With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. The historical background: 3rd - 1st c. BC

Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. The historical background: 3rd–1st c. BC 134 Introduction 136 Bastarnae and Scirii: shadows on the Black Sea 141 An age of mercenaries and plunderers 147 The great migration of the Cimbri and Teutones 149 Lugius and Boiorix 151 The rise and the decline of the Lugian age – the start of the Vandal era 153 The North 158 Bibliography Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. Introduction Andrzej Maciałowicz Marcin Rudnicki Anna Strobin In archaeological literature concerned with the Iron Age in personal ornaments, and elements of weaponry. There are east-central Europe the subject of Celto-Germanic relations grounds for believing that the process reached much deeper, has enjoyed relatively exhaustive coverage. Although indi- impinging in various ways on the sphere of custom, religion, vidual researchers have variously reconstructed the circum- and socio-political organization. stances and the character of these contacts, there is general Enumerating Celtic borrowings that have been obagreement on the evaluation of their consequences. For served over the long years of archaeological study of the instance, there is no doubt that relations between Celts and Germanic settlement in Poland is relatively easy. A much east Germanic inhabitants of the region lying north of the larger problem facing past research was how the mechanism Carpathians and the Sudetes were quite intensive for a pe- of the ‘Latenization process’ is to be reconstructed. Attempts riod. These relations are clearly evidenced by the adoption to elucidate the process by invoking normal contacts between of numerous elements of Celtic culture discernable in the neighbours, possibly also trade exchange, appear to be inarchaeological picture of the civilization of the Celts’ north- adequate. We have come closer to grasping the relationship ern neighbours. The phenomenon of the reception of Celtic between the Celts and the Germanic peoples only recently models by the east Germanic population has even earned thanks to analysis of inds from the past dozen years or so. a special term in archaeological literature: the ‘Latenization However, the road to appropriately assessing the signiicance process’, taken from the La Tène culture. Nor was the reception of this material still seems long. Nonetheless, there is no of Celtic culture in Germanic milieux between the Baltic and doubt that the role of the Celts in shaping the cultural reality the Carpathians limited to material culture. Rather, it was quite in the territory of Poland during the La Tène/pre-Roman periextensive, as expressed by the similarity of dress accessories, od and in the early Roman period has turned out to be much 134 Introduction greater than we used to think. In the study of this subject around the mid-3rd century BC. Soon after, the early Germannumismatic sources have become increasingly important. ics came into contact with the peoples of the Mediterranean They have enhanced our comprehension of information about World – irst with the Greeks, and in due course – with the the barbarian world to be found in the modest collection of Romans. As a result of migrations and invasions which at Latin and Greek texts. irst, i.e., in the 3rd and the 2nd centuries BC, had an eastward It is hard to determine when the irst contacts between and a southward direction, and from the late 2nd c. BC – also Celts and Germanic peoples in the Odra and the Vistula drain- a southward and westward one, these barbarians found themages were established. However, this connection apparently selves within the realm of the interests of representatives of dates all way back to the irst half of the 3rd c. BC, as attested Mediterranean civilization, thanks to which they entered the by inds of Greek and Boii coins that have been found in cen- pages of written history. Indeed, this is how more than just tral Poland. An intensiication of these relations and the start a fragment of their history came to be recorded – the names of the ‘Latenization process’ should be referred to the time of their tribes and their rulers, too. The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad 135 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. Bastarnae and Scirii: shadows on the Black Sea In Greek and Latin sources we ind much information about the appearance around the turn of the 3rd/2nd c. BC, on the northern coast of the Black Sea, of new tribes: the Bastarnae and the Scirii (Babeş 1993: 168–173). In the inal centuries BC warriors hailing from these tribes took part in invasions against the Greek colony Olbia at the mouth of the Southern Bug (Південний Буг) and on the lands lying in the basin of the lower Danube. Moreover, they served as mercenaries under the leadership of Macedonian and Pontic kings. At irst classical authors erroneously identiied the Bastarnae with the Celts they were familiar with (and who are described in the Greek world as Galatians). Not until the 1st c. BC, when the Romans had come into contact in other parts of Europe with Germanic tribes, were the Bastarnae and the Scirii classiied to that ethnos. Indeed, the tribal name of the Scirii may be derived from Germanic languages, and the subsequent centuries of the history of this people leave no doubt whatsoever in this regard. The best known Scirian is Odoacer – the Germanic ruler who dethroned the last emperor reigning in Italy, thereby putting an end to the Western Roman Empire. As regards the Bastarnae, it has often been stressed that this name may have to do with the ‘mixed’ character of this people, who possibly were an amalgamate of diferent tribes. In any case, the fact is that in the written sources from the inal centuries BC the Bastarnae and the Scirii are often mentioned in the company of Celtic tribes with whom they joined on their military expeditions. The land of the Bastarnae indicated by the ancient authors supposedly lay to the east of the arc of the Carpathians and in the region of the Danube delta – thus, in the territory of present-day eastern Romania, Moldova, and western Ukraine. Presumably it is legitimate to look for the territory of the Scirii in the same region, although in this case only modest sources are available. It is universally accepted that in the archaeological record the presence of the Bastarnae (and the Scirii?) in the above territory in the period 3rd/2nd–1st 136 c. BC is evidenced by the Poieneşti-Lukaševka culture – the name of which is taken from two localities with grave sites central for recognizing this archaeological unit (Babeş 1993). The authors of the earliest historical accounts related to these two tribes are agreed that in 3rd/2nd c. BC they were ‘newcomers’ in south-eastern Europe. An important clue to recognizing their origin is the archaeological record of the Poieneşti-Lukaševka culture, as it is almost the twin of another unit found more than 1,500 km to the north-west: the Jastorf culture located in the middle and the lower Elbe drainage in present-day Germany recognized as the archaeological ‘cradle’ of the Germanic tribes (cf. Maciałowicz, in this volume). This close similarity is observed both in the pottery assemblages, metalwork, fashions, and the burial rite. The distribution range of several categories of inds shows that the route taken towards the coast of the Black Sea by a population established earlier in northern and central Europe led through the lands of present-day Poland. Most likely these migrations did not come down to an individual act – i.e., to the single migration of a speciic group of people. There is every indication that in the 3rd and the 2nd c. BC a vast region stretching between the North Sea and the Baltic Sea at one end and the Black Sea at the other became an arena of migrations made by many Germanic groups moving east and south-east. Some of these groups – particularly those originating from the northern zone of the Jastorf culture (esp. Jutland) – took up residence in the territory of Poland. Others – mostly those from the Elbe – continued on their way, reaching eastern Romania, Moldova, and western Ukraine (cf. Grygiel 2013: 46). One of the more intriguing categories of archaeological objects identiiable with Germanic communities arrived in the territory of Poland from the northern zone of the Jastorf culture are bronze neckrings. Because of their unique shape, resembling a crown, they have been described as ‘crown-shaped Bastarnae and Scirii: shadows on the Black Sea E W N S Noreia 113 BC. Vercellae Arausio 101 BC 105 BC Aquae, Sextiae 102 BC SC the likely migration route of the Bastarnae the Roman Republic the likely migration route of the Cimbri and Teutones Celtic settlement battle sites Poienești-Lukaševka culture DAC ANS I OR D I S CI 0 130 260 [km] 520 Fig. 1. Migration routes of the Germanic tribes in the 3rd–2nd c. BC in Europe. After Kaczanowski, Kozłowski 1998. Digital processing by M. Chwiej neckrings’ (cf. Maciałowicz, in this volume). The source area of this form of ornament is in present-day Denmark and northern Germany. Finds of crown-shaped neckrings have been recorded in Poland, with some individual specimens found also in Ukraine and in north-eastern Romania. They were no ordinary ornament with a purely aesthetic value, but – as