Illyrian-Albanian Continuity on the Areal of Kosova
29
Illyrian-Albanian Continuity
on the Areal of Kosova
Jahja Drançolli *
Abstract
In the present study it is examined the issue of IllyrianAlbanian continuity in the areal of Kosova, a scientific problem,
which, due to the reasons of daily policy, has extremely become
exploited (harnessed) until the present days. The politicisation
of the ancient history of Kosova begins with the Eastern Crisis,
a time when the programmes of Great-Serb aggression for the
Balkans started being drafted. These programmes, inspired by
the extra-scientific history dressed in myths, legends and folk
songs, expressed the Serb aspirations to look for their cradle in
Kosova, Vojvodina. Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina
and Montenegro. Such programmes, based on the
instrumentalized history, have always been strongly supported
by the political circles on the occasion of great historical
changes, that have overwhelmed the Balkans.
Key Words: Dardania and Dardans in antiquity, Arbers and
Kosova during the Middle Ages, geopolitical, ethnic, religious
and cultural concepts, which are known in the sources of that
time followed by a chronological development.
The region of Kosova preserves archeological monuments from
the beginnings of Neolith (6000-2600 B.C.). Since that time the first
settlements were constructed, including Tjerrtorja (Prishtinë),
Glladnica (Graçanicë), Rakoshi (Istog), Fafos and Lushta
(Mitrovicë), Reshtan and Hisar (Suharekë), Runik (Skenderaj) etc.
The region of Kosova has since the Bronze Age been inhabited by
Dardan Illyrians; the territory of extension of this region was
much larger than the present-day territory of Kosova.
*
Prof. Jahja Drançolli Ph. D., Departament of History, Faculty of Philosophy,
University of Pristina, Republic of Kosova,
[email protected]
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Jahja Drançolli
Illyrians were one of the biggest populations of Europe.
About the importance of Illyrians and the European civilisation,
the Zara Arbëresh (Albanian) scholar, A. Stipçeviq, says: “every
story on the Balkans starts with Illyrians”. 1 Efforts have been
made by some Balkan centres, especially in the recent times by
the Serb Academy of Sciences, to narrow the territory inhabited
by Illyrians. 2 In this course the Illyrian issue and the
ethnogenesis of Albanians are being tackled noisily and, based
on the occasional policy, attempts are made to “overthrow” the
historical reality of Illyrains, in general, and, in particular, the
reality of one of the most important Illyrian tribes, that of
Dardans. However, Herodotus (V century B.C.), in his wellknown History, let us know that the present-day territory of
Kosova was an integral part of Illyrian territories. 3 Polineus
speaks of the organization of the Dardan state since the first
half of III. Century A.D. 1 Also, the ancient time cartography,
such as for example Tabula Peutingeriana, and the distinguished
geographer, Ptolemy, offer facts about the geographical
extension of Dardania, which can be followed through the
northern frontiers Novi-Pazar-Nish, the whole region of Kosova
and North-Western Macedonia with its chief town Shkup
(Skopje). 2
By the end of the III century, especially in the IV century
A.D., the Roman Empire entered a period of a long crisis. After
its division in 395, Kosova was included in the Province of
Dardania, which, same as the other south Illyrian provinces,
entered into composition of the East Roman Empire, the
Byzantine Empire. During this time, in many ancient
settlements, new phenomena have been observed which had to
do with the revival of the autochthonous population and with
A. Stipçeviq, “Çdo tregim për Ballkanin fillon me ilirët”, Bota e Re, Prishtinë, 1985, p. 45.
2 Iliri i Albanci, SANU, Odelenje Istorijskih Nauka, knj. 10, Beograd, 1988, p. 3-4,7-8,976,361-367.
3 Herodoti Historiarum, libri IX ed. Henr. Rudolph. Dietsch, editio curavit curatamque
emendavit H. Kallenberg, vol.. I-II, editio steretypa. Lipsiae in aedibus B. G.
Teubneri 1926, libri IV, 48.
1 Polyaen, Strategematon, IV, 12,1,3; VII, 42,44.
2 F. Papazoglu, Srednjobalkanska plemena u predrimsko doba, ANU BiH, Djela knj.XXX,
Sarajevo, 1969, p. 143-161.
1
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the strengthening of its ethnic character. At this time, also
Dardania was also one of the less romanized Balkan provinces.
