Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
Judy Quinn
Anonymity and the Textual Construction of
Authority in Prosimetrum
Abstract
The ways in which anonymity participates in the textual construction of authority is the focus of this
chapter, which proceeds through an investigation of the literary effects that were achieved in two different kinds of medieval Icelandic prosimetrum, examples which demonstrate how literate authors exploited
the potential of orally transmitted poetry to enrich their prose. The case studies are drawn from Gylfaginning by Snorri Sturluson, where anonymous poetry simulating the speech of gods is quoted within a
treatise by a named author, and Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, where stanzas by contemporary poets named and
unnamed are quoted within an anonymous saga about a 12th-century political feud. The theoretical frame
is provided by reflections on authorship by Michel Foucault and Roland Barthes which, while dating from
the 1960s, still hold considerable relevance for the analysis of the competing voices of prosimetrum, especially with regard to the establishment of authority within written discourse. The notion of ‘an index of
truthfulness’, constituted by poetic quotation around which the narration develops, is explored and it is
proposed that across a wide range of discursive situations voices speaking according to conventions of
poetic composition are rendered authoritative through the performance of quotation.
Keywords
Saga Prosimetrum, Anonymous Authorship, Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, Gylfaginning, Roland Barthes, Michel
Foucault, Skaldic Poetry, Verse Quotation
While the ground-breaking essays on authorship by Roland Barthes and Michel Foucault from the 1960s were focussed on post-medieval continental European culture, a
number of their observations find illuminating parallels in the conditions of medieval
Icelandic prosimetrum, where poetic voices are quoted by a voice that speaks prose. The
assumption of a straightforward relationship between the authority of a text and the
identity of its author, whose foundations were shaken in the 1960s, had not always been
a constant and had in fact varied considerably across the centuries and across genres.
In the case of medieval Iceland, anonymity sometimes guaranteed an authority that was
legitimated by tradition, as seems to have been the case with anonymous eddic poetry,
orally composed and orally transmitted for generations before being written down in
the 13th century. The stories of the past that flowed into the emergent literary genre of
the Íslendingasögur (sagas of Icelanders) similarly derived their authority from shared
cultural tradition rather than from the identities of the people who formulated the
Open Access. © 2021 Judy Quinn, published by De Gruyter.
the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725339-006
This work is licensed under
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written texts, whose names were not routinely attached to their works. The medieval
Scandinavian genres where the name of the author clearly underwrote the authority of
the text include not only learned treatises, as might be expected, but also orally composed poetry in complex metres whose poets had staked their reputations on being
identified by name in connection with their works in the skaldic tradition. When one
kind of text is folded into another – as is the case with saga prosimetrum, where stanzas
by named poets are quoted by anonymous authors – an unusual kind of authorial voice
is created, one that blends the authority of skaldic tradition with the authority of the
anonymous saga tradition.
In this chapter, I will focus on two very different prosimetric texts to explore the
way anonymity participates in the textual construction of authority.1 Firstly I will
analyse the mode of quotation of traditional anonymous poetry that simulates the
speech of gods and supernatural beings within a treatise by a named author (Gylfaginning by Snorri Sturluson); and secondly, the quotation of stanzas by contemporary
poets named and unnamed within an anonymous saga about a 12th-century political
feud (Þorgils saga ok Hafliða). Together these texts reveal the complex literary effects
that were achieved by medieval Icelandic prosimetrum writers as they explored the
potential of harnessing the resources of orally transmitted poetry within prose narratives.
To frame the discussion, I want to begin by reflecting on a distinction made by
Foucault about the different kinds of authorship that pertain to different kinds of texts.
In his essay, ‘What is an Author?’, Foucault discusses a change in attitude that occurred
during the 17th and 18th centuries. Before that time, he argues, some kinds of texts did
not always require authors, while some conventionally did:
Even within our civilization, the same types of texts have not always required authors; there was
a time when those texts which we now call “literary” (stories, folk tales, epics, and tragedies)
were accepted, circulated, and valorized without any question about the identity of their author.
Their anonymity was ignored because their real or supposed age was a sufficient guarantee of
their authenticity. Texts, however, that we now call “scientific” (dealing with cosmology and the
heavens, medicine or illness, the natural sciences or geography) were only considered truthful
during the Middle Ages if the name of the author was indicated.2
Into this first category, of texts that have not required authors, we may put the written
saga, narratives that were circulated and valorised in medieval Iceland, apparently
without any preoccupation, at the time, about the identity of their authors. Their age, or
1
2
I am grateful to Lukas Rösli and Stefanie Gropper for inviting me to the workshop “The Medieval
Author: A Phantasm” and to the workshop participants for discussion of an earlier version of this
chapter, presented at the workshop in Tübingen in 2019.
Foucault 1977, p. 125.
Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
their traditional nature, guaranteed their authenticity as culturally valuable depictions
of the distant and recent past and, as far as the written record goes, their anonymity
was ignored.