may be assumed – had a symbolic signiicance, and thus were used during unspeciied ceremonies or rituals. This special function of the crown-shaped neckrings tends to rule out the possibility of their being an object of trade with culturally foreign tribes, or a model for locally made objects. Consequently, the spread of this form may be recognized as an archaeological marker of the range of Germanic penetration in eastern Europe during the 3rd and the 2nd c. BC (Dąbrowska 1988a: 73–75; Babeş 1993: 107–108; Shchukin, Val’kova, Shevchenko 1993; Kaul, Martens 1995: 136–137). Another crucial piece of evidence comes from archaeological settlements recorded in Poland The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad yielding assemblages of typically Jastorf pottery (type Brześć Kujawski), which inds its counterparts among pottery wares from northern Germany and Denmark (Maciałowicz, in this volume). Therefore, one could ask a question if the territory of Poland was inhabited – at least for a time – by a population which was one of the building blocks of the tribes of the Bastarnae and the Scirii, whose military activity left such an obvious mark on the history of the Hellenistic world in the basin of the Black Sea? The Bastarnae and the Scirii, moving as they did south-eastward, must have passed through the territory of present-day Poland. Their itinerary presumably led through the valleys of large rivers which cross the country from the west to the east (Warta, middle Vistula, Bug), for it is in this region that we ind the largest number of inds identiied with Jastorf culture (Fig. 1). However, the inds from Poland are characteristic irst and foremost for Jutland, whereas the 137 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. a b Fig. 2. Bronze Greek kraters found at: a, b – Tarnówko, Poland (b – reconstruction); c – Răcătău, Romania. After Erzepki, Kostrzewski 1915 (a); after Jasnosz 1953 (b); after Vulpe, Căpitanu 1971 (c) c ‘Bastarnian’ Poieneşti-Lukaševka culture represents a model which is known primarily from the area in the lower and the middle drainage of the Elbe (Babeş 1993; cf. Grygiel 2013: 45–46). On the other hand, crown-shaped neckrings and some vessel forms known from eastern Romania, Moldova, and western Ukraine resemble inds recorded in Poland. Thus, it is quite likely that the tribe of the Bastarnae residing to the east of the arc of the Carpathians also included some groups of settlers – presumably earlier arrivals from Denmark and northern Germany to the region in the Odra and the Vistula drainage. The diversiied background of the representatives of this people may also have found relection in the name under which it was recorded by ancient authors (‘bastards’?). On the other hand a possible echo of the presence of the Scirii on the territory of Poland is a piece of information recorded in the 1st c. AD by Pliny the Elder in his monumental work Naturalis Historia who mentioned their presence near the Vistula (Kolendo, Płóciennik 2015: 131, 152–154). It seems that the activity of the Bastarnae and the Scirii in the basin of the Black Sea, described in ancient sources as plundering raids and regular service in the armies of Hellenistic rulers, corresponds well with the ‘militarized’ character of the archaeological inds attributed to Przeworsk culture 138 (cf. Maciałowicz, in this volume). Thus, it may be safe to assume that these armed activities included the participation of some inhabitants of the territory of Poland. Apparently, the inal centuries BC were a time marked by an increase in the demand for mercenaries, recruited on a large scale to ight in the many wars waged everywhere in the Mediterranean world. Warriors from among the barbarians represented two major assets for the Hellenistic rulers – the cost of their employment was half the cost of native mercenaries. At the same time, thanks to their sheer numbers they were a virtually inexhaustible reserve of ‘cannon fodder’. The irst barbarian people from the territory of central Europe to have a large number of warriors either plunder the cities of the classical world, or supply its armies as mercenaries, had been the Celts. It may be suspected that the connections of this people with the tribe of the Bastarnae (perhaps even the participation of the Celts in this political alliance?) as conirmed in the literary sources, involved i.a., the organizing of joint actions of a military character – plundering raids or mercenary service – in the territory of the Hellenistic states. Interest taken by the Celts residing in the territory of present-day Poland in mercenary service in the south-east during the 3rd c. BC, still before the emergence of the Poieneş- Bastarnae and Scirii: shadows on the Black Sea a b Fig. 3. Bronze Greek jug (hydria) from Warszawa-Brzeziny: a – general view; b – detail with an inscription in Greek on the rim. After Kolendo 2003 ti-Lukaševka culture, is conirmed by inds of tetradrachms, type Huşi-Vovrieşti, modelled on the silver coinage of Philip II of Macedon (Łuczkiewicz 2016). Their issuers presumably were Celtic inhabitants of the territory between the Dniester and the Carpathians. Finds of this type of silver coin form a concentration mostly in central and southern Moldova, but they are also recorded in large number inside the arc of the Carpathians. These coins have been discovered in the southern and south-eastern regions of Poland, as well, where – starting from the 3rd c. BC – Celtic settlement began to develop. During that same century, groups of Jastorf culture population appear there, too, and – starting from the 2nd c. BC – so do quite a few inds attributed to Przeworsk culture. Nonetheless, it is hard to say at present whether the Germanic population had any connection to the circulation of the coins in question. Possible testimony to the participation of Germanic war bands in raids on the rich cities of the Hellenistic world may be given by a small number of Greek vessels made of bronze which have been discovered both in the territory of Bastarnian settlement and in Poland. In Germanic territories quite a few of them were used as ‘luxury’ cinerary urns. Typically, eminent warriors are buried in them, as is suggested The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad by the occasionally opulent military equipment discovered in these graves. Here it is worth mentioning two identical bronze kraters found in graves at Tarnówko in central Poland, and at Răcătău in eastern Romania (Fig. 2: a–c) (Babeş 1993: 88, pl. 44:1). A larger number of these vessels is known from Macedonia and Thrace, where they are dated to the 4th c. BC. The occurrence of 4th–3rd century Greek bronze vessels in graves of Germanic warriors dating several centuries later may be explained by arguing that they were plunder taken from treasuries of Greek temples, where they had rested in peace for centuries before falling prey to the Bastarnae and their allies. It may be added in this context that a bronze jug, a Greek hydria, supposedly found around the year 1900 in an area of today’s city of Warsaw (Brzeziny estate) and possibly also a cinerary urn from a Germanic burial, bore an inscription in Greek (Fig. 3: a, b). Unfortunately, exact circumstances of the discovery are unknown and some researchers raise doubts over its location (cf. Antoniewiczowa 1924; Kolendo 2003: 94–95, igs. 3–6; Dąbrowska 2008: 178: no. 380 [1]; Talarek, Talarek 2012: 140–141; Brzeziny...). Moreover, this artefact was partially destroyed during World War II, before its inscription could be examined by experts. Based only on the published photographs and the transcription of the inscription, there is 139 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. no way to make a full and reliable interpretation. Nevertheless, the irst letters: “Aπ[ό]λω...” show that the vessel had been inscribed either with the name of its Greek owner (Apollodoros?) or with the name of the god Apollo1. The inscription, despite the spelling mistake in the name (one ‘l’ is missing), was made with a fairly unskilled hand, suggesting that its author was not its manufacturer, but rather, the owner of the vessel. Names of deities seen on certain everyday objects discovered in the Mediterranean world were something like a dedication (e.g., ‘for Apollo’); they suggest that a given object had been presented to a temple as a votive ofering. Provided that the interpretation of our inscription as a dedication is correct, we would have an object which had been ofered to a Greek temple of the god Apollo. However, regardless of the problems with the correct reading of the inscription, its ‘private’ character suggests that this particular vessel was not the object of long-distance trade. As such it may be assumed that this was plunder brought by some Germanic warrior from distant expeditions, possibly made jointly with none other than the Bastarnae. 1 We are grateful to Professor Mikhail Treister from the German Archaeological Institute for consulting the typological identiication of this vessel. For assistance in reading the inscription our thanks go to Professor Mika Kajava from the University of Helsinki and to Athanasios Sideris Ph.D. from the Foundation of the Hellenic World in Athens. 