Sex Tourism in Northern Cyprus: Investigating the Current Situation

Tourism Analysis, Vol. 14, pp. 677–689 Printed in the USA. All rights reserved. Copyright  2009 Cognizant Comm. Corp. 1083-5423/09 $60.00 + .00 DOI: 10.3727/108354209X12597959359374 www.cognizantcommunication.com SEX TOURISM IN NORTHERN CYPRUS: INVESTIGATING THE CURRENT SITUATION ARIL CANSEL,* ERDOGAN H. EKIZ,† and ALI BAVIK‡ *Faculty of Communications, Cyprus Interntation University, Nicosia, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus †Department of Tourism and Hospitality, International College, I-Shou University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan ‡Department of Tourism, Otago University, Dunedin, New Zealand Tourism and sex have commonalities in providing services that satisfy basic physiological and psychological needs of human beings. Traveling to different places for relaxation, excitement and/ or fun seeking and related services are long been considered as areas of research in tourism marketing. In this sense, this article deals with controversial side of tourism, sex tourism, by investigating the current situation in an unrecognized country on a Mediterranean island. This article argues that, although it is not been spoken out loud by the government officials and tourism scholars, “sex tourism,” by being the fourth “S” after sea, sun, and sand, has the potential to put Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) on the international tourism map, again. Results of several interviews with “involved parties” and review of the published work suggested that ongoing body trade in Northern Cyprus is a “civilized one” where sex workers are willingly work and consider this as their “summer jobs.” Key words: Sex tourism; Night clubs; Sex workers; Northern Cyprus Introduction sions are at a purely fantasy level and are considered moral by a majority of people like different sex positions, different clothing, etc., yet some versions such as forced sex or child prostitution are considered as crimes in most countries (Davidson, 2000; Montgomery, 2008). Regardless of the version with which they are motivated, more and more people started to travel with some sort of sex in their minds, in the last few decades (Black, 2000; McKercher & Bauer, 2003). Although traveling to different places by hav- In very early 20th century, Mead (1909) noted “instinct of reproduction” as one of the most powerful instincts that drives all species to survive. But human beings, as one of the few species, would mate not only to obey this survival instinct but also to enjoy the pleasure of having sex (Anderson, 2002). With the array of sexual behavior repertoire, human beings tend to create many versions of sexual play and pleasure. Some of these ver- Address correspondence to Erdogan H. Ekiz, Lecturer, Department of Tourism and Hospitality, International College I-Shou University, No. 1, Sec. 1, Syuecheng Road, Dashu Twonship, Iaohsiung County 840, R.O.C. Taiwan. Tel: (886) 7657 7711, ext. 8812; Fax: (886) 7657 7056; E-mail: [email protected] 677 678 CANSEL, EKIZ, AND BAVIK ing wide range of sex-related motives is comparatively a new phenomenon, yet reported official and unofficial figures show a continuous increase (Tedjini, 2007). According to Chab Dai, a coalition against sexual abuse and trafficking, sex tourism in Asia has increased dramatically in recent years and it is estimated that only US-based websites advertising sex tourism bring in over 150 million US dollars each per year (https://www. chabdai.org/Sex_Tourism.html). Naturally, these increasing figures created an academic interest in researching and writing on sex tourism (Ryan & Hall, 2001). Sex tourism is becoming an increasingly important area of research in tourism literature (F. Brown, 1988; Clift & Carter, 2000; Mulhall, 1996; Ryan & Kinder, 1996). However, Hall (1996) warned the scholars about three main difficulties in studying sex tourism: “(1) the seeming blindness of many tourism researchers to actually acknowledge that the link exists between sex and tourism industry . . . (2) the extreme difficulties to be had in conducting research on tourism prostitution . . . (3) the lack of common methodological and philosophical frameworks with which to explain the complex web of gender, productive, reproductive, and social relations which surround sex tourism.” (p. 266). Sex and sex-related issues are very impressionable and difficult to investigate; therefore, studies on these issues are not based on systematic data and hence suffer from methodological shortcomings (Rao, 1999). Similarly, McKeganey and Barnard (1996) stated that researching and writing about sex as a topic is quite challenging where methodological issues such as sampling, conducting research with clients and/or workers are not easy. By keeping these warnings in mind, the present study uses a combination of methods including newspaper analyses, participant observation with a primary emphasis on “observation,” and informal conversations with sex workers, public health officers, local sales people, tour guides, hotel employees, taxi drivers, and travel agents. Many newspaper articles written on the topic in the major Turkish Cypriot newspapers in 2007 (Cyprus Newpaper, Yeniduzen, Afrika, etc.) were also analyzed. This article aims to investigate current situation of sex tourism in Northern Cyprus, an unrecognized island stated located in Mediterranean Sea. The findings of this study may provide guidelines to not only the government officials of Northern Cyprus but also tourism administrators in similar island states (Altinay, 1994; Gursoy, Ekiz, & Chi, 2007). Moreover, because of its triangulated methodology (Hair, Money, Samouel, & Page, 2007), combining wide range of interviews, participant observations, and published work, this research may be an incremental addition to the existing— relatively limited (Ryan, 2000)—sex tourism literature. Literature Review Sex: Instinct/Choice—Legal/Illegal Western cultures tend to define sexuality in two ways: in terms of “animal instincts” of behaviors programmed by hormones or