Into the second category, where texts were only considered truthful if the name
of the author was indicated, we may, as already mentioned, place skaldic poetry transmitted orally and then in writing with, in most cases, the name of the poet attached.
While we may not wish to label this discourse ‘scientific’, it is characterised by exclusive access to political interaction, specialised eye-witness observation, and a kind of
discursive expertise in formulating dróttkvætt praise poetry. The authors Foucault mentions in this category, Hippocrates and Pliny, were culturally and discursively a world
away from Viking-Age and medieval skalds, yet the tenacious way in which skaldic
poets were identified by name when their compositions were quoted indicates that
their authority could be deployed in a way not dissimilar to that of classical authors.
Skaldic verse had a special discursive power which was reinforced during the transition from orality to literacy, with poets maintaining their status as authorities.3 Indeed
the author of the 12th-century First Grammatical Treatise equated skalds with authority:
“Skáld eru höfundar allrar rynni eða máls greinar sem smiðir eða lögmenn laga” (‘The
scalds [sic] are authorities in all (matters touching the art of) writing or the distinction
(made in) discourse, just as craftsmen (are) [in their craft] or lawyers in the laws’).4
The anonymous author of the treatise has in fact become known in scholarship as the
First Grammarian, gaining a name of sorts through identification with his text. He and
other medieval Icelandic authors of treatises, such as Ari Þorgilsson, Óláfr Þórðarson,
and Snorri Sturluson, are more obvious candidates to be assigned to the ‘scientific’
category of texts.
The particular labels Foucault assigns to his categories, ‘literary’ and ‘scientific’,
are naturally context-dependent and to a certain extent can be set aside when his articulation of the anonymity binary is transferred to the medieval Scandinavian cultural
milieu. The usefulness of the distinction Foucault draws about pre-modern texts when
applied to medieval Scandinavian works rests primarily on the concept of anonymity and with it the paradoxical authority the unnamed, tradition-bearing voice carried
forward into the literate age. An example of this phenomenon, mentioned earlier, is the
traditional eddic poetry preserved in GKS 2365 4to and known as the Poetic Edda. The
authorial voice of eddic tradition – especially those poems introduced by a narrator –
would have supplied a ready storytelling model for the emergent (anonymous) voice of
written saga prosimetrum, as well as there being other storytelling modes in the preliterate period we know less about which writers would also have drawn on.
3
4
See further Jesch 2005.
The First Grammatical Treatise, pp. 224–226 (with normalised spelling).
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Foucault further argued that during the course of the 17th and 18th centuries, the situation he described was inverted, with named authorship becoming an essential feature
of ‘literary’ works while anonymity was increasingly favoured for texts that transmitted
received wisdom:
scientific texts were accepted on their own merits and positioned within an anonymous and
coherent conceptual system of established truths and methods of verification. Authentification
no longer required reference to the individual who had produced them; the role of the author
disappeared as an index of truthfulness […]. 5
Once again, the description of these conditions finds a ready parallel with the circumstances that must have pertained during the literarisation of saga narratives: not as a
change from a former situation, as Foucault described it for continental Europe, but as
the state of play in medieval Iceland during the development of a culture of alphabetic
literacy. As traditional material that had been orally transmitted was transformed into
saga text, we may assume it operated within “an anonymous and coherent conceptual
system of established truths and methods of verification” as understood by saga audiences. It was presumably the texts’ presentation of traditional material which obviated
the need for identifying individual transmitters of prose narratives; the “index of truthfulness”, such as it was, was tied to the transmission of skaldic poetry where the quotation of stanzas was conventionally attributed to named poets and thereby provided a
mode of verification.
The force of quotations by named voices within an anonymous work is significant
and amounts to a textual phenomenon of critical interest, to which I will return. In
advance of that, however, I want to consider a complex Old Norse text which is distinguished by its many layers of quoted voices, where “an anonymous and coherent
conceptual system of established truths” intersects with a named authorising voice.
The text in question is the treatise known as the Edda, initiated, it is assumed, by Snorri
Sturluson, but now extant in multiple versions that demonstrate numerous creative
phases whose material traces postdate the death of the author.6 A part of the treatise
dealing with pre-Christian mythology is known as Gylfaginning. It is a unique and highly
experimental work, which engages at a profound level with questions of truth as it
works to organise elements of traditional pre-Christian beliefs within a framework of
Christian doctrine.7 It quotes eddic poetry copiously, drawing much of its authority from
5
6
7
Foucault 1977, p. 126.
For an overview of Snorri and his work, see Wanner 2008. For an overview of the variation in the
manuscripts of the work, see Guðrún Nordal 2001, pp. 44–72.
See further my forthcoming article on Snorra Edda where some of these issues are treated in more
depth: Quinn 2021.
Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
the anonymous conceptual system of established truths conveyed by the eddic corpus
of traditional poems.
Gylfaginning is constructed as a series of nested quotations within a narrative told
about King Gylfi (who identifies himself in the text as Gangleri), prefaced by paratextual
material including the prologue and the rubric (in one manuscript) naming the work
and its author.8 The quotations within quotations can be set out schematically as a cascading sequence of voices:
∞ Bók þessi heitir Edda. Hana hefir saman setta Snorri Sturluson […]
∞ [Prologue]
∞ Gylfi konungr var maðr […] Hann nefndisk Gangleri […] hóf svá mál sitt.9
∞ […] ok segir [Gangleri] þau tíðindi er hann hefir sét ok heyrt. Ok eptir honum sagði
hverr maðr öðrum þessar sögur.10
∞ En Æsir setjask þá á tal ok […] minnask á þessar frásagnir allar er honum váru sagðar,
ok gefa nöfn þessi hin sömu er áðr eru nefnd mönnum ok stöðum þeim er þar váru […]11
∞ Hár segir:
∞ Svá sem segir í Völuspá […]12
∞ Ok þessi segir hon nöfn þeira dverganna […]13
This book is called Edda. It has been compiled by Snorri Sturluson […]
[Prologue]
Gylfi was the name of a man […] He called himself Gangleri […] [he] began his questioning.
[…] and [Gangleri] related those events he had seen and heard about. And following his
account one person after another told these stories.
But the Æsir then gathered in discussion and […] rehearsed all the narratives which had
been told to him and gave those same names which were previously mentioned to people
and places there [in Sweden] […]
Hár says:
As it says in the spá of the völva […]
And she [the völva] says these are the names of those dwarfs […]
The narrative of Gylfaginning opens out into a dialogue, with Gylfi posing questions and
the three named Æsir (Hár, Jafnhár, Þriði) answering them. The hall in which the dialogue takes place, though, turns out to be a multi-media illusion, and doubt is thereby
8
9
10
11
12
13
Snorri Sturluson: The Uppsala Edda, p. 6. The attribution of the work to Snorri specifies his activity
as that of compilation (setja saman), with only his authorship of Háttatal explicit: “er Snorri hefir
ort” (‘which Snorri has composed’). In what follows, I assume that Snorri was the author of Gylfaginning.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, pp. 7f.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, p. 54.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, pp. 54f.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, p. 9.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, p. 16.
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cast over whether the quoted voices might also be illusory.14 As we read, we are hearing
voices (as is always the case when we read and part of the cognitive adventure of engaging with the written word); but in what sense can the reader ‘believe’ those voices? All
kinds of tricks occur during the course of the dialogue in Gylfaginning with, in particular,
an embedded narrative about Þórr’s encounter with Útgarðaloki ending with the scene
of their dialogue evaporating before Þórr’s eyes, a scenario that is duplicated at the end
of Gylfi’s conversation with the three Æsir, when the hall his visit has taken place in
disappears into thin air.15
The imbricated plotting of the narrative of Gylfaginning repeatedly resists straightforward logical alignment. What has been conveyed during the wisdom contest is plunged
further beyond the verifiable when the questing Gangleri is depicted transmitting what
he has seen and heard – “ok segir [Gangleri] þau tíðindi er hann hefir sét ok heyrt. Ok
eptir honum sagði hverr maðr öðrum þessar sögur”16 – at the same time as his competitors-in-wisdom, the Æsir, launch another discourse in which the very names of the figures
in their answers to Gylfi are subsequently assigned to their contemporaries in Sweden:
“En Æsir setjask þá á tal ok […] minnask á þessar frásagnir allar er honum váru sagðar, ok
gefa nöfn þessi hin sömu er áðr eru nefnd mönnum […].”17 Almost in anticipation of the
complex textual history of his own work, Snorri sets up multiple lines of transmission
from the Æsir’s account, one disseminated through Gylfi’s kingdom somewhere in Sweden
based on his recollection and another propagated by the Æsir themselves through soubriquet-Æsir who take on the identities of the figures in the narratives just told.
The effect of so many twists is spectacularly destabilising for the reader.18 So much
of the ancient eddic verse that has been quoted in support of the responses to Gangleri’s questions would have been familiar to the 13th-century audience of the text – and
served as an index, if not of truth then of authentic, ancient tradition – yet if those
quoting it are unreliable speakers, where does that leave the reader and their trust in
the assumed author of the work? Myths that were accepted, circulated, and valorised in
cultural memory, because their real or supposed age was a sufficient guarantee of their
authenticity, are undermined as untruthful in the context of a theologised revision of
the past, voiced sporadically by the Æsir and engineered by the narrator in the structure
of Gylfaginning.
It is worth pausing here to reflect on the effects of these shifts in speaker as the text
leads us through the cascade of quotations. As Roland Barthes asked, when we read a
text, ‘Who is speaking?’. His response was as follows:
14
15
16
17
18
See further Glauser 2009.