140 An age of mercenaries and plunderers The rise of the settlement at Nowa Cerekwia – an interregional centre of trade and crafts production (Rudnicki 2014) – around the middle of the 3rd c. BC, marks the beginning of a new chapter in the contacts of the Celts with peoples living in the territory to the north of the Carpathians and Sudetes. This was no doubt related to organizing a route of long-distance contacts between the middle Danube region and the southern coast of the Baltic. The architects in this network of connections must have been the Celts, as they had both the knowledge about the classical world and its needs, and the organizational skills. Needless to say, in the 3rd c. BC and much, much later, there was no road network in the territory of Poland to enable travelling over long distances. The organization of exchange in territories inhabited during Antiquity by barbarians was a far cry from our modern ideas on merchants travelling across distant lands in wagons illed with goods. This type of happening, like the expedition made by a Roman eques to obtain amber from the Baltic Sea in the reign of emperor Nero in AD 1st c. as recorded by Pliny, were exceptions (cf. Kolendo 1981). As a rule, trade presumably proceeded in stages: from one boundary of a given tribe to the other. Carrying on a regular exchange down a network of always the same settlement centres led to the emergence of trade routes like the Amber Road. The origins of this major communication artery linking the north of Europe with the basin of the Mediterranean Sea reach back at least to the middle of the 3rd c. BC. This is conirmed by inds of Greek and Celtic coins from Kujawy, Wielkopolska, and western Mazowsze (Rudnicki 2014: 51, pls. 11:1, 12:1). The intensity of these contacts luctuated over time. The process may be studied by observing the chronology and the directions of the inlux of Celtic and – starting from the 1st c. BC – that of Roman imports. For the areas on the Baltic Sea we have one more piece of evidence – namely, the intensity of the inlux of amber to the region known as Caput Adriae. The The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad demand for this valuable resin among the inhabitants of the Mediterranean world precedes the emergence of the Roman Empire. Amber – whether in an unworked state or as inished products – has been discovered in areas settled by the Celts to the south of the arc of the Carpathians and also on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, settled by Illyrian tribes (Iapodes) (Okulicz, Nowakowski 1996). Further evidence for the existence of routes of amber to the south in the 3rd and 2nd c. BC are inds of raw amber and half-inished pieces recorded in the settlement at Nowa Cerekwia (Rudnicki 2014: 51, pl. 10:12). It is diicult to assess the scale of the Baltic amber trade in the 3rd and the 2nd c. BC, but the sheer quantity of inds shows that the intensiication of this phenomenon occurred only at the end of the 2nd c. BC and in the next. On the other hand, the rise of Przeworsk culture takes place nearly a century earlier. What then, if not amber, was the reason for the evident upsurge of contacts between Celts and the Germanic north? It is doubtful that other commodities came into play, such as salt, furs, or slaves. The slave trade becomes important only with the increased demand from the Roman state during the 1st c. BC. One helpful clue in settling the above dilemma is that of numismatic inds. Analysis of the distribution of inds in Poland of Celtic coins from the 3rd and 2nd c. BC, along with Greek coins contemporary to them, reveals a certain pattern. Besides the obvious concentration of these inds in areas settled by the Celts in the south of Poland, there are some other well-apparent concentrations, too – namely, in western Mazowsze, Kujawy, and southern Wielkopolska. It is no coincidence that in these particular areas (ones boasting centres of Jastorf culture settlement) a new, heavily ‘Celticized’ archaeological unit takes form – the archaeological Przeworsk culture. If we add to this that a portion of the coin inds in question are Greek and Italian bronzes, the same as those recovered in Celtic centres (like the one at Nowa Cerekwia in Śląsk and 141 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. Fig. 4. Celtic coins from the settlement at Nowa Cerekwia. Photograph by M. Rudnicki Němčice in Moravia), the situation seems clear. For it goes without saying that in the territory of today’s Poland these coins did not serve as a medium of payment: after all, trade between the inhabitants of the basin of the Mediterranean Sea and Germanic barbarians from the north is entirely out of the question. More likely, the coins found their way to central Europe with Celtic mercenaries returning from service in Mediterranean countries. Coins made of bronze – not circulated within the coinage system of the Boii – may be souvenirs from long journeys, or a handy stock of raw material. As a rule the mercenaries would have come into possession of these coins by receiving them as sitonion (also: siteresion or sitarchia) – food rations received by mercenaries in the Greek world either in kind or in the form of a monetary equivalent, independently of their service pay. The latter was issued to central European Celts, and presumably also to Germanic mercenaries – chiely in gold, possibly in silver coin. Taking care of the cost of the provisioning of the army protected the civilian population present in the region of its operations from theft and robbery. Statistical analysis of a large series of 142 non-Celtic coin inds, mostly bronzes recovered from the site of the settlement at Němčice in Moravia, helped to identify the wars during which the bulk of this coinage had passed into the hands of Celtic mercenaries (Čižmář, Kolníková, Noeske 2008). This would be hard to do for the much smaller series of inds from Nowa Cerekwia, although their signiicance is obvious. Bronzes of Philip II of Macedon, Hiero II of Syracuse, a pentonkion of the Mamertines of Messana, coins of Kroton, a city in southern Italy, or Olbia all are evidence of the presence of warriors returning from service – not infrequently years-long service – in ‘countries overseas’. Coins analogous to those recovered in Celtic settlements have been found in the territory of Germanic settlement in central Poland. A good example are three bronzes of Ptolemy VI Philometor, ruler of Egypt (180–145 BC), which were recovered near the locality Gąski in Kujawy. Their presence in central Poland may be explained similarly the seven coins of the same ruler (and of his predecessors, only with countermarks from the reign of Ptolemy VI) found in the settlement at Němčice. They are pre-170 BC issues and there is a consensus An age of mercenaries and plunderers a b Fig. 5. Bronze fragments (hinge pins) of crown-shaped neckrings found in the settlement of Nowa Cerekwia. After Rudnicki 2014 (a); photograph by M. Rudnicki (b) among numismatists that they passed to Moravia with Celtic mercenaries who had obtained the coins during the Fourth Syrian War (170–168 BC). Analysis of the inds from Kujawy shows that also Germanic warriors from the distant north took part in the wars between Ptolemaic Egypt and Seleucid Syria. Until recently, this conclusion – obvious at present – would have been regarded as science iction. The case described here is not an isolated one. The list of convergences between numismatic inds dated to the 3rd–2nd c. BC recovered from the territory under Celtic and Germanic settlement is much longer and may hardly be a coincidence. During the same age there was an upsurge in mercenary activity among the Celts, who – as it turns out – at some point begin to be accompanied by Germanic warriors from the territory of Poland. This form of winning fame and wealth enjoyed unlagging popularity until the times around the middle of the 2nd c. BC when Rome emerged as a major power on the international arena and Greece fell under its control. Nevertheless, this model for making a career in the barbarian world was never abandoned, although sometimes The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad mercenary service involved other activities than taking part in war. The Jewish historian Josephus Flavius, when describing the funeral of Herod the Great in 4 BC, mentions those taking part in the funeral ceremonies: a procession of the royal guard, a regiment of Celts, Germanics, and Thracians. It may not be ruled out that there were also some mercenaries from Central Europe in that company. A feature characteristic of central Europe’s important Celtic places of a type classified as Nowa Cerekwia-Němčice-Roseldorf is the remarkable similarity of the inventory and the exceptional concentration of inds, coins included (Fig. 4). Part of them may have been placed in the ground as sacriicial deposits made at a sacred site. However, this explanation can hardly apply to cut up specimens, or ones fragmented in some other way. The presence of traces of production activity, including minting, along with imported objects leads to the assumption that settlements of this type probably served many diferent functions. The large quantity of coins in the inds, including bronze pieces interpreted as siteresion, suggests that the places in question were centres 143 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. of social and religious life, as well as a site of production and trade. The great quantity of silver and gold coins (which in the Celtic world were presumably used above all as payment to warriors for their mercenary service) and also of bronze coins – the siteresion maintenance money – leads us to conclude that these settlements served yet another function: that of a recruitment point. Their existence was outright necessary from a practical point of view. It is hard to imagine after all, that Celts, and especially, Germanic men living in a remote land ‘at the end of the world’, speaking no ‘foreign tongue’ and unfamiliar with the geography of distant lands, could set of on their own to Greece, Italy, or Africa. Presumably, warriors willing to serve as mercenaries in the Mediterranean world assembled at some familiar central place from which, under the leadership of experienced chiefs, they set out on a journey to the south. It seems quite likely that the rise of a system of settlements, type Nowa Cerekwia-Němčice-Roseldorf – established at strategic points, a similar distance from one another, spread out along the Amber Road – had something to do with the upsurge in the extremely lucrative occupation that mercenary service would have been. The proposition about the existence of a recruitment point at Nowa Cerekwia and the participation of Germanic and Celtic mercenaries in joint military ventures may also be conirmed by other inds from that settlement. There is no doubt that starting from at least the 2nd c. BC it was inhabited by both societies. This is conirmed by numerous inds of hand-built pottery classiied as type Brześć Kujawski (from the younger phase), and also by fragments of crown-shaped neckrings (Fig. 5) (Grygiel 2013: 37–38; Rudnicki 2014: 43, pl. 6:18). Among the latter there are specimens of a type which is characteristic only for regions in northern Germany: thus, perhaps among its inhabitants there were also some arrivals from the distant north? (Fig. 5a). Interestingly, some half-inished crown-shaped neckrings were also discovered here, evidently manufactured on the spot. This circumstance explains by what route some of the Celtic craftworking techniques spread in the Germanic environment and how decorative motifs were adopted, and used in the production of dress accessories and personal ornaments (signiicant material manifestations of the ‘Latenization’ of Germanic societies). The operation at Nowa Cerekwia of workshops producing both Celtic and Germanic ornaments deinitely assisted the exchange of skills and of certain stylistic designs between craftsmen hailing from these two peoples. This was therefore an excellent opportu- 144 nity for the coming into being of a phenomenon described as ‘transfer of technology’. Because of the great superiority of the Celts in this area, and also the advanced level of their art and civilization in general (something that is related to the organization of economic activity, etc.), obviously the party most beneited was that of the early Germanics (cf. Woźniak 2013: 7–8, 21). In the inventory of hand-built pottery from Nowa Cerekwia there are some rare fragments similar to the early pottery style of Przeworsk culture. This allows us to conclude that in the 2nd c. BC among the Germanic inhabitants of this settlement there was a group – albeit perhaps none too large – of a population already representing the newly emerged Przeworsk culture. These might have been newcomers from other parts of the country, but the shards might also be evidence of cultural change – similar to the shifts which took place in central Poland – that led to the emergence of Przeworsk culture (Maciałowicz, in this volume). And so, based on analysis of archaeological inds from Nowa Cerekwia, it may be concluded that this settlement was inhabited by the representatives of at least two diferent ethnic groups: Celts and early Germanics, the latter representing two archaeological units – Jastorf culture and possibly Przeworsk culture. Unfortunately, there is still insuicient evidence to settle the dilemma whether this was a contemporary phenomenon, or whether the inds evince evolutionary change that resulted in the transformation of the Jastorf culture model (the Brześć Kujawski type) into the one described as the Przeworsk culture model. However, it is quite likely that this was so – at least for a time – and the cultural mosaic of the inhabitants of the settlement consisted of, besides the Celts, ‘local’ Germanics representing either Jastorf culture in the Polish Lowland or Przeworsk culture, and that their fellow tribesmen arrived directly from the lower Elbe region or from Jutland – which is shown by inds of some very special forms of crown-shaped neckrings (Fig. 5a). Participation of early Germanics in armed conlicts alongside Celts corresponds well with the character of the ‘Latenization’ of the local cultures. One outcome of this process was certainly the perception of skills and elements of Celtic culture which were associated with the sphere of the activity of men. The very obvious tendency to emphasize the posthumous status of a warrior by means of special burial rituals (the deposition in the grave of deliberately destroyed weapons) may be interpreted in terms of a major market for mercenaries during that age. Participation in this practice was An age of mercenaries and plunderers a b Fig. 6. Iron shield-bosses imitating eastern Celtic or Dacian forms, found in Przeworsk culture cemeteries: a – Dobrzankowo; b – Stupsk. After Okulicz 1971 (a); Museum of Ziemia Zawkrzeńska in Mława. Drawing by A. Maciałowicz (b) an attractive way to gain wealth, prestige, and the associated perquisites. The chronology of the spreading tradition of burying dead men with ritually destroyed weaponry suggests that this model of male activity irst rose within the world of Przeworsk culture, a little later in Oksywie culture, and, inally, in other regions of Europe even farther to the north. This phenomenon used to be hard to explain, apart from the rather general observation that the population of Przeworsk culture maintained closer relations with the Celts, and that the La Tène patterns were introduced in the more remote regions of northern Europe mainly through its agency. Only now, with the recent discoveries made at Němčice and at Nowa Cerekwia, does the direction and the dynamics of the spread of this phenomenon appear logical. In the irst place, it afected societies with a close and longstanding contact with the Celts who guaranteed to warrior men, and occasionally, also to their families, joint participation in military campaigns which may have lasted even several years. The Celtic culture model, with which the early Germanics then came into contact, must have been much more attractive than their own, given The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad their willingness to embrace it. This shows that transferring, even if unwittingly, modern notions about ethnicity to Antiquity is completely mistaken. The early Germanics and the Celts may have communicated perfectly well as they went about organizing the expeditions that brought them glory and abundant loot. This is how the origins of the ‘Latenization’ should be perceived, a process in which a signiicant role would be played in a later period by the iniltration of the Celts ever farther north, even deeper into the Germanic world. Testimony to the relations of a military nature between early Germanics and Celts is the large number of Celtic swords and their scabbards in inventories of Germanic archaeological units, foremost Przeworsk and also Oksywie cultures (over 200 specimens altogether!) (cf. Bochnak 2014: 73–107). Interpreting their presence solely in terms of plunder or goods imported from remote parts of Celtic Europe seems implausible. In light of indings made to date, a much more likely proposition is that they are mostly articles manufactured by Celtic craftsmen operating in the midst of the Przeworsk culture population. Moreover, some of the most impressive swords, rarely en- 145 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. countered in Poland (e.g., specimens with a stamped blade or with a richly decorated scabbard), could have been acquired in various ways by early Germanics during their direct contact with the Celts from other parts of Europe. In any case, it seems that the Celtic sword was the most important and the most prestigious attribute of the warrior hailing from Germanic milieux. This is shown by the fact that in the earliest graves containing weapons attributed to Przeworsk culture we discover swords of this particular type rather than the single-edged forms, made according to the local, northern European tradition (Bochnak 2014: 221–222). In short, the burial ritual which called for the destruction and deposition in the grave of the weapons of the dead warrior was closely correlated at irst with the presence of a Celtic sword. This situation gradually changed, in parallel to the spread of the custom of weapon deposition in graves. Moreover, we may wonder whether Celtic swords were efective in combat against an opponent dressed in animal skins or fur, inasmuch as their blades usually measured ca. 4–5 cm in width in their upper part (i.e., at the widest point), and usually exhibited characteristics that hinder or prevent a thrusting motion (rounded tip). So far this issue, associated with the practical application of the Celtic sword, has not been addressed, although