Its local population seems to have preserved more than the
other peoples the ethnic indivduality and conscience. It should
not be excluded, hence, the possibility that Dardans, who
survived the Romanization, to have survived the Slav
migrations and to have appeared in the Middle Ages with the
name Alban (Arbër). 3 To this time belong also the inscriptions
of Dardania, which tell about a form of population resistance
against the Roman rule. The maintained sources of this period
speak about 20 known cities in the southern provinces of Illyria.
Among them also the centres of Dardania are mentioned, such
as Shkup and Ulpiana. Shkup, in its original Illyrian form, was
preserved during all the centuries of our history. Therefore,
many distinguished linguists explain, according to the form of
Shkupi, the etymology of the ethnonym Shkypetar and
therefrom the name of the land Shkypeni. Illyrian-Albanian
phonetic form developed also the names of other cities of
Dardania, such as Nish (Naissus), Binça (Arribantium), Lipian
(Ulpiana), Sharr (Scardus) etc. From these onomastic facts, as
well as from the fund of more than 200 preserved words from
the plant lexicon, it results that Dardania was one of the herths
of formation of Albanians and of Albanian language.Therefore,
the very ancient presence of the Illyrian-Albanians in Dardania
made many researchers to explain the intensive contacts of the
Albanian of these regions with other old Balkan languages.
The present-day territory of Kosova, going back to the
Middle Ages, faced Slav, Avar and Bulgarian expansions (VI-IX
centuries). The sources of that time tell about their incursions
until the vicinity of Durrës and Thessaloniki. The bigger centres
of Dardania were also pillaged. In the work De aedificis of the
distinguished historian Procopus (?-565) it results that the
emperor Justinian (527-565) reconstructed 61 castles and cities
and constructed 8 new castles.
3
E vërteta mbi Kosovën dhe Shqiptarët në Jugosllavi, Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të
Shqipërisë, Tiranë, 1990, p. 21-45.
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Jahja Drançolli
Starting from late antiquity until the early Middle Ages, the
cities of Dardania continued to remain well-known centres of
economic life and liaison ones in transmission of material and
spiritual culture of the Illyrian antiquity in the Albanian Middle
Ages. There were also cities whose life ended during the VI-VII
centuries. Although still limited, we come across early Middle
Ages Albanian cultural elements, such as work tools, weapons,
earth dishes and certain jewelry, also in the areas of Kosova.
Characteristic fibulas of Koman culture have also been found
here. From this results that Dardans entered the Middles Ages
with an advanced economic and social development. Albanian
mediaeval cities had in common with the cities of late antiquity
also the urban appearance. Temporary destructive incursions of
Slavs did not leave a single trace in the materail and spiritual
culture of the autochthonous population. Since then, there was
not any settlement of a wider range in Kosova.
In the history of Kosova, the early Middle Ages is one of the
most important periods, because the formation of Albanian
people, language and its culture. is related to it. It is a less
enlightened period by written sources.Therefore, archeological
and linguistic sources should absolutely be consulted. Then, in
narrative sources of that time, the denomination of Dardania
started being mentioned very rarely. 4 The denomination
Dardania, as an administrative and geographic concept,
circulates in the documents of that time until XI century. The
denomination Kosova, started being used after the Battle of
Kosova (1389). We come across the said denomination, in
official Ragusian documents, also in 1405. It refers to „boschi de
Chossoua“ somewhere in the surroundings of Vuçitern. 5 We
come across the denomination Kosova also in Novobërdan
humanist, Martin Segoni (XV century). Along with the
denomination Kosova, Segoni uses, according to humanist
fashion, also the denomination Dardania Moesia. 6 The renewed
Vizantinski izvori za istoriju narodna Jugoslavije, tom. I, Beograd, 1955, p. 54-58, 60-61, 124, 195,
196, 211; V. Popović, “Grčki natpis iz Caričinog Grada i pitanje ubikacije Prve
Justinjane”, Glas SANU, Odeljenje istorijskih nauka, knj. 7, Beograd, 1990, p. 78-87.
5 Zbornik K. Jirečeka, I, SAN, Beograd, 1959, p. 419-420.
6 A. Pertusi, Martino Segono di Novo Brdo vescovo di Dulcigno, Un umanista serba-dalmata
dell tardo Quattrocento, Vita e opera, Roma, 1981, p. 109.
4
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updating of denomination Dardania for Kosova is an
expressing form also for the other Albanian and foreign
humanists, who used in their writing well-known terms of
antiquity.