Compare Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, pp. 43 and 54.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, p. 54.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, p. 54.
On this effect, see Glauser 2013.
Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
We shall never know, for the good reason that writing is the destruction of every voice, of every
point of origin. Writing is that neutral, composite, oblique space where every subject slips away,
the negative where all identity is lost, starting with the very identity of the body writing.19
At a very literal level, much industry has gone into assigning a point of origin for the
voice of Snorra Edda and identifying authorial intentions tying portions of the text to
the body of the author. One of the implications of “the negative where all identity
is lost”, however, is that the composite voice that writing creates resists that simple
equation, especially when the composite voice masquerades as the many colourful and
loquacious identities that we find within Gylfaginning. While the special voice of some
works may well meld several indiscernible voices, in a work such as Gylfaginning which
foregrounds the particularity of many quoted voices, some voices may also be amplified beyond their weight in words. So many quotations are couched within quotations
in this auditory mise en abyme that, at any one moment, a particular voice may seem
more commanding than the others around which it echoes. An example of this phenomenon is referenced above, at the point when Hár quotes again from a poem called
Völuspá – literally the spá (‘prophecy’) of the völva (‘seeress’), a poem quoted extensively throughout Gylfaginning – and the voice of the völva is projected beyond other
voices as she is heard listing mythological details: “Ok þessi segir hon nöfn þeira dverganna” (‘And she [the völva] says these are the names of those dwarfs’). From within
the text, she is presented speaking the very names that Hár ventriloquises, Gangleri
reports, and the narrator records.
To return to the cascade of quotations set out earlier, let us look at another example
from early on in the dialogue between Gangleri and the three Æsir, at the beginning of
the roll-call of gods in which Óðinn is introduced,20 well before the formal introduction
of Loki.21
∞ Þá mælir Þriði:
∞ […] svá sem hér er sagt at Óðinn mælir sjálfr við þann Ás er Loki heitir:
∞ ‘Œrr ertu Loki […]’22
Then Third said:
[…] just as it is said here that Óðinn himself spoke to that god who is called Loki:
You’re mad, Loki […]
19
20
21
22
Barthes 1977, p. 142.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, p. 21.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, pp. 26f.
Snorri Sturluson: Gylfaginning, p. 21.
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Here, in response to a question from Gangleri, Þriði responds by quoting lines that are
purported to be the very words Óðinn himself spoke.23 One of the effects of this assertion
of authenticity is the amplification of a particular voice within the cacophony of quotations within quotations such that the reader temporarily loses any sense of the hierarchical order of the framing voices and therefore of the inferred intellectual argument
that what is told to Gangleri may be illusory. Suddenly it is Óðinn’s tremendous voice
that thunders out, as the gravitational centre of authority shifts within the text. To
show this schematically, the hierarchy of authorial voices can be momentarily inverted
during this intense instance of eddic quotation:
∞ ‘Œrr ertu Loki […]’
∞ svá sem hér er sagt at Óðinn mælir sjálfr við þann Ás er Loki heitir:
∞ Þá mælir Þriði:
∞ […] ok segir [Gangleri] þau tíðindi er hann hefir sét ok heyrt. Ok eptir honum sagði
hverr maðr öðrum þessar sögur.
∞ En Æsir setjask þá á tal ok […] minnask á þessar frásagnir allar er honum váru
sagðar, ok gefa nöfn þessi hin sömu er áðr eru nefnd mönnum ok stöðum þeim er
þar váru […].
∞ Gylfi konungr var maðr […] Hann nefndisk Gangleri […] hóf svá mál sitt
∞ [Prologue]
∞ Bók þessi heitir Edda. Hana hefir saman setta Snorri Sturluson […]
You’re mad, Loki […]
[…] just as it is said here that Óðinn himself spoke to that god who is called Loki:
Then Third said:
[…] and [Gangleri] related those events he had seen and heard about. And following
his account one person after another told these stories.
But the Æsir then gathered in discussion and […] rehearsed all the narratives which
had been told to him and gave those same names which were previously mentioned
to people and places there [in Sweden] […]
Gylfi was the name of a man […] He called himself Gangleri […] [he] began his questioning.
[Prologue]
This book is called Edda. It has been compiled by Snorri Sturluson […]
The text of Gylfaginning is a striking example of how the inventive and dislocating effects
of verse quotation within a prose account can work, especially of the manner in which
23
The idea that readers are hearing the very words of the gods is promoted elsewhere in the text as
well: “Hér máttu heyra í Grímnismálum” (‘You can hear about it here in The Words of Grímnir’)
and “ok enn hefir hann [Óðinn] nefnzk á fleiri vega þá er hann var kominn til Geirrøðar konungs”
(‘and Óðinn called himself by various names when he visited King Geirrøðr’). Snorri Sturluson:
Gylfaginning, pp. 33 and 21. The deictic marker “hér” (‘here’) serves to make the connection between explanation and evidence rhetorically palpable.
Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
the quoted voice can sound louder than the narrating voice, which is itself, of course,
a composite voice created by the artifice of writing. To draw in Foucault’s observations
here as well, we might observe in relation to the effects achieved in Gylfaginning that
[writing] implies an action that is always testing the limits of its regularity, transgressing and
reversing an order that it accepts and manipulates. Writing unfolds like a game that inevitably
moves beyond its own rules and finally leaves them behind. Thus, the essential basis of this
writing is […] primarily concerned with creating an opening where the writing subject endlessly
disappears.24
As Óðinn berates Loki, I would argue, Þriði, Gylfi / Gangleri and the narrator all tumble
out of the frame and what sense we have of Snorri-the-author disappears (unless we
resolutely and endlessly reinstate him in our reading practice or commentary). As the
game that is the text of Gylfaginning unfolds, the writing moves beyond its own rules
and the intellectual conceit – that all these myths might be understood as illusory – is
momentarily but repeatedly left behind.
The writing subject evanesces even more readily in anonymous works, such as the
many sagas about Iceland’s past that were written from the 13th century onwards. One of
these, Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, is set in the early decades of the 12th century when literate
culture was being established in Iceland; the earliest manuscripts of the work, however,
are from some two hundred years later.25 The saga is classed among the Samtíðarsögur
(sagas of Contemporary Times), many of which are anonymous, although Íslendinga saga,
a major work within the compilation manuscripts which record these sagas, is attributed to Snorri Sturluson’s nephew, Sturla Þórðarson.26 Despite the fact that no author’s
name was attached to Þorgils saga ok Hafliða during its manuscript transmission, many
scholars have attempted, unconvincingly, to find a name that might fit, implicitly equating the lack of a named author with a diminution in the text’s authority and value.27
As mentioned earlier, the authority of saga texts in the medieval period appears to
have derived not from authorship by a named person but from the nature and style of
the material being transmitted. As such, saga prosimetrum presents a very interesting
24
25
26
27
Foucault 1977, p. 116.
The saga forms part of the compilation known as Sturlunga saga and is partially preserved in two
14th-century manuscripts: Króksfjarðarbók and Reykjarfjarðarbók. As the text of the saga is fragmentary in both, later paper manuscripts preserving copies of the medieval work have been drawn
on by editors. See Ursula Brown’s (1952, pp. LII–LXII) introduction to her edition of Þorgils saga ok
Hafliða, for a discussion of the manuscripts of the saga and the rationale for using British Museum
Add II, 127 as the basis for her edition.
See Úlfar Bragason 2010.
In the introduction to her edition of the saga, Brown (1952, pp. L–LII) surveys the speculation and
concludes: “It is unlikely the author of Þorgils saga will ever be identified beyond doubt.”
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textual scenario – possibly unique in medieval literature – where traditional material
travelled through texts without being tied to a named author while, at the same time,
elements of the text were verified by being attributed to named poets. This scenario is
most starkly evident in the sagas of Norwegian kings (Konungasögur) where the quotations of stanzas by court poets are deployed in the narrative to corroborate the material
presented in prose by the saga narrator.28 Poetic quotation is more subtly at play in sagas
about the very speakers of the stanzas themselves, the many sagas about Icelanders of
the settlement period (Íslendingasögur) and later (Samtíðarsögur).
To date, the quotation of stanzas within saga prose has tended to be analysed in
terms of the functional relation of the quotation to the preceding prose, with the inquit
taken as a distinguishing signal between so-called ‘authenticating’ stanzas (introduced
by “svá segir [name of poet]” [‘as [the poet] says’]) and so-called ‘situational’ stanzas
(introduced by “þá kvað [name of saga character]” [‘then [the saga character] recited’]).29 While this functional orientation provides a useful tool in the analysis of saga
prosimetrum, it can create a false division in terms of literary effects, since a stanza
spoken by an intradiegetic figure in the narrative can also function as authentification.
Furthermore, the same kind of stanza could be used by narrators either as verification
by a speaker disengaged from the immediate substance of the narrative (‘svá segir’) or
it could be staged as speech within a dramatic encounter in the narrative (‘þá kvað’),
depending on how the saga author wanted to set the scene. Anonymity cuts across these
effects in interesting ways. Eddic poetry, as we saw, could be deployed as quotations of
the words of the gods or supernatural figures themselves, with the eddic poet effaced
in the process of quotation – the alliterative rhythm and conventions of the eddic mode
authenticating the transmitted traditions. When skaldic poetry was quoted within saga
prosimetrum, on the other hand, a different array of effects is evident. The quotation
of stanzas by named figures in the saga carried with it a straightforward authenticity
effect, yet quotation of skaldic stanzas by unnamed poets could also be used to rhetorical advantage by saga narrators, as we shall see.30
In saga narratives, quoted stanzas present the words of figures of the past, fixed
across time by the forces of metrical form, made audible again to the reader through a
rendering of poetic performance. The words of figures of the past are also staged by the
narrator as dialogues in prose and while these present a simulacrum of conversations
that once took place, they lack the verification that inheres in the form of poetry, especially that in complex metres such as dróttkvætt and related metres, which control the
28
29
30
See Whaley 1993.