attention has been paid to the low resistance of the blade to deformation as a result of harder blows, which is something also conirmed by ancient authors (Pleiner 1993: 157–169). It is pertinent to ask therefore whether this was the main weapon of a warrior in combat (as suggested by its frequency) or was it irst and foremost a very special symbol of his rank and prestige? If the latter interpretation is adopted – which in any case does not rule out the use of this weapon in combat (conirmed in the case 146 of the Celts in classical sources) – then the high frequency of Celtic swords in the inventory of Przeworsk culture would conirm the military character of the relationship between these early Germanics and the Celts. It is hard to imagine that the reception by the Przeworsk culture population of a burial ritual involving, among other things, the destruction of weapons deposited in the grave, could have taken place otherwise than through the participation of Germanic warriors in the funeral ceremonies of Celts themselves. The best opportunity for this was joint participation in long-lasting armed campaigns. For indeed, the admission of an individual to a burial ritual (thus, to a sacred taboo) is a clear expression of the existence of strong ties. Other likely evidence for the participation in joint military expeditions is that of spurs discovered in Przeworsk culture graves – forms modelled on Celtic ones or actually Celtic – and iron shield mounts (shield-bosses) imitating speciic forms of eastern Celtic or Celto-Dacian shield bosses (Fig. 6: a, b) (Maciałowicz, in this volume). In the case of the latter, the Germanic smith who made the imitations, known only from individual inds, must have had occasion to examine the shield used as his model. Even more obvious is the case of spurs which are encountered not only in the graves of Przeworsk culture, but also, although more rarely, in Oksywie culture deposits. After all, the appearance of this unassuming element must have gone hand in hand with understanding its use or, alternately, with an awareness of its possible symbolic signiicance (e.g., as a mark of high rank in the warrior hierarchy). In any event, its presence assumes the existence of close relations of a military nature between Celts and early Germanics. The great migration of the Cimbri and Teutones In pondering the matter of joint armed expeditions made by Celts and early Germanics, there is no overlooking the great migration of the Cimbri and Teutones in late 2nd c. BC. The irst of these tribes may be identiied with some conidence as Germanic, its original home most likely being Jutland, called by the Roman historians Chersonesus Cimbrica (presumably, the Danish province Himmerland preserves in its name the memory of the Cimbri, even if in a slightly distorted form – originally: Kimber-syssael; Kaul, Martens 1995: 151–154, ig. 1). On the other hand, the Germanic origins of the second of these tribes – the Teutones – is questioned every now and then. The classical authors located the homeland of this people at the base of the peninsula of Jutland, or alternately in northern Germany – thus, mostly in a territory occupied in the late pre-Roman period by Jastorf culture settlement (Maciałowicz, in this volume). Nonetheless, the name of this tribe may be traced both to Germanic and Celtic languages. And we have still less information about the Ambrones – the third people who wished to take part in this migration. The causes of this migration are unknown, but – based on evidence from natural science studies – natural factors may have forced the tribes to seek a better life in the south. The cooling of the climate and an increase in humidity, documented in northern Europe during the 2nd c. BC, could have contributed to the incidence of a series of loods or other natural phenomena – matters adverse or outright disastrous for larger populations. In fact, as is demonstrated by events associated with the later history of the Vandals, two or three years of failed harvests were suicient reason to persuade a large population to change its place of residence. Indeed, problems with the food supply are presumably what caused the Vandals to migrate from Gaul to Spain in the autumn of 409 AD. It is therefore easy to imagine that the Cimbri were persuaded to leave their homeland when confronted by the spectre of famine. An additional motivation might have been The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad the wish to take rich plunder, that ‘mirage of the south’, fueled by the results of Celtic expeditions of several centuries earlier, and by the quite contemporary armed activity of the early Germanics in the Mediterranean world. It seems however that the threat factor was surpassing, as – according to the classical authors – the migration was made by a great host of people which included women, the elderly, and children. The event associated with the migration of the Cimbri and Teutones, the irst to be described by classical authors and located by them on the map with reasonable accuracy, is their appearance in the land of the Celtic Scordisci (Fig. 1). There is also their battle a few years later with the Romans at Noreia, unresolved but de facto won by the barbarians. The irst of these events was said to be the consequence of the Cimbri having been repulsed by the Celtic Boii – presumably resident on the Danube, since the home of the Scordisci was in the middle reaches of that river, near its conluence with the Drava, Sava, and Tisa. As for the location of the Battle of Noreia, it took place somewhere in the eastern Alps, presumably in present-day Carinthia (cf. Fig. 1). We know also it took place in 113 BC, and this is the irst reliable date associated with the migration of the Cimbri. It has been used to identify the start of the migration as around 120 BC. The next stage of the migration led westward, to Gaul, where for many years the Cimbri and their allies led a life of pillage, plundering one region of this land after another, and in so doing even defeated several hurriedly raised Roman armies and ventured as far as Spain. Finally, in 102 BC the Romans routed the army of the Teutones in the Battle of Aquae Sextiae in southern Gaul, and a year later this fate was shared by the Cimbri, who in the meantime had managed to cross the Alps and caused a long remembered panic in Rome. Still, the Battle of Vercellae fought in the valley of the Po River was won by the Romans and put an end to the history of the migration of the Cimbri across nearly half of Europe. 147 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. Based on the evidence of archaeological sources, mainly the inds from Nowa Cerekwia, it may be concluded that the irst stage of the ‘Great migration’ of the Cimbri from the north led through the territory of Poland, and next, via the Moravian Gate, to the south; Fig. 1). Until recently the reconstruction of the route of the march of the early Germanics from Jutland to the Danube was a matter of controversy. In the view of some researchers the itinerary was down the valley of the Odra, while others argued for the Elbe valley. The signiicance of the new inds should settle this matter in favour of Śląsk and the Odra route, although naturally, it need not have followed the course of this river at all points. Considering the similarity of the archaeological inds, and above all the numismatic material, one may venture the claim that the settlements at Nowa Cerekwia, Němčice, and Roseldorf were part of the same socio-political structure. The breakdown in the functioning of this structure can be tied to a historical event – namely, the migration of the Cimbri. This is supported not so much by the presence of objects of Germanic provenance in the inventory of archaeological inds, as the dating of the entire artefacts assemblage from the settlement, its signiicance being beyond all doubt. The settlements at Nowa Cerekwia and at Němčice were abandoned around the same time: during the second half of the 2nd c. BC. The fragment of the crown-shaped neckring recovered at Nowa Cerekwia mentioned earlier, in having northern Germanic analogies demonstrates that during the period preceding this unrest there were already some newcomers in the settlement from areas immediately adjacent to the ‘homeland’ of the Cimbri in Jutland. Thus, it is possible that this centre was well known also to the early Germanics from the distant north. A fragment of a crown-shaped neckring very similar to the one from Nowa Cerekwia (cf. Fig. 5a) was recovered in the settlement at Němčice. Had the early Germanics from the north reached there also, already before the great migration? Or, perhaps, is this ind related to the migration itself, which lasted longer than a few years? Answers to these questions will hopefully be obtained through future research. During the archaeological investigation made on the site of the settlement at Nowa Cerekwia, no traces of destruction 148 whatsoever were uncovered to show that the settlement had been destroyed by the Cimbri. Thus, it may be supposed that its inhabitants had left their home earlier or – which is more likely – had joined the newcomers. At the time of writing we have no decisive evidence from research made on the site of the settlement at Roseldorf in Lower Austria to conclude whether it had shared the fate of its sister