Historical, archeological and linguistic evidence prove
rightfully that Kosova cannot be considered the cradle of
formation of Serb state, as it is claimed by some unserious
historians, because this state did not arise and was not present
here for most of the time of its existence, but in other regions
with Serb population, such as the one of Rasha. As it was
usually dealt in the Middle Ages, the centre of this stated
moved from one territory to another. Only for a period of time,
especially in the first half of XIV century, it made Kosova an
epicentre. This time coincides with constructions or
reconstructions of churches and monasteries by the kings of
Rasha in this region, such as the one of Deçan, of the Saints
Mikhail and Gabriel, of Peja, of Banjska and Graçanica, an issue
aiming at intensifying more the Serb colonisation and ensure
the conversion of Albanian population into Serb Orthodox one,
as a way for its ethnic-cultural assimilation. The example that
the region of Kosova represents, where for a time the political
and ecclesiastic centre of Nemanjid state was located, and
where an ethnic difference between the ruling class, the Serb
state-military and ecclesiastic body and the autochthonus
Albanian population existed, as the scholar S. Pollo states, is
neither the first nor the only case in the European Middle Ages
history. However, to equalize this segment upon this immigrant
structure at a certain historic time, with the autochthonous
population, as the Serb scholars do, means for example to
extinguish the Austro-German land and all those territories of
Croatia and Slovenia, or Turk ones, the whole Balkans (during
the centuries of their rule), where only the ruling class, the
sacral monuments, the urban bourgeoisie was German or Turk.
In the Middle Ages the Albanians appear as an old Christian
population with a culture being more urban, which stood closer
to the Greeks and Romans rather than to the newcomer Slavs.
About the age (antiquity) of Illyrian-Albanian Christianity,
some remains of the old Latin terminology in Albanian
language and numerous toponyms derived from the names of
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Jahja Drançolli
the saints witness. According to the evidence resulting from
mediaeval documents, each Albanian held two names: the first
one was a Christian name (rarely a Roman or a national one),
whilst the second was often the name of kinship or of the
village (rarelier the denomination of a personal feature).
It is known that during the early Middle Ages (VI-XI)
Albanian territories were under the ecclesiastic jurisdiction of
papacy, whilst in the administrative-legal aspect they were
definitively related to the Byzantine Empire. Eventually, with
the division of the church in 1054 into Western Church with its
seat in Rome and Eastern Church with its seat in
Constantinople, a part of Albanian territories remained under
the influence of Catholic church, respectively of Western
civilisation, whilst the other part remained under the influence
of Eastern-Orthodox church. Since the Serb state had strongly
embraced, not only the Byzantine rite, but also its laws,
incarnated with the Great-Serbian Orthodoxy, it exercised a
continuous pressure not only on Catholic believers, but also on
Orthodox believers of Byzantine rite, to convert them into Serb
Orthodox rite. About the conversion of Albanians it is spoken
also in articles of the Dushan Code. This phenomenon, as well as
the conversion of Catholic churches into Serb-Orthodox ones, is
claimed also by the emperor Dushan himself in a letter of
“repentance” bearing the date of the year 1354 to the Pope
Innocent VI. 7 By such a policy, the Serb kings, especially
Dushan aimed in essence to expunge the cultural and religious
barriers, that separated and distinguished the Albanians as
such. Therefore, this policy led towards an ethnic-cultural
assimilation. The consequences of this violent policy seem with
a special clearness in the anthroponomic facts, which can be
best seen from the chrysoboules of Nemanjid kings donated to
the Monastery of Deçan, Banjska, Graçanica, Saint Mikhail and
Gabriel in Prizren.
Such a policy was opposed not only by the papacy office, but
also by the Albanian rulers, especially by the Ballshaj princes,
who, after owning Peja, the centre of Serb church from the mid
7
C. Jireček, Geschichte der Serben, Gotha, 1911, p. 408.
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XIV century, first made efforts to chair the ecclesiastic convents
in Peja (1375, 1385), in order to take afterwards crucial steps in
expulsion of the patriarch from the seat. 8 Such an effort became
reality after the year 1380, when the Serb church moved from
Kosova to Zhiça of Rasha, whereof, it was earlier transferred
here. 9
It is well-known that the Serbs embraced Christianity very
late, sometime around the end of IX century A.D.. Since this
term of the beginning of Serb Christianity is known to us, a
term that has not been opposed until the present day from any
serious scholar, and that in XIII century this term symbolized
the Serb power over the region of Kosova, it is not difficult to
put a chronological border to the Catholic and Orthodox sacral
constructions of Kosova, which can be divided into Pre-Serb
and Serb ones during the. XIII-XIV centuries. However, also the
sacral constructions of XIII-XIVcenturies cannot be signed only
as Serb sacral constructions, because, at this time even, many
Catholic churches, convents (monasteries) and cathedrals, such
as the ones in Janjevë, Novobërdë, Mitrovicë, Prizren, Prishtinë,
Trepçë, Vuçitërnë etc. were constructed, which were completely
ruined during the centuries of Serb, Ottoman rule, as well as
between the two world wars. Traces of them are kept even
nowadays in some ruins and in preserved documents of that
time. It is also known that king Milutin funded the
reconstruction of the cathedral church dedicated to Lady Prene
in Prizren and the Monastery of Graçanica, known as Pre-Serb
constructions, built sometime around the IV-XI centuries, which
according to relevant sources, are considered Catholic sacral
constructions. In the beginning of XIII century the Apostles’
Church in Pejë was constructed. In fact, this church, which is
nowadays within the compound of churches of Peja Patriarchy,
same as these two first ones, is a reconstruction of an old
construction, to which the form of a church of that time was
given. The church of Deçan Monastery, which was built during
the rule of Nemanjid kings Stefan and Dushan Deçani (1327P. Bogdani,” Kosova në shtetin feudal shqiptar të Balshajve”, in E vërteta mbi Kosovën...,
op. cit. 114.
9 P. Bogdani, op. cit., p. 118.
8
Thesis Kosova, nr. 1, 2008
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Jahja Drançolli
1335), 10 is the largest work that preserves elements from the
constructioal engineering coming from the coast. On the
architrave of the south portal of nartex there was also an
engraved inscription of the Albanian architect Don Vita Cuçi. It
has also been preserved the fact that Don Vita with 30
stonedressers constructed the Monastery of Deçan. What
attracts more attention is the fact that all the workshops of
stonedressers are known, including the ones of Tivar, Ulqin,
Kotorr and Korçula. On the other hand, one of the well-known
stonedressers was Miho (Mikel) the Tivarian, a famous sculptor
of XIV century, author of the claustre of Francescan Monastery
in Ragusa. 11
During the mediaeval centuries, due to the external political
factor, the ethnic-geographical denomination Arbanon, did not
always include all the Albanian territories, consequently it did
not include the present-day territory of Kosova either.
Although during the whole Middle Ages there were Albanian
political formations, the denomination Arbanon appeared only
in the documents of that time, sometime around the XI century.
However, it can be said that the spread of denomination
Arbanon, and after this period, was conditioned exclusively
from the extension of the compact Albanian population, but in
most cases, as it was the custom during the Middle Ages, it was
also dependent on the political factor. If the appearances of
denominations Dardania and Arbëria are traced, during the early
Middle Ages, it is interesting to state that the denomination
Arbëria replaces the denomination Dardania also in the part of
the present-day territory of Kosova.
With the formation of the state of Arbëria (Albania) in the
passage of XII century, many ethnic Albanian territories
remained outside the state frontiers. Outside these frontiers
remained also the largest part of regions of Dardania. However,
going through centuries of Middle Ages, conditioned by
Đ. Bošković, „Travaux de consolidation, de censervation et de restauration accomplis
au monastère de la Patrijaršija à Peć“, extrait du Starinar, Tome VIII-IX; 1933-1934,
p. 162-165.
11 J. Drançolli, ”Miho (Mikel) Tivarasi, skulptor me famë i shek. XIV”, Fjala, nr. 19–20,
Prishtinë, 1985, p. 15.
10
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compact ethnic areas, geographic denominations, such as
Arbëria or Epirus, we came across quite often also their
administrative borders. We come across such notifications at
Abbot of Diokle from the second half of XII century, notifying
that Rasha or Serbia extended until Arbëria (read: region of
present day Llap) 12. As part of Arbëria (Albania), we come
across Kosova in French chronicler of XIV century Philip de
Mesier, who proves that the Battle of Kosova took place in the
part of Arbëria (Albania). 13 We read more or less same opinions
in the volumes of Annals of Forli (Italy), from the XV century.
Also according to the French traveloguer of the XV century, B.
de la Broquere, the overwhelming part of Kosova was included
within the concept of Arbëria (Albania). 14 We come such
notifications also in the Austrian, Italian and Ottoman
documents of the XVI-XVIII centuries, such as notifications
“Prishtina is located in Arbëria (Albania)“, “Prizren, the capital
of Arbëria (Albania)”, “Peja and Shkupi are included in Arbëria
(Albania)“. Pjetër Bogdani was qualified „Archbishop of
Arbëria (Albania)”, etc. 15 During the Austro-Ottoman wars, the
largest part of Kosova and Dukagjini Plain was on the side of
Austrian army. Hence, in November 1689, when the Austrian
entered Prishtina, they were welcomed by 5000 Albanian
insurgents, whilst in Prizren by another 6000 Albanian
insurgents. Here the Austrian forces commander, general
Piccolomini, conducted negotiations with the heads of
insurgents, with the Archbishop of Shkup, Pjetër Bogdani.
Equivalently to the concept of Kosova a part of Arbëria or
Albania, the documents of that time prove also about Kosova
within the concept of Epirus. Such are the notifications: “Has,
not very far from Prizren, a province in Epirus”, “Piccolomini
Letopis Popa Dukljanina, SKA, knj. LXVII, ed. F. Šišić, Beograd, 1928, p. 307; N.
Banašević, Letopis Popa Dukljanina, Beograd, 1971, p. 217.
13 Bibloteka Kombëtare e Parisit, fonds français, N. 22, 542, fol. 366; Cfr. M. Dinić, “Dva
savremenika o Boju na Kosovu”, in Glas SKA, CLXXXII/92, Beograd, 1940, p. 135.
14 J. Drançolli,” Beteja e Kosovës në dritën e burimeve Ragusane”, in Gjurmime
Albanologjike (ser. e shk. historike), Prishtinë, 1991/21, p. 46; Le voyage d’Outremer de
Bertrandon de la Broquiere (1433), ed, Ch, Schefer, Paris, 1892, p. 214.
15 J. Drançolli, The Albanian population of Kosova and other areas of former Jugoslavia during
the XV – th – XVII – th centuries, Tirana, 1996, p. 63 – 69.
12
Thesis Kosova, nr. 1, 2008
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Jahja Drançolli
came to Prishtina to conduct earlier started negotiations with
the Epirots “, “Peja, in Epirus“ (“Ipek liegt in Epirus/Peja lies in
Epirus“), “Prizren (lies) in Epirus”, „Shkup (lies) in Epirus“,
etc. 16. In addition to concepts of Kosova as part of Arbëria and
of Epir, we come across Kosova in various documents as a
broader concept, such as the news about the First and the
Second Battle of Kosova (1389, 1448), the letter exchange of
Ragusan chancellery from 1474, the news that came from
Kosova to Florence during the Austrian-Ottoman War 16831699. 17
What draws more attention about the issue of extension of
concept of Arbëria in the territory of the present day Kosova, is
the fact that immediately after the collapse of Serb empire with
the death of Dushan (1355), independent political formation
were restored, such as the Shkodra princedom, Durrës
princedom, Arta despotate, Berat despotate, etc. As it is known,
this process of great historical relevance was interrupted by the
Ottoman invasion, which poured upon the Albanian territories
in the last years of the XIV century. During all this period, the
territory of Kosova, almost on the whole, became an integral
part of of Arbërian (Albanian) possessions of Ballshaj, Kastrioti
and Dukagjini families. At that time, the population of Kosova
became the subject of its own history and a factor of importance
in the historical development of the West Balkans, where two
ethnicities met: the Arbërian (Albanian) one and the South Slav
one. The Albanian political-state factor gave the opportunity to
the population of Kosova to promote further its language,
culture and religion.
The presence of Arbërian (Albanian) population, as an
important factor in Kosova, is confirmed also by their vast
participation in great battles that took part against the Ottoman
armies in 1389 and 1448. According to the historical sources the
First Kosova Battle was not only a combat confrontation between
J. Drançolli, ”Popullsia shqiptare e Kosovës dhe e trojeve të tjera në ish-Jugosllavi
gjatë shek. XV – XVII”, in Gjurmime Albanologjike (ser. e shk. historike), Prishtinë,
1992/22, p. 73.
17 Ibid., p. 73 – 74; S. Gavrilović, Izvori o Srbima u Ugarskoj od kraja XVII i početkom XVIII
veka, knj. II. Beograd, 1990, 47-51.
16
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Ottoman invaders and the armies of Serb state, which at that time
ruled Kosova, but a great battle of Balkan feudal coalition forces.
The sources referring to this battle prove that on the side of
coalition, apart from prince Lazar, the ruler of Rasha, the ban of
Croatia, the king of Bosnia, also Arbërian (Albanian) princes, such
as Gjon Kastrioti, Theodor II Muzaka (fell at the battle), Dhimitër
Jonima, Gjergj Balsha, took part. The epilogue of the Battle of
Kosova was the defeat of the Christian army and the death of two
leaders: Sultan Murat was killed after the battle by the hand of
Milosh Kopiliqi, whilst prince Lazar, after he was caught prisoner,
was executed. This reconstruction of the event, done in general
lines, is proved by the preserved relevant sources of the time,
which was also admitted by all the serious historians of the world.
However, the Serb thesis about the battle of Kosova (1389), which
starts immediately from the last century supported insistently by
the daily science and political writings, taking advantage of the
lack of official documents, drawing it out of historical reality, and
laying on the mythologic and legendary ground, was also
preserved. Harnessing the scientific documents, it results that
allegedly in Fushë-Kosovë in 1389 only Serbs fought against the
Ottomans. Such viewpoints were opposed also by some great Serb
historians, such as the Mediaevalist M. Dinić, who stated about
this event: “In our overall past perhaps there is no event for which
there would be necessary sources, in order to make the distinction
between legendary and realistic elements”. On the other hand, the
historian I. Ruvarac, a representative of Serb critic school of the XIX
century, speaking about prince Lazar, claimed: “the stories and
short fairy tales”, that were set up a long time after the Battle of
Kosova, are only “well imagined stories”, therefore, he suspects in
their authenticity and points out “ a present day author of history
cannot make use of those “stories.” 18 The above examples speak
convincingly about the fact that the myth about Kosova, which
arose a long time after the Battle of Kosova and that is existing also
nowadays, despite its literary and artistic value, does not have any
historiographic values.
18
Ruvarac, “O knezu Lazaru, in Boj na Kosovu, starija i novija saznanja”, Književne
Novine, Beograd, 1992, p. 154-162; J. Drançolli,”Beteja e Kosovës”, art. cit. p. 41.
Thesis Kosova, nr. 1, 2008
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Jahja Drançolli
Another historical issue that contradicts the historical reality,
which is boisterously being imposed by the Serb political and
scientific circles, is the use of the concept “Metohia” for the
south-western part of the present-day Kosova. In the light of the
present-day events it is becoming clear to us that a renewed
updating of the denomination of Metohia is in the function of
policy. It is interesting to emphasize that this artificial notion
without any historical basis, in the papers that are nowadasy
printed for propagandistic purposes, takes even a broader
meaning than it was fixed by the representatives of Garashanin
school. Concretely when it is referred to the denomination
“Metohija”, that is now present also in the official life of Serb
circles, as a geographic remembrance that is related to a part of
the present-day territory of Kosova, respectively, to the territory
between Peja and Prizren, including also the said cities. In fact, in
the terminology of mediaeval lexicon of Orthodox church source,
the term “Metohia”, “Meteh”, according to the Slav, Latin and
Greek mediaeval documents, does not content the attribute of a
geographic notion, but always in the documents of that time it
comes out (results) as a term that has the meaning of an
acclesiastic property (metohion or terra monasterio) or a property of
a village, house, vine-yard, orchard, etc. Also in Ottoman
documents of XV-XX centuries, there cannot be found any fact on
the geographic notion of the term “Metohija”. It is of interest to
mention here what toponyms were found in Kosova at the end of
XII century until XIII century, before the Nemanjid kingdom
administration was installed here, but we come across these first
hand facts, also in biographies of Saint Sava and the Crowned
Stefan, dedicated to their father Stefan Nemanja. In the
biography of the first, we come across the following fact: “He
took from the coast the location Zeta with cities, from Raban
(Arbëria-J.D.) both Pults from the Greek land, whilst he took
Patkova (the territory of the present-day Gjakova-J.D.), Kostërcë
and Dërshkovina (villages on te territory of Peja-J.D.), Podrimë,
Sitnica, Llap and Lipjan [...]“. 19 On the other hand, in the
biography of the second we come across the following fact: “He
19
Stare Srpske Biografije, I, ed. M. Bašić, Beograd, 1924, p. 3-4.
Thesis Kosova, nr. 1, 2008
Illyrian-Albanian Continuity on the Areal of Kosova
41
took [...] the territory of Prizren and both Pologues on the whole
[...]”. 20 As it can be seen from the said documents, although all
the parts of the region of the present-day Peja, Gjakova and
Prizren are mentioned in them, at that time the geographic
denomination or notion of “Metohija” did not exist at all. The
said toponym is not even mentioned in Hilandar Chart (Map),
compiled in 1200-1202, and in chrysoboules, hadjiographies,
typics, biographies of Nemanjid time and afterwards, either. One
should observe that also in most representative collections of
Serb documents compiled and collected by Serb Mediaevalists,
St. Novakoviq and Lj. Stojanoviq, the denomination “Metohija” can
be found very often, but always in the sense of an ecclesiastic
property and never as a geogrpahic notion, which would have
the meaning of the territory of Peja, Gjakova and Prizren. 21
During all the time of Nemanjid rule (XIII-XIV centuries) and
afterwards, along with the territories of Prizren, Hvosno and
Patkova, which were mentioned above in the text, the territory of
Altin is also mentioned, which included the areal between Deçan
and Gjakova.
On the other hand, after the disintegration of the Nemanjid
state (1355), in this part of Kosova the possessions of prince
families of Balshaj, Dukagjini and Kastrioti started being
extended. Upon the invasion (conquest) of the present-day
territory of Kosova by the Ottomans (1455) and upon
installation of Ottoman administration in this region, the
territories of Peja and Gjakova started being called Dukagjin,
respectively they entered within the framework of Dukagjini
Sandjak, which used to extend between Adriatic and the
Sandjaks of Hercegovina, Vuçitërna, Prizren, and later
Shkodra. 22 The territories of Peja and Gjakova were parts of this
Ottoman administrative unit until 1783, when the Dukagjini
Sandjak ceased to exist. At that tme the geographic notion was
Ibid., p. 41.
St. Novaković Zakonski spomenici srpskih država srednjega veka, SKA, Peta knjiga,
Beograd, 1912, p. 12-14, 32, 109, 256, 307, 311, 335, 364, 387, 707, 709, 719-720, 755,
763, 770; Lj. Stojanović, Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi, I-VI, Beograd – S. Karlovci, 1902
– 1926, në më shumë vende.
22 Turski Spomenici (1348 – 1520), knj. I, Sv. 1, ed. G. Elezović, SKA, Beograd, 1940, p. 780781.
20
21
Thesis Kosova, nr. 1, 2008
42
Jahja Drançolli
narrowed only into the region of Peja, which entered into the
Shkodra Sandjak. With the inclusion of new Ottoman
administrative units, respectively vilayets, Peja as a Kadi centre
entered within the Sandjak of Prizren. In 1874, the said city
entered within the framework of Kosova Vilayet. 23 It is
important to emphasize that the word Dukagjin has since XIX
century had a double meaning in Serbian. In the first place as a
name of a person and princedom, then as a geographic notion.
In this place, it is important to mention the fact that the Serb
linguist V. Karaxhiq, in his dictionary makes a distinction
between the personal name Dukagjin and the territory of
Dukagjin. This scholar uses for the first time in his dictionary
along with the toponym Dukagjin also the geographic notion
“Metohija”, which according to him, comprised Prizren, Peja,
Gjakova and the Deçan Monastery. 24 In the early days of XX
century, the Serb scholars, St. Novakoviq and J. Cvijiq, and
some later supporters of their studies, without relying at all on
historical sources, raised the thesis about the existence of the
name Metohija, which had the meaning of the territory between
Prizren and Peja. They based this thesis on the fact that the term
“Metohion”, respectively “Metohija” in Greek language has the
meaning of monastery property and in this aspect many
villages of the said territory were monastery property. 25 It is
known that the Orthodox church possessed during the Middle
Ages monsteries not only in this part of the present day
territory of Kosova, but also on the whole Kosova and in Serbia,
then in a part of Greece (Hilandar), of Bosnia, Montenegro, etc.
According to this logic, the above mentioned scholars and their
supporters (describers), had to call all the mediaeval territories
of Nemanjid kingdom, where there were “Metohions” or
Dr. L. von Talloczy, Illyrische-Albanische Forschungen, 1, Vindobonae 1916, p. 80, 84, 85,
115, 121, 129, 240, 243, 286; Dr. E. Sufflay, karta” Albaniae Medievalis”, annex to the
monumental collection, Acta et diplomata Res mediae aetatis, Vindobonae, 1913-1918;
Tagut-tevarih, II, p. 228-239; K. Ulqini, “Prejardhja dhe zhvillimi i toponimit
Dukagjin”, in Konferenca e dytë e studimeve Albanologjike, II, Tiranë, 1969, p. 121-127; I.
Božić, ”O Dukadjinima”, in Zbornik Filozofskog Fakulteta u Beogradu, Beograd,
1964/VIII-2, p. 385’424.
24 V. Karadžić, Srpski rečnik (1852), Sabrana dela XI/1, Beograd, 1986, p. 217, 499.
25 Turski Spomenici, p. 790-792.
23
Thesis Kosova, nr. 1, 2008
Illyrian-Albanian Continuity on the Areal of Kosova
43
“metohijas” of the Orthodox church, with a single common
name Metohija. Taking into account all the known historical
sources, we can say with our full mouth that the territory of
present days Peja, Gjakova and Prizren, until 1945, has never
had the geographic meaning of metohija. On the contrary, from
XIV century until 1945, it preserved the geographical concept of
the Dukagjin Plain, or shortly Dukagjin.
An important factor in the preservation of Illyrian-Albanian
continuity in Kosova is also the development of scientific and
cultural life. It is known that the history of science, culture and
education development in Kosova preserves a far tradition. It
shows that upon the appearance of an earlier European
civilization, consequently from Illyrians, and later during the
Middle Ages, in the shrinked Albanian territories, a big
experience of knowledge, that was transmitted generation after
geenation, was created.
With the construction of the well-known cities of Europe,
during the centuries of antiquity and Middle Ages, along with
them, well-known cities of Kosova were also developed, which
thanks to large natural resources, achieved a high level of
economic and cultural development. These centres were in direct
relationships with the known European cities, which was
accomplished especially through the Ragusans, Venetians and
the Pope’s relators, arrived in Kosova, on the one hand, and on
the other hand, through migrated or educated Albanians
(Arbërs) in bigger centres of European knowledge, such as, for
example Bologna, Padua, Paris, Ragusa, Rome and elsewhere.
These scholars were the carriers of progressive and humanist
ideas of that time. Among them there were historians,
philosophers, doctors, writers, artists and theologists, who made
a name for themselves in Europe. From the series of these
creators, it is worth mentioning: Marin Segoni from Novobërdë
(XV century), the urologist Milo from Prizren (XIV century),
Valerian Novobërdan, Gjon Vaji from Novobërdë, Gjon Progoni
from Novobërdë (XV century), Gjon Injaci from Novobërdë, etc. 26
26
The acknowledgement of the activity of these distinguished men of science, art and
education, is a merit of original discoveries of the author of the present study
through Italian and Croat archives.
Thesis Kosova, nr. 1, 2008
44
Jahja Drançolli
What draws more attention, is the fact that the majority of the
authors of the old Albanian literature of the XVI-XVII centuries,
worked in the territories of Kosova and made efforts, among
other things, also to spread the Albanian education and to open
Albanian schools. The second writer to write in Albanian after
Buzuku, Pal Hasi was a Kosovar from Has. Pjetër Budi in 1599
and later other early authors of Kosova were inspired from his
works. Also Pjetër Bogdani, Andrea Bogdani, and Lekë Bogdani, who
continued the tradition of writing the Albanian of Buzuku and
Budi, were from the region of Dukagjini Plain. Pjetër Mazreku,
another Albanian scholar, after completing his studies in Italy,
around 1665 came to Janjevë, where he set down to teaching at
the Albanian school of Janjevë.
The Albanian creators and activists, equipped with
European knowledge and culture, together with local schools
and churches, maintained the spirit of autochthonous
civilzation. All this enabled the presence of European culture
and civilization not to lose its continuity even after falling
under the five-centennial Ottoman rule.
Conclusion
In the time of large migrations, from VI century, the South Slavs
had passed the Carpates and Danube in order to settle down in
the South of the said river. Here, during the early Middle Ages,
the state of Bulgaria (IX century) arose and afterwards the state
of Rasha (XII century, Nemanjid Serbia). Before the arrival of
Slavs, on the Balkan Peninsula, an autochthonous population,
consequently, Illyrians and Thracians, has lived. The successors
of the Illyrians, the present-day Albanians, had preserved the
language, the culture and Christian religion. The ethnic space of
Albanians during the Middle Ages, although narrowed
compared to the areal of their ancestors – Illyrians, according to
mediaeval
documents
(consequently
including
Serb
chryssoboules), comprised approximately the present-day
ethnic Albanian territories. This population, during the whole
Middle Ages, was faced with western Roman and Eastern
Byzantine civilisations, as well as the later Serb invaders (from
Thesis Kosova, nr. 1, 2008
Illyrian-Albanian Continuity on the Areal of Kosova
45
XIII century). However, it achieved, during the Middles Ages,
to preserve its ethnic-cultural features in order to enter as a
separate people into Modern History.
Translated by Fatos Shala.
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