This mode of analysis has been proposed by Wolf 1965, Bjarni Einarsson 1974, Whaley 1993 and
modified to some extent by Clunies Ross 2005, pp. 77–79.
The aesthetics of verse quotation within the Íslendingasögur is the subject of a new collaborative
project led by Stefanie Gropper and myself, jointly funded by the DFG and AHRC.
Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
ordering of syllables through the alliteration of stressed syllables across pairs of lines,
demand more or less consistent patterns of internal assonance within the line (hendingar) as well as fixing the numbers of syllables in the line and the number of lines in the
stanza. To put it another way, it is the poet who unequivocally authors the wording of
a stanza whereas the authorship of the same figure’s prose dialogue is more nebulous,
crafted as it is by the saga narrator who chooses whether it is cast as direct or indirect
speech, how extensive the quotation or reported speech is, and the degree to which it
is modified or evaluated by interruptions from the narrator. By way of contrast, it is the
norm for entire stanzas to be quoted uninterrupted – and, it may be inferred – unedited.
To a significant extent it is therefore the inherent formal features of skaldic stanzas
that serve to enhance their actuality as preserved utterance, even in instances where
the historical figure to whom they are linked is unnamed.31 Þorgils saga ok Hafliða preserves seventeen verse quotations, of which seven are spoken by named figures in the
saga and ten stanzas (which have much in common with the others in terms of metre
and style) are quoted not as utterances attributed to particular speakers but as compositions circulating at the time, thereby participating in the same economy of verification
as those stanzas depicted as being the compositions of named figures in the saga. The
very first quotations in the saga, which round off the depiction of a lawsuit between the
feuding chieftains at the centre of the saga, are introduced as corroborating evidence:
Þar um váru kveðnar vísu þessar32 (‘These verses were composed about that’). While the
three stanzas quoted in succession each covers similar material in terms of content,
they are distinguished from one another by their metrical flourishes and probably represent the work of competing poets commemorating Þorgils’ successful prosecution
of a case against his enemies.33
Since just one stanza would have been sufficient to verify the account, the narrator’s choice to indulge in the metrical and semantic variations on a theme one or more
poets have produced on the occasion of the law case is significant. It signals, on the
one hand, the narrator’s taste for poetic superfluity; and on the other, it is evidence
of a disinclination at this stage of the saga to personalise the exchanges or to restage
the compositions as a social event, with the speakers identified and a specific setting
described. The quotations just flow into the text – “Þar um váru kveðnar vísu þessar” –
composed by passive agents whose voices endow the account with authority but who
themselves are reduced to detached, unidentified voices, untethered to any context
31
32
33
By referring to the actuality of the stanzas as performed utterance, no inference is made that they
are necessarily authentic compositions from the time of the saga’s setting, though they are, of
course, presented as such.
Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, pp. 11f. All quotations from the saga are from Ursula Brown’s edition with
the translation informed by her Notes.
For a detailed discussion of the use of verse quotation in Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, see Quinn 2020.
133
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Judy Quinn
of performance. Who speaks here but the constructed voice of authored skaldic tradition, authenticated by rhythm and assonance, a voice that is at once authored and
curiously without identity. (The author in this case does not even have an assumed
life before their textual death.) Whether or not the saga author might have known the
identity or identities of the poets whose stanzas are quoted cannot be ascertained but
it is possible that the absence of named speakers was a deliberate textual manoeuvre
to maintain the narrator’s voice as the dominant narrative channel while exploiting
the authenticity effects lent to the narrative by anonymous skaldic quotation.34 If so,
the narrator cleverly exploited the medium without encumbering the narrative with
additional identities whose relations within the saga’s network would have required at
least some elaboration.
A similar mode of anonymous authentication closes the saga; again anonymous
poetic quotation is deployed to clinch an account of a lawsuit: Ok þá er lokit var málum
þessum, þá var sú visa kveðin35 (‘And when this case was finished, then this stanza was
composed’). Except that once again a superfluity of anonymous poetic compositions is
in evidence, as the inquit is followed by not one stanza but two (both anonymous), and
once again the stanzas represent poetic variations on a theme, with some of the same
wording repeated between them.