settlements in Moravia and Upper Śląsk. Although, so far, even if this site produced no traces of structures built later than the second half of the 2nd c. BC, its surface has yielded a generous series of later coins, types characteristic for the ‘oppidum period’. According to Strabo, who in writing of these matters drew his information from Poseidonius, a competent historian from the irst half of the 1st c. BC, a few years prior to the Battle of Noreia (113 BC), the starting point in the conlict with Rome, the Cimbri had attacked the Boii, then living in the Hercynian Forest. It is said that the invaders from the north were repulsed by the Boii. On the other hand, it is less clear where this event was located and how it should be interpreted. From the accounts of Roman historians it appears that the Boii were the only people the Cimbri had met on their way before reaching the lands of the Celtic Scordisci, settled on the middle Danube at the conluence with the Sava, Drava, and Tisa. If we accept that Nowa Cerekwia, Němčice, and Roseldorf were centres within a selfsame socio-political structure, one which took in also the area of south-western Slovakia, then the region between Śląsk and the Danube is where we should locate the Boii mentioned in the sources. Most likely, they were a confederation of many tribes under the leadership of one of them, named Boii, something already addressed in existing archaeological and numismatic literature. Imaginably, after clashing with the Cimbri, some splinters of this alliance ultimately allied themselves with the northerners. This mechanism is supported by the case of the Tigurini, whom the Cimbri encountered on their way at a later date. The Tigurini, an ofshoot of the Celtic Helvetii, associated themselves with the Cimbri, tempted by the prospect of rich spoils of war. That at least some part of the Boii joined the Cimbri is demonstrated convincingly by the analysis of a largely overlooked text from Late Antiquity. Lugius and Boiorix A neglected source containing a record, indeed the earliest (relating to the late 2nd c. BC) that we can refer to the territory of Poland, is ‘History against the pagans’ of Orosius, written at the beginning of the 5th c. AD. In the account of the invasion of Italy by the Germanic Cimbri given by that author we ind the Celtic names of their kings: Lugius and Boiorix. These personal names of Celtic origin suggest the connection of their bearers to particular peoples: the Lugii, living in the territory of present-day Poland, and the Boii, settled to the south of the Carpathians and the Sudetes – in the Hercynian Forest. This connection becomes somewhat clearer in light of archaeological research that conirms the presence of Celts in certain areas in Śląsk, western Małopolska, and central Poland. The description of the Cimbri’s invasion of Italy, which ended in 101 BC with the crushing defeat of the barbarians at Vercellae, was presented in Orosius in a highly dramatic manner. The aim was to demonstrate the furor Teutonicus (Trzaska-Richter 1991: 48−79) and, in so doing, to tone down the image of the defeats that the Romans had previously sufered in their wars against the Cimbri. A hundred and forty thousand of the enemy are said to have been slain in battle, and sixty thousand were captured. Orosius described in detail the mass-suicide committed by the barbarian women, and then told of the fate of their kings, to be more precise, their chieftains, who are described in one case using the term reguli. The name Boiorix shows that the person so named was a king, possibly a chieftain of the Boii. The connection with this Celtic tribe is suggested by the irst element of his name. An onomastic analogy here is the name of the king of the Teutones, defeated by Marius – Teutobodus. Personal names deriving from names of peoples (referred to as ‘ethnophoric’) were relatively frequent in the barbarian world. The link between the name Boiorix and the Boii, the Celtic people – presumably a confederation of tribes, whose homeland during the 2nd c. BC may be located with some The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad conidence in Bohemia, northern Austria, Moravia, and Upper Śląsk – is obvious. Boiorix – the king of the Celtic Boii, stood at the head of a group of this people which took part in an expedition started by the Germanic Cimbri. By analogy we may also assume that king Lugius, who we might say had fought ‘shoulder to shoulder’ with Boiorix and died with him, was at the head of a similar group of the Lugii. Conceivably, the name Lugius was given to him from outside by other members of the expedition, possibly even by the Germanic Cimbri. The king of the Lugii was dubbed Lugius, and an ethnic description became a personal name (cf. Rübekeil 2004; 2008). The signiicance of the information in Orosius is not conined to our learning an individual fact about the participation of a king named Lugius with a group of Lugii we can locate in the territory of Poland, in the expedition of the Cimbri to Italy. The anthroponym Lugius, conirmed in late 2nd c. BC, allows us to move far back in time the appearance of this ethnonym, which is thus the oldest ethnic name used with regard to a people living in the territory of Poland. (Dąbrowska, Woźniak 2005, 95; Kolendo, Płóciennik 2015: 45–53). It is conceivable that such a momentous event as the migration of the Cimbri and Teutones is relected in the archaeological record. Most worth indicating are archaeological phenomena possibly attesting to the participation in this migration of the inhabitants of the territory of Poland. It is safe to link with this historical event major settlement shifts which are recorded in central Europe and extend also to the southern region of Poland. During the second half of the 2nd c. BC areas of Śląsk become depopulated that had been settled during an earlier age, starting from early 4th c. BC by Celts; western Małopolska also (Rudnicki 2012: 38–41). As in the case of the inhabitants of the settlement at Nowa Cerekwia, it is conceivable that the inhabitants of this territory departed out of fear of the Cimbri, or – much more likely – joined them on their southward march. 149 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. The presence in the middle Danube drainage of war- the number of weapon graves may be attributed to the inriors from the territory of Poland is implied by isolated inds tensiication of direct contacts between Celts and Germans of weapons discovered in that region. One notable ind is an of a military character, which resulted in a rapid spread of iron spear-head from an unknown locality in northern Hungary these Celtic burial customs. The scale of this phenomenon (Fig. 7). Both its shape and the distinctive decoration of its is admirably consistent with the mass scale of the migration blade are typical for Przeworsk culture and Oksywie culture of the Cimbri and Teutones, who moreover – as mentioned spear-heads irst recorded in Poland around the middle of the earlier – very likely spent some time in the territory of the 2nd c. BC, thus, in an age immediately preceding the migration eastern Celtic Scordisci. This is signiicant insofar as, in this of the Cimbri (Łuczkiewicz 2002: 25, ig. 5; cf. Maciałowicz, in particular zone of the La Tène culture situated in the middle this volume, ig. 32). Moreover, the Hungarian ind surfaced Danube drainage, there is continuity of these very Celtic in a region lying on the route of their migration as described funerary rites. On the other hand, at the beginning of the in classical sources. Equally notable is the appearance in 2nd c. BC the Boii, the closest Celtic neighbours of the GerPrzeworsk culture graves from approximately the turn of 2nd/1st manic population settled in Poland, stop using their earlier cc. BC of local imitations of eastern Celtic and Celto-Dacian cemeteries complete with the custom of burying their dead shield bosses mentioned above (cf. Fig. 6). A larger number warriors in cremation burials furnished with ritually destroyed of inds of these types of shield mounts is known from the weapons. Thus, the sudden spread among the population middle and lower Danube basin, i.a., the territory of the of Przeworsk culture of the traditional Celtic model of furtribe of the Scordisci (Bockius 1996: 150–154, igs. 4, 5; nishing the graves of warriors with weapons approximately Bockius, Łuczkiewicz 2004: 84; Łuczkiewicz, Schönfelder a hundred years later (i.e., around the turn of the 2nd/1st cc. 2010: 182–185, igs. 18, 19:2, 20/A:3; Gaspari, Masaryk, BC) would be hard to explain by invoking ‘neighbourly’ contacts with the Boii. On the other hand, if we accept Novšak 2013) where – as historians suggest – the Cimbri the proposition that a part of this population joined the supposedly had spent a few years (cf. Dobesch 2001: 965–966). migration of the Cimbri, the phenomenon of interests Lastly, connections with this particular region is explained in a more satisfactory manner. Thus, the are suggested also by the pattern of the increase in spread of the Celtic burial practices may have been the number of weapon burials in Przeworsk culture assisted by warriors returning from this expedition (the in the middle of the late pre-Roman period. From luctuation in the composition of the migrating group the time preceding, or broadly coinciding with the of the Cimbri