¤ullar›ndan Musa Be¤’in o¤lu Abdi Be¤, 15.
yüzy›lda, on befl y›l boyunca hem Evrenos vakf›n›n mütevellisi hem de
Selânik (Thessaloniki) Sancak Be¤’i olarak hizmet gördü;
b) 1593-1594’te ölen Yusuf Be¤ 16. yüzy›lda hem Selânik
(Thessaloniki) hem Üsküp (Skopje) Sancak Be¤’i olarak hizmet verdi;
c) Mehmed Pafla (Be¤) 17. yüzy›lda k›rk seneli¤ine hem Evrenos vakf›
mütevellisi hem Selânik (Thessaloniki) Sancak Be¤’i olarak hizmet
verdi. 9 Aral›k 1645 ile 18 Ocak 1646 aras›nda bir tarihte vefat etti;
d) Süleyman Be¤, 17. yüzy›l›n sonlar›nda benzer flekilde atas›n›n
vakf›n›n mütevellisi olarak hizmet verdi ve 1 Haziran 1669 ile 22 May›s
1670 aras›nda bir tarihte IV. Mehmed taraf›ndan Selânik’e
(Thessaloniki) Sancak Be¤ atand›. 1673-1674’teki sefer s›ras›nda görev
bafl›nda öldü;
e) fierif Mehmed 18. yüzy›lda Selânik Eyaleti’nde mütesellîm olarak
hizmet verdi. 1183 (1769-1770) senesinde Hotin Savafl›’nda flehid oldu.
f) Selim S›rr› Pafla, 18. yüzy›lda iki kere Selânik Be¤lerbe¤i olarak
hizmet verdi: birincisi 1785 ve sonra 1788-1789’da;71
Mehmed Pafla/Be¤’in isminin yan›ndaki ‘not’ bilhassa ilginç çünkü Osmanl›
yetkililerinin nadiren tek yerde hizmet verdi¤i bir dönemde en önemli vilayet
Selânik’te neredeyse 17. yüzy›l›n ilk yar›s›n›n tamam›nda, yani yakl. 1606’dan
1645’deki ölümüne kadar, görevde kald›¤›n› gösteriyor. Not flöyle:
Yukar›da ad› geçen müteveffa Mehmed Pafla yaklafl›k k›rk y›l
boyunca Evrenos Be¤’in vakf›n›n mütevellisi oldu. Bu zaman
zarf›nda Selânik Beylerbeyi’ydi. Birçok cihada kat›ld› ve
Osman’›n hanesi için birçok hizmetlerde bulundu.
Âlicenapl›¤›yla ve ibadet etme konusunda gösterdi¤i hassasiyetle
71
Selim S›rr› Pafla’n›n itibarl› bir kariyerinin olmas› (s›k s›k görevden al›n›p yeniden görevine
getirilse de) iktidara do¤ruyu söyleme e¤iliminden kaynaklan›yordu, bkz: Mehmed Süreyya:
Sicil-i Osmanî. ‹stanbul, 1311(1893-1894). Bkz: Cilt III. s. 59.
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Evrenos Ailesi ve Selânik fiehri
ünlüydü. h.1055’te (19 Aral›k 1645-18 Ocak 1646) Zilhicce
ay›nda vefat etti ve yüce caminin avlusuna defnedildi. Allah rahmet eylesin.72
Bu fleceredeki notlar›n da gösterdi¤i üzere, Evrenoso¤ullar›’na verilen en yüksek bölgesel yönetici mevkii genelde Selânik Sancak Be¤ göreviydi. Bölgeye
üsleri Yenice-i Vardar da dâhildi.73 Elimizde bulunan da¤›n›k materyal bile bu
mevkiinin 16. ve 17. yüzy›llarda ailenin üyelerine ayr›lm›fl, neredeyse soydan
soya geçen bir t›mar gibi göründü¤ünü gösteriyor.
2003 tarihli Erken Dönem Osmanl› Devleti’nin Yap›s› adl› kitab›mda erken Uc
Be¤ hanedanl›klar›n›n (Evrenoso¤ullar›, Mihalo¤ullar›, Turahano¤ullar›,
Malkoço¤ullar› ve Üsküplü ‹sa Be¤’in halefleri) hiçbir zaman Sancak Be¤’likten daha yüksek mevkie getirilmediklerini ve Osmanl› prenseslerini zevce
olarak alamad›klar›n› iddia etmifltim. Bunun sebebinin zaten son derece büyük
olan bölgesel güçlerini daha da pekifltirmeme çabas› oldu¤unu söylemifltim.74
Aile flecerelerinde muhafaza edilmifl, Evrenos haleflerinin bireysel üyeleri
hakk›ndaki ‘notlar’ bu iddiay› destekliyor çünkü 19. yüzy›l sonundan önce
hiçbir aile üyesi Osmanl› bürokrasisinde Sancak Be¤’li¤inin üstünde bir
mevkie sahipmifl gibi görünmüyor.