Quotations of stanzas by named figures in the feud narrative are also woven into
the dialogue of the saga and presented as integral to the storyline. An example of this
is the quotation of a verse by Þórðr Rúfeyjarskáld, who is specifically identified as a
poet when he is introduced in the saga.36 In this scene in chapter 12, Þórðr asks Þorgils
Oddason about the value of an axe he had been given – and which Þórðr coveted,
judging it fair compensation for a verse he had previously composed about Þorgils.
The narrative moves easily here between indirect speech, direct poetic recitation and
direct speech:
Þórðr […] spyrr, hvers þeim þœtti verð øxin, en þeir urpu á tvær merkr. Þórðr kvað vísu:
“Metin [er] marka tveggja […]
Ok fagrslegin fála
fastleggs virð[i] [h]ála
semdi sjá fyr kvæði […].”
Þorgils mælti at Þórðr skyldi taka landsleigu undir sjálfum sér, en hann sagðisk eiga
lóg til øxarinnar.37
34
35
36
37
The element of competition between prose and poetic voices in Old Norse prosimetrum was explored in Quinn 1997.
Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, p. 43. There is a further example of the anonymous style of quotation midway through the saga: “Ok var þetta þar um kveðit” (‘And this was recited there about it.’). Þorgils
saga ok Hafliða, p. 30.
Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, p. 3.
Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, p. 21.
Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
Þórðr asked what they thought the axe was worth and they guessed two marks. Þórðr recited a
verse: “Valued at two marks […] And this beautifully wrought axe would be a very fitting gift to a
man who values gold for his poem […]” Þorgils said that Þórðr might take land rent for himself but
declared that he had no right to the axe.
Another crucial scene in the escalation of the feud between Þorgils and Hafliði Másson
involves Þorgils’ own poetry, bolstered in this instance by his own prose utterance, in a
mimetic rendering of the way poetic recitation added gravitas not just to a prose saga,
but also – according to the depiction in the saga – to the interactions on the ground
between the men on one side of the feud, as Þorgils rallies them to action:
Þá tóku margir undir, at þat væri glíkligast, at Þorgils mundi ráða at sinni athǫfnum þeira. Þá kvað
Þorgils vísu:
“Munat óssvita ásum
ar[n]sprengjand[i] lengi,
þat segi ek, gulls ins gjalla
Gerðr, þinglog[i] verða.”
“Ok munum vér ríða verða”, sagði Þorgils […]. 38
Then many responded that it would be best if Þorgils were to decide on their reaction. Then
Þorgils recited a verse: “The one who makes the eagle burst [warrior] must not for long fail to
keep his engagement with the noble men – that I declare, lady of the ringing gold.” “And let us
ride onwards”, said Þorgils […].
Þorgils’ stanza is an artful declaration of his own valour, addressed – incongruously in
this prosimetric context – to an unnamed woman, one who stood as judge of masculine
prowess and, within the convention, was potentially instrumental in facilitating the
transmission of it. The anomalous apostrophe highlights the authenticity of the stanza
as Þorgils’ own words, unedited by the saga narrator to fit exactly into the context
of quotation but prevailing as verification of the chieftain’s resolute character as witnessed by his supporters (who, it is to be inferred, should transmit the stanza). But the
stanza alone was not enough to tell the story of Þorgils’ retaliation: the saga narrator
supplemented the poetic quotation with dialogue as Þorgils spells out exactly how his
poetic words translate into action as, in prose, he urges his supporters to ride with him
to pursue their cause.
This is an interesting case of an apparently restaged utterance by an identified
figure in the saga in the presence of intradiegetic listeners within the saga. The staging
of verse as a performance in front of an audience of retainers is evident elsewhere too
and underlines a sense that poetic compositions are vitally of their moment, capturing
38
Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, pp. 39f.
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Judy Quinn
attitudes and reactions just as they were expressed at the time they were supposedly
first uttered. After Þorgils seriously injures Hafliði’s hand in a skirmish, the narrator
describes how Ingimundr the priest, Þorgils’ kinsman and ally, was sent to find out how
serious his injuries were, with his response staged in just this way, as the very words that
he spoke when greeted on his return to his booth at the thing:
Ok þá er þeir kómu heim til búðar Þorgils, þá váru þeir spurðir tíðinda ok eptir erindum sínum.
Þá kvað Ingimundr prestr:
“Fingr eru þrír af þeiri,
þó skyldi mun fleiri
sundr[á] s[æl]lings hendi,
slíkt er bǫ[g]gr mikill, hǫggnir.”
Síðan var kvatt var féránsdóms […]39
And when they came back to Þorgils’ booth, they were asked for news about how things had gone.
Then Ingimundr the priest recited: “Three fingers were chopped off that hand; that is a serious
injury – yet still more could have been choped off the rich man’s hand.” After that, a court of
execution was convened […].
Boasting of violent mutilation cuts both ways in the prosimetrum of the saga, serving
to foreground the aggressive spirit among Þorgils’ band of supporters at the same time
as it confirms the extent of Hafliði’s injury. The narrator reveals the detail of the injury
after describing the successful prosecution of Þorgils (who is outlawed as a skógarmaðr,
or ‘man of the wilderness’), as a prelude to the mounting tension of the imminent confiscation court.
A final example demonstrates the same prosimetric style, where a stanza by Ingimundr in praise of Þorgils is staged not as a detached, ceremonial tribute to a chieftain
but as an impromptu partisan declaration during manoeuvres:
Reið Þorgils í framanaverðri fylkingu sinni. Þá kvað Ingimundr:
“[…] Þar ríðr mætr at móti,
mál[m]rýri tel ek skýran
orðinn, allrar ferðar
Odda sonr í broddi.”40
Þorgils rode at the forefront of his troop. Then Ingimundr recited: “[…] There rides the respected
son of Oddi [Þorgils] to the encounter, at the head of his company. I think the destroyer of weapons
[warrior] has become wise.”
39
40
Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, p. 27.
Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, p. 35.
Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
Such a stanza would lend authority to the saga narrative however it was contextualised,
whether, as here, staged as part of a scene in the narrative or whether as corroborating
evidence (had it been introduced “Svá segir Ingimundr”, for example, to affirm details
mentioned in the preceding prose). Since Ingimundr is an important actor in the feud
narrative – and an unashamed partisan – his identification as the author of the stanza
adds dimension to the prosimetrum in comparison with, say, the first three stanzas of
the saga that were quoted anonymously.
Authorship of quoted stanzas can be seen to be deployed to advantage by the saga
narrator, in other words. In circumstances where identification serves to deepen characterisation and nuance the telling of the feud narrative, the narrator identifies the poet
of the quoted stanza; where it is the composition itself that is highlighted, anonymity
can be convenient. Flexibility in approach is nowhere more obvious in the saga than in
the sequence of stanzas quoted within the depiction of the unruly banter that occurs
during a wedding feast (chapter 10). In this vivid scene, those on Þorgils’ side of the feud
taunt a wedding guest who is a relative of Hafliði’s on account of the guest’s bad breath.
The bullying scene is described in detail and results in the guest, the chieftain Þórðr
Þorvaldsson, walking out of the feast. Seven poetic compositions of various lengths are
included in the account, with those by Ingimundr – who started it all – and Þórðr – who
joins in the game in good humour to begin with – attributed to them, while all of the
others are anonymously recorded.
[…] Ingimundr prestr laut at sessunaut sínum ok mælti við hann,
svá sem hinn spyrði:
[…] þá kveðr Þórðr í mót:
[…] Þá var þetta kveðit til Þórðar:
Hér hlær Þórðr mjök at þessum kveðlingi ok kveðr í mót þegar:
Þá var þetta kveðit:
Þá var þetta kveðit:
En er Þórðr gekk út, þá var þetta kveðit:
(v. 4)
(v. 5)
(v. 6)
(v. 7)
(v. 8)
(v. 9)
(v. 10)41
[…] Ingimundr the priest lent towards his seating companion and spoke, as if he had been asked:
[…] then Þórðr said in return:
[…] Then this verse was directed to Þórðr:
Þórðr laughs heartily at this verse and immediately retorts […]
Then this verse was recited […]
Then this verse was recited […]
And while Þórðr was walking out, this was recited […]
41
Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, pp. 15–17.
137
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Judy Quinn
Four of the compositions are not attributed to a named poet, yet they are nonetheless
quotable because of their authoritative form, as poetry.42 As suggested earlier, while
verses like this participate in the same economy of verification as stanzas depicted as
being the compositions of named figures in the saga, they travel within the prosimetrum without biographic strings attached: to paraphrase Foucault, authentification did
not require reference to the individual in this context. Unlike the first three stanzas
quoted in Þorgils saga ok Hafliða, however, the anonymous compositions about Þórðr’s
foul-smelling breath are staged not as detached evidence but as part of a lively interactive scene, albeit one in which the identity of speakers is only sporadically, and pragmatically, revealed. Whether masked or unmasked, the quoted poets speaking through
prosimetric texts are significant, their revelations providing a malleable resource for
saga narrators to work with.
In this chapter, I have investigated some of the literary effects that could be achieved
by medieval Icelandic prosimetrum writers as they exploited the potential of orally
transmitted poetry to enrich their prose. Despite the markedly different discourses out
of which each work is constituted, both Þorgils saga ok Hafliða and Gylfaginning demonstrate the ways in which verse quotation provides an ‘index of truthfulness’ around
which narration develops. In both works, the voices speaking according to conventions
of poetic composition are rendered authoritative through the performance of quotation, even though the time and place when the rhythmic lines were composed were
already separate from the scene of writing and markedly distant, especially in the case
of the eddic verse quoted within Snorra Edda.
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42
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Anonymity and the Textual Construction of Authority in Prosimetrum
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