and their allies is conirmed in written nd passage of the Cimbri, i.e., for almost the entire 2 sources), and who for several years had fought arm c. BC, we have only 30 or so graves with weapons. in arm with Celts still adhering to similar customs in But for times immediately following the migrations of relation to their fallen tribesmen. At the same time, the the Cimbri and Teutones, i.e., around the turn of the same ‘Cimbric factor’ could have contributed to the nd st st 2 /1 cc. and early 1 c. BC, we have more than 140 appearance within Germanic milieux of the elements (cf. Bochnak 2005: 227–229, lists XIV.1–3). It seems of armour mentioned earlier, their inspiration being recognizably eastern Celtic (Fig. 6). therefore that such an evident, abrupt increase in Fig. 7. Germanic (?) iron spear-head with decorated blade from the 2nd–1st c. BC, found in northern Hungary. After Tackenberg 1928 150 The rise and the decline of the Lugian age – the start of the Vandal era Fig. 8. Celtic ‘gray’ pottery (tableware) from the 3rd c. BC, found in the settlement at Pełczyska. Photograph by M. Bogacki & M. Dąbski The Celtic settlement network in Upper Śląsk declined dur- Nowa Cerekwia or in Małopolska (for example settlement at ing 2nd half of 2nd c. BC (Woźniak 1992: 13). The same phe- Pełczyska). The conirmation of the hypothesis about the exonomenon can be registered in Lower Śląsk and the area of dus of inhabitants is the drastic reduction of the demographic Małopolska, settled by Celts starting from early 3rd c. BC potential of the Celts in comparison with the previous period. (Rudnicki 2009: 294–296). Abandonment of the sustained We can link this process, one that is recorded, in various settlements inhabited by the Celts was synonymous with the forms, in other areas of Central Europe, to a speciic historical disappearance of the existing cultural model, visible in the occurrence – the migration of the Cimbri and the Teutones, archaeological material. Permanently ended functioning of its beginning usually dated to around 120 BC. Let us note craft workshops producing so called ‘gray’ pottery (mainly that this date is only an approximation as the irst point in this tableware – Fig. 8), and with graphite (kitchenware – Fig. migration was the Battle of Noreia, where in 113 BC for the 9). Also disappeared workshops producing local forms of irst time the Germanic warriors defeated the Roman forces metal dress accessories, what earlier we ind evidence in (Appianos, Celtica 13). The connection between the eclipse The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad 151 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. of Celtic settlement in Śląsk with the migration of Cimbri and Teutones was postulated in archaeological literature for quite a long time (Jahn 1932; Woźniak 1970: 233; Woźniak 1996: 168), but only now this postulate has gained strong support in the archaeological record. Migration of Cimbri does not mean the end of the presence of the Celts north of the Carpathians and the Sudetes. Soon after we can prove existence of the small groups of representatives of Celtic elite in few areas of Eastern Germanic settlement on the territory of present day Poland (Przeworsk culture). Those ‘late’ Celtic elites, few but inluential, were contributed by the Boii people. A strong argument in its favour is continuity of local gold coinage based on the characteristic Boii minting system (cf. Castelin 1965). The activity of minting workshops in Małopolska (and in particular, in the region of Kalisz and in Kujawy, thus in Przeworsk culture territory), where from the 1st c. BC gold Boii coinage continues to be produced, may be interpreted as evidence for the operation of ‘recruitment points’. This conjecture relies on the written sources mentioned earlier, according to which Celtic mercenaries (and implicitly: also their Germanic allies) were paid in gold coin. Naturally, other possibilities cannot be ruled out either – namely, that the setting up of these centres issuing gold coinage was associated with the operation and control over routes of long-distance commercial exchange, like the Amber Road, along which in any case these centres were located. Fig. 9. Graphite raw material (probably imported from southern Bohemia), found in the settlement at Pełczyska. Photograph by M. Rudnicki 152 Traces of Celtic presence among Germanic communities can be observed until beginning of Roman period, that is until the irst half of 1st c. AD. Later on, they probably succumbed to assimilation, and their Celtic origins became meaningless. The same happened with Lugian Federation, replaced by another signiicant power – the Vandals. The Vandals are not mentioned by Ptolemy but Tacitus recorded their name in his overview of the Germanic peoples. According to most researchers concerned with the subject, in the 1st c. Vandals most likely formed part of a tribal alliance – the Lugian Federation (Lugiorum nomen), in which they were known under a diferent name. With time – during the 2nd century AD – they supposedly took over the hegemony in the federation from the Lugii, who until then had been a ‘great people’. The last reference to the Lugii, in Zosimos, appears in the context of wars of the Roman Emperor Probus. This hypothesis is supported by evidence from archaeology which shows that during the irst few centuries AD there was no major change in the territory under Przeworsk Culture settlement, except for the area subjected to expansion of the Gothic population (Wielbark culture). This is true primarily of areas we can identify with the main centres of Lugian settlement found in Małopolska, Kujawy and on the Middle Prosna. It is too early to say at present whether all of these territories, occupied previously by communities of the Lugian federation, later became ‘Vandal’ domains. The North In Pomorze the 3rd century BC may be called a dark period. This is because in most of this territory there are no traces of habitation recognizable as functioning grave sites, or settlements for that matter (Wołągiewicz 1979; 1997). The cause of the withdrawal of large groups of population identiied with Pomeranian culture is poorly understood. Admittedly, from this age we do know a limited number of inds documenting the passage through north-eastern Poland of presumably small human groups from Jutland, and possibly also Funen, as well as from northern Germany (Maciałowicz 2011). The occurrence of these inds suggests that the route which carried the newcomers eastward in the period predating the emergence of Oksywie culture (i.e., 3rd c. BC) may have run down both the valley of the Noteć River – the ‘Bastarnian route’ and along the southern coast of the Baltic Sea (Bochnak 2010; 2014). What is clear is that the contacts of eastern Pomorze with the west were sustained by the Jastorf culture population, which as early as in the early pre-Roman period settled on the right-hand bank of the Odra, forming a cluster known to Fig. 10. Metal elements of a four-wheeled wagon, discovered in 1939, in a cremation grave at Brzeźniak, fmr. Rosenfelde near Łobez. After Hinz 1962/1963 The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad archaeologists as the Lower Odra group (cf. Strobin in this volume, ig. 1). One result of the contacts then established with the Celtic world is the emergence of an array of features in the material culture distinctive for eastern part of western Pomorze (Wołągiewicz 1997). A special group of inds are the metal elements of a four-wheeled wagon, discovered in a cremation grave at Brzeźniak (fmr. Rosenfelde; Fig. 10), which identify this deposit as the burial of an individual from a higher social stratum (Hinz 1962/1963; Bochnak 2014). This spectacular ind is not the only of its kind and has quite a few analogies in Denmark, as well as in Schleswig in northern Germany, where grave inventories containing the deposit of a vehicle are known, ones similar to those unearthed in western Celtic territory. They are referred to at times as ‘Cimbric Wagons’. During the 2nd century BC a new unit starts to take form – Oksywie culture (cf. Strobin, in this volume, ig. 1). Its constituent elements are both the ‘incumbent’, and conservative communities of the older Pomeranian culture, settled in the territory along the lower Vistula, and arrivals from western Pomorze – the go-betweens involved in the spreading of Celtic imports from the west. There was also some participation in the newly emerging grouping from ‘colonists’ arriving from the territory of Przeworsk culture, in direct contact with the Celts, and, inally, some arrivals from Scandinavia (Dąbrowska, Woźniak 2005; Woźniak 2013). After the dwindling of the traic along the Amber Road caused by Scythian raids the route was revived, most likely by the Celts, who triggered changes in the spiritual and material culture of the population living in the region. The major attraction of the lands lying at the mouth of the Vistula River would have been amber, that gold of the Baltic. Another important commodity could have been slaves, this is suggested by references in the written sources to the presence of unfree people in the Celtic territory. A further piece of evidence would 153 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. be the ethnic identity of the participants of the slave uprising in Italy led by Spartacus in 73–71 BC as they included, next to Thracians and Gauls, some individuals identiied as Germanic (Kolendo, Płóciennik 2015). Starting from the 2nd c. BC the Amber Route is reactivated at the initiative of the Boii and in Pomorze may be seen to follow the course of the lower Vistula. There may have been river crossings near modern Grudziądz in the Chełmno district. This conjecture has been validated by the discovery in the Oksywie culture cemetery at Grudziądz-Rządz, fmr. Rondsen (Anger 1890) of a substantial quantity of objects of Celtic provenance, not least of which are iron swords and their metal scabbards. It has been suggested that the second river crossing was near the recently investigated settlement at Lipianki (Strobin 2015) on the right bank of the Vistula and the cemetery at Opalenie fmr. Münsterwalde just across the river from the settlement at Lipianki. The grave site at Opalenie produced an exceptionally rich male burial, with a bronze bucket manufactured in a Roman province used as a cinerary urn, containing moreover a Celtic sword and scabbard as well as a fragment of a coat of mail, the only one found in Poland to date (Kostrzewski 1919). Fig. 11. Pear-shaped jug found in the Oksywie culture cemetery at Podwiesk (grave no. 391). The District Museum in Toruń. After A. Strobin 2011 154 The routes inspired by the Celts contributed to the revival of contacts between the Germanic societies settling individual Latenized territories. This is illustrated admirably by inds of pottery vessels, one of primary criteria used in separating archaeological cultures. Assemblages from settlements and cemeteries in Pomorze alike include articles which in their form, but also their decoration, resemble pots produced by the population of Przeworsk culture (Fig. 11) (Strobin 2011). Presumably, there were many reasons for the presence of groups of population of the neighbour culture to the north of its original territory, but the likely magnet would have been the prospect of material gain associated with participating in the trade exchange along the Amber Route. Interestingly, contacts in the opposite direction are much less recognizable, and when identiied, mostly in Mazowsze, they mainly belong to a later period (Dąbrowska 1988b; 2008). Personal contacts of the Oksywie culture tribes extend also to a region found farther north – i.e., Scandinavia. Recognizable already in the 2nd century, these connections are especially pronounced during the irst century. The migration of human groups from the north to the southern coast of the Baltic is conirmed by inds of metal dress accessories Fig. 12. Curved knife koser found in the Oksywie culture cemetery at Czarnówko (feature no. 436/09). The Museum in Lębork. Photograph by J. Strobin The North plainly of an ethnically foreign provenance. It is reasonable to assume that one way to guarantee neighbourly relations was through marriage between members of these groups, one consequence of this being the spread of certain northern traditions on the southern Baltic. They are observed in the burial rite, in which there is now a previously unknown type of tool – a curved knife (Fig. 12), known from the graves of Scandinavian women (Stąporek 2007). There is much to suggest that the Baltic was neither an obstacle to communication nor a cultural barrier and that two-way contacts may have been assisted also by similarity of language. Of utmost signiicance are observations concerning weapon types used in the Baltic region, and consequently, also the methods of combat. Naturally, in this regard some differences exist between individual regions, but many elements are shared. The custom of placing weapons in graves appears relatively late along the Baltic Sea (Margos, Stąporek 2002; Łuczkiewicz 2006), and deinitely as the efect of the activity of the Celts. It is observed only during the inal quarter of the 2nd century and clearly points to the emergence of warriors – an elite group within society. Looking for historical evidence related to early Germanics in Europe at approximately this time we come across a by no means trivial event: the armed attack of the Cimbri and Teutones on Gaul. The invaders plundered this region ruthlessly, turning next towards Italy – where they clashed with the Roman army. Most likely, the original homeland of the Cimbri, who are identiied with the archaeological Jastorf culture, was in the northern region of Jutland – in the province of Himmerland (Martens 1999). It is from this area that sometime before the year 120 BC they set of on the earlier described expedition. At the Battle of Vercellae in 101 BC they were routed by the Romans, and after this defeat the Cimbri disappeared from the pages of history. What remained of them are accounts about the terrifying appearance of the Germanic warriors, their frenzied ways in combat, and the warlike stance of the women who accompanied them. However, to return to the Baltic Sea region and to the forms of weapons used, particularly noticeable is the popularity of swords which resemble ‘long knives’, ones designed for slashing and stabbing an opponent. Less widespread in northern Europe were two-edged swords of Celtic provenance and their imitations (Wołągiewiczowie 1963; Łuczkiewicz 2006). The exchange of experience and the impact of the local tradition is evidenced in eastern Pomorze by inds of these swords and scabbards, the latter made from organic The Past Societies 4: 500 bc – 500 ad materials (Fig. 13), itted with small iron clasps whose form of a sheath is typical for the ‘long knives’ mentioned earlier (cf. Strobin, in this volume, ig. 12). What is interesting is that sets in which a similar method of suspending the scabbard was used – with a pair of small looped clasps, riveted to the iron scabbard – have been discovered not only in northern Europe, but also in Thuringia (Strobin 2016). From this last region we have a record on a large number of Celtic imports, and on graves containing weapons – the earliest burials of this sort known in Elbian culture milieux, and also, a very characteristic form of the shield itting attached at the centre – the shield boss with a riveted-on spike. Artefacts mounted by using a very similar method have been found in Pomorze (Fig. 14), and also Fig. 13. Two-edged sword and metal elements of scabbard found in the Oksywie culture cemetery at Brzyno (feature no. 3). After Strobin 2016 155 Chapter 5 With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. Fig. 14. Shield-boss with a riveted-on spike, discovered in Oksywie culture cemetery at Brzyno (feature no. 19). After Strobin 2016 in other regions of Poland, suggesting an exchange between workshops in these areas (Strobin 2016). It is interesting that the fashion for defensive weapons provided with a spiked shield boss takes in broad tracts of Germania, mostly its eastern parts, during a similar age, from approximately the middle of the 1st c. (Łuczkiewicz 2000) – and thus, after Caesar’s wars against the Germanic king Ariovistus. The substantial similarity of specimens discovered in central Germany to those found in Pomorze (and in the Przeworsk culture territory, as well) implies that groups of warriors migrated to the west. Possibly another proof of the participation of armed men from eastern Germania in the Gallic wars is a shield boss recovered from the oppidum at Alesia (Bochnak 2007) similar to the inds from the territory in Poland. Of special signiicance for the development of contacts with the western Celtic population, and also with the Germanic one settling western and north-western Europe, was the route linking the North Sea with the Baltic. Tomasz Bochnak (2010; 2014) has demonstrated that in this long voyage, without navigational equipment or maps, landmarks were of utmost 156 importance in ixing the position of a craft. One of these points of reference was deinitely Bornholm, the key island not only in the contacts of Pomorze with the west, but also with the northern coast of the Baltic Sea. One efect of long-distance connections with the west is the appearance in Pomorze of characteristic vessels made from bronze sheet and provided with an iron rim (Fig. 15). These vessels, serving as cauldrons, were used by the Celts in everyday life, but also in religious ceremonies, e.g., as elements of grave goods. In the central European Barbaricum, the region of Pomorze in particular, they have been discovered in graves, and only here their function was that of a cinerary urn (Bochnak 2011; 2014). At the beginning of the irst century there is an apparent gradual depopulation of areas occupied previously by communities of the Lower Odra group (Wołągiewicz 1997). The migrations mentioned earlier had had the greatest impact on peripheral areas of Jastorf culture territory in the east and north. The settlement and culture shifts have been linked to the south and westward expansion of Germanic tribes. These migrations are known to us from Roman sources, most The North notably, from Julius Caesar (‘The Gallic War’), who was then the governor of Gaul. Caesar documents the expeditions on Celtic territory of the tribal alliance of the Suebi under the leadership of the powerful Ariovistus. It is not unlikely that during the conlict between the Romans and the Suebians the latter had some warriors originating from Pomorze ighting on their side. 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