72
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 70-71. Metin flöyle: “Merhûm-› mezbûr Mehmed Pafla ceddi
Evrenos Be¤’in evkâf›na k›rk seneye karîb Selânik sanca¤› ile ma‘an cem‘ edip ma‘an
mutasarr›f olmufldur. Nice gazâda hâz›r olup selâtîn-i âl-i Osmân hazerât›na nice hidmeti
sebk idüp sâlih ve muttakî ve kerem ve sehâ ile ma‘rûf ve meflhûr idi. Bin elli befl
Zilhiccesi’nde vefat edip Yenice-i Vardar’da câmi‘-i flerîfi hareminde defn edilmifldir.
Rahmetu’llâhi aleyh.”
73
Not: Selânik’te Sancak Be¤ olarak hizmet etti¤i spesifik olarak bilinen sadece alt›
Evrenoso¤lu varken (günümüze kalm›fl flecerelerin ç›kmalar›na dayanarak; bir yedinci Selim
S›rr› Pafla’n›n da bu mevkide oldu¤u biliniyor ama flecerelerde özel olarak bahsedilmemifl),
di¤er aile üyelerinin de bu görevde bulunmufl olmas› (isimlerinin yan›nda not bulunmayanlar›n) yüksek ihtimal olabilir mi? Aile flecerelerinde muhafaza edilmifl, bireysel aile üyeleri
hakk›nda bilgi sa¤layan ‘notlar’ farkl› farkl› flecerelerdeki isimlerin yüzde onunda bile
bulunmuyor ve genelde notland›r›lm›fl olan kiflilerin Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos vakf›n›n mütevellileri olarak hizmet etti¤ini gösteriyor gibi görünüyor. Asl›nda Evrenos fleceresinin
varl›¤›n›n en muhtemel aç›klamas›, mütevellilerin seleflerinin vakf›ndan toplanan üretim
fazlas›ndan ve mülklerinin gelirinden gelen y›ll›k kaynak da¤›t›m›n›n bir bölümü üzerinde
hakk› olan erkek halefleri do¤ru teflhis etme ihtiyac›n›n duyulmufl olmas›d›r. Genelde bu
tip aile flecereleri tutmak yayg›n bir Osmanl› âdeti de¤ildi.
74
Heath W, Lowry: The Nature of the Early Ottoman State.
Albany, New York (SUNY
Press), 2003. s. 139-143 [Türkçesi: Erken Dönem Osmanl› Devleti’nin Yap›s›. ‹stanbul
(‹stanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay›nlar›), 2010. s.154-155].
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Sonuç
Önceden Yenice-i Vardar’l› Evrenos Hanedan›: Notlar ve Belgeler adl› kitapta
gösterildi¤i üzere,75 Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos ve halefleri befl yüz seneden uzun bir
süre neredeyse atalar›ndan kalma üsleri Yenice-i Vardar’› (Giannitsa)
çevreleyen büyük bir bölgenin sahipleriydi. Vak›flar›n›n topraklar› Yenice-i
Vardar’› çevreliyor, bat›da Selânik’ten (Thessaloniki) do¤uda Vodina (Edessa),
kuzeyde Avrethisar (Ginekokastro) ve güneyde Karaferya’ya (Veria)
uzan›yordu. Bu bölgedeki Evrenos’un, o¤lu ‹sa Be¤’in ve torunu Ahmed Be¤’in
kurdu¤u vak›flara ba¤l› arazileri yetmiflten fazla köyü içine al›yordu, bunlardan baz›lar› bugünkü Kuzey Yunanistan’›n en verimli topraklar›d›r.76 [Bkz:
HAR‹TA I].
Harita I: Hâc›/Gâzi Evrenos’un Vak›flar›n›n Yerlerini Gösteren Harita77
Bu denkleme Evrenos’un, Yenice-i Vardar’a geçmeden önce, ilk önce Bat›
Trakya’da Gümülcine (Komotini) ve sonra Do¤u Makedonya’da Siroz (Serres)
bölgesinde büyük vak›flar kurmufl olmas›n› katarsak,78 haleflerinin eline kalm›fl
muazzam maddi kaynaklar›n ve gücün çap› hakk›nda bir fikir edinebiliriz.
[Bkz: HAR‹TA I].
75
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 16-74.
76
Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 159-164.
77
Lowry, 2009: s. 5.
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Bu vak›f mülkleri, tüm Kuzey Yunanistan’daki kuflaktan kufla¤a geçen büyük
arazilerle destekleniyordu. Bu flahsi topraklar›n tam kapsam› 1603 y›l›nda derlenmifl ve Sultân I. Ahmed’in tu¤ras›yla tasdik edilmifl, yak›n zamanda
yay›mlanan bir mülknâme’de ortaya konuldu.79 Bu belge ailenin mülk arazilerinin do¤uda Gümülcine’den Köstendil’e ve bat›da daha da ileriye
uzand›¤›n› yeniden tasdik ediyor. Bunlar 14. yüzy›lda Sultân Murad
Hüdavendigâr (1362-1389) ile Y›ld›r›m Bâyezid (1389-1402) taraf›ndan Hâc›
Evrenos’a ba¤›fllanm›fl mülklerdir. Her yeni Osmanl› hükümdar›n›n tahta
geçmesiyle yeni bir mülknâme ç›kar›lmas› ve böylece bu arazilerin aidiyetinin
yeniden tasdik edilmesi gerekiyordu. Bu bak›mdan Evrenoso¤ullar›’n›n haklar›
20. yüzy›l›n bafl›na kadar her yeni sultan taraf›ndan tan›nmaya devam etti.80
Bu çal›flman›n göstermeye çal›flt›¤› üzere, 14. yüzy›ldan 19. yüzy›la kadar
Evrenos ailesinin kontrolündeki büyük çaptaki servetin bir k›sm› dönem
dönem vakf›n mütevellileri taraf›ndan Selânik flehrinin güzellefltirilmesi için
harcand›. Bugün flehirde yapt›rd›klar› bilinen on vak›ftan sadece ikisi
günümüze kald›: a) 15. yüzy›l ortas›ndan kalma Hamza Be¤ Mescidi/Câmii ve
b) 19. yüzy›l sonuna ait Hastâne-i Askerî. Fakat bafll› bafl›na mevcudiyetleri
geçmifl 550 y›l boyunca Selânik (Thessaloniki) ve Evrenoso¤ullar› isimlerini
birbirine ba¤layan ba¤lar›n yaflayan emaresi olmaya devam ediyor.81
78
Bu mülkler için bkz: Levent Kayap›nar: “Osmanli Üc Be¤i Evrenos Be¤ Ailesinin Menflei,
Yunanistan Cografyas›ndaki Faaliyetleri ve Eserleri,” Abant ‹zzet Baysal Üniversitesi Sosyal
Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Volume 2004-1, No. 8 (2004), s. 133-142, ve Zeki Salih
Zengin: “‹lk Dönem Vakfiyelerinden Serez’de Evrenuz Gazi’ye Ait Zâviye Vakfiyesi,”
Vak›flar Dergisi, Cilt 28 (Ankara, 2004), s. 101-120.
79
Bkz: Ayflegül Çal›: “Ak›nc› Bey’e Evrenos Bey’e Ait Mülknâme,” OTAM Dergisi, NO.
20 (Ankara, 2006), s. 59-79 [Bundan böyle: Çal›, 2006] ve Lowry/Erünsal, 2010: s. 119.
80
Çal›, 2006: s. 66.
81
Not: Bana bu çal›flmada yay›mlanan iki Arapça Hafsa bint-i Hamza Be¤ Câmii kitabesini okuma ve yorumlamada yard›mc› olan arkadafl›m ‹smail Erünsal’a minnettarl›¤›m› ve
teflekkürlerimi belirtmek isterim. Benzer flekilde, ‘‹slam Araflt›rmalar› Merkezi’ kütüphane
Müdür Yard›mc›s› Mustafa Birol Ülker’e teflekkür etmem gerekiyor. Ben ‹stanbul’da
çal›fl›rken flu ya da bu makalenin kopyas›n› ne zaman rica etsem bana nazikçe yan›t verdi.
HWL.
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Kaynakça
Ak, Mahmud (Yay›ma Haz›rlayan): Âfl›k Mehmed: Menâz›rü’l-Avâlim. 3 Cilt.
Cilt I. Tahlil ve Dizin. s. I – CDLXXI; Cilt II. Metin. s. I -LXVIII ve 1-949 ve
Cilt III. Metin. s. 950-1866. Ankara (Türk Tarih Kurumu), 2007.
Anhegger, Robert: “Beiträge zur Osmanischen Baugeschichte III.: Moscheen
in Saloniki und Serre Zur Frage der ‘T’ Planmoscheen, Istanbuler
Mitteilungen, Cilt 17 (1967), s. 312-324.
Ayverdi, Ekrem Hakk›: Avrupa’da Osmanl› Mimarî Eserleri. Cilt IV, Kitap V:
Yunanistan. ‹stanbul, 1982.
Ayverdi, Ekrem Hakk›: Osmanl› Mi’mârîsinde Fâtih Devri, 855-886 (14511481). ‹stanbul, 1974. Bkz: s. 830-833.
Babinger, Franz: “Ein Türkischer Stiftungs-brief des Nerkis vom Jahre 1029
=1620,” Aufsätze und Abhandlungen II. München, 1966. Bkz: özellikle s.
49-50.
Bakirtzis, Charalambos: “The Urban Continuity and Size of Late Byzantine
Thessaloniki,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. 57. Washington, D.C.
(Dumbarton Oaks), 2003. s. 35-64.
Baflar, Fahamettin: “Evrenoso¤ullar›,” Türkiye Diyanet
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