Intro Baglama 14 gecti dost kervani

2010

The Context Scenario Planning is fast becoming one of the most popul(lr and persuasive tcchniques, used in strategic plan ni ng and foresighting cxercises of aU kinds in both public and private sectors, It is likely that the approach will playa more prominent role in helping organisations and agencies from all parts of the economy, governance and society in Ireland think, talk, act and plan d ifferent ly collaboralively and creatively ovcr the next few years. Whi lst the field of urban studies has been slow to recognise and adopt a 'futures' approach using techniques such as scenario planning this is starting to change.

Noûs, 2014

The universe that surrounds us is vast, and we are so very small. When we reflect on the vastness of the universe, our humdrum cosmic location, and the inevitable future demise of humanity, our lives can seem utterly insignificant. Many philosophers assume that such worries about our significance reflect a banal metaethical confusion. They dismiss the very idea of cosmic significance. This, I argue, is a mistake. Worries about cosmic insignificance do not express metaethical worries about objectivity or nihilism, and we can make good sense of the idea of cosmic significance and its absence. It is also possible to explain why the vastness of the universe can make us feel insignificant. This impression does turn out to be mistaken, but not for the reasons typically assumed. In fact, we might be of immense cosmic significance-though we cannot, at this point, tell whether this is the case.

2004

This paper presents some works realized under the sponsorship of the CNRS research program: The Economics of innovation: trends and issues [1997-2002]. Four topics are emphasized: The macroeconomic and microeconomic representations of the innovative process and the links between innovation, growth and employment, the management of innovation and the theories of the innovative firm, the economics and sociology of scientific

An article in the Philosophy of Education Yearbook 2016.

2015

«Αυτή η εμπνευσμένη συγκριτική μελέτη δεν αφορά μόνο δύο έθνη αλλά και δύο θρησκείες. Η μετατόπιση από την εκκοσμίκευση στη σύνθεση που ενσωματώνει τη θρησκεία τόσο στην Ελλάδα όσο και στην Τουρκία παρέχει ένα εμπλουτισμένο μοντέλο που διευρύνει τις αναλυτικές μας προοπτικές σε θέματα οικοδόμησης του έθνους και διαμόρφωσης της εθνικής ταυτότητας.» Ηρακλής Μήλλας, πολιτικός επιστήμονας, Αθήνα «Θα συζητηθεί και στις δύο πλευρές του Αιγαίου.» Ayhan Aktar, İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Το Θρησκεία και Εθνικισμός σε Ελλάδα και Τουρκία: Μια «Ιερά Σύνθεση» διερευνά τον μεταβαλλόμενο ρόλο της θρησκείας στη διαμόρφωση της ελληνικής και της τουρκικής ταυτότητας. Με χρονική απόσταση περίπου ενός αιώνα, ο ελληνικός και ο τουρκικός εθνικισμός πέρασαν από την εχθρότητα απέναντι στη θρησκεία σε μια «ιερά σύνθεση» που υποστήριξε ότι το έθνος και η θρησκεία δεν ήταν εχθροί, αλλά αλληλοσυμπληρώνονταν. Η θρησκεία προσέφερε τους συμβολικούς της πόρους στον εθνικισμό και συνέβαλε στο έργο της οικοδόμησης του ελληνικού και του τουρκικού έθνους. Σήμερα, η θρησκεία παραμένει το βασικό κριτήριο για τον ορισμό του Έλληνα και του Τούρκου. Πρόκειται για την πρώτη συγκριτική μελέτη σχετικά με τον ρόλο της θρησκείας στη διαμόρφωση του εθνικισμού και στα δύο κράτη, που υποστηρίζει ότι η μετατόπιση προς ένα ολοένα και πιο θρησκευτικό παράδειγμα και στις δύο χώρες μπορεί να εξηγηθεί ως μια απόλυτη αναγκαιότητα για την ενοποίηση του πληθυσμού, που προέκυψε από την ανάγκη προσέλκυσής του, ώστε να αντιμετωπιστεί η εθνοτική, γλωσσική και πολιτισμική ποικιλομορφία του. Ο Ιωάννης Ν. Γρηγοριάδης είναι επίκουρος καθηγητής του τμήματος Πολιτικής Επιστήμης και Δημόσιας Διοίκησης του Πανεπιστημίου Μπίλκεντ και επιστημονικός συνεργάτης του ΕΛΙΑΜΕΠ. Έχει διδάξει στα πανεπιστήμια Sabanci, Isik και το Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών. Το έργο του Trials of Europeanization: Turkish Political Culture and the European Union, (London & New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009) έχει τιμηθεί με το βραβείο CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title για το 2009.

Communication Law and Policy, 2024

The United States is the most influential actor in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict; its intelligence agencies cooperate with Israel on most “counterterrorism” dossiers impacting Palestinians’ life, with a significant number thereof pertaining to Internet policing in Gaza and the West Bank. Meanwhile, Israel controls some of the key Internet service providers (ISPs) that serve Palestinians, and it is thus endowed with the capability to compel those ISPs to filter information so as to perform as American propaganda reinforcers. Moreover, the United States may unaccountably assert jurisdiction over data from and to Palestine because American cables are where most of the Internet transits through, exercising surveillance without judicial oversight. Verified instances of censorship directed by government-tied U.S. corporations, especially during confrontational seasons, are indeed numerous. Palestinian authorities themselves contribute to creating information clusters and identity bubbles, with infrastructural deficiencies as well as executive and court orders undermining freedom of expression online under arbitrary “public morals” or “security” concerns. The combined effect of technical advantage and regulatory capture supports the convergence of interests between Palestinian and Israeli authorities in restricting Palestinians’ digital rights, and assists the United States in reiterating its “security” hegemony in the region. This warrants a debunking of the limits of the law in constraining private actors and readjusting states’ jurisdiction over Internet infrastructure and data packets transiting through it.

2021

The Wagner Group has long benefitted from its sense of ambiguity, enabling its aggressive pursuit of Russian foreign policy interests worldwide. In this thesis, I argue that the Wagner Group is a state actor and should be recognized as such by the West. I present four cases of Wagner involvement in intrastate conflicts. I demonstrate that, across all cases, the Group is fully integrated into Russia's foreign policy infrastructure, benefits from all the resources and privileges of a state actor, closely coordinates with Russian state organs, and exhibits near-ubiquitous coordination with Russian interests. In this thesis, I broadly incorporate evidence derived from Open-Source Russian and English-language primary materials, including leaked video and audio, investigative journalism, interviews, and social media. By labeling Wagner as a Russian state actor in this thesis, I take a critical first step towards dispelling the Group's ambiguity and aim to inform related U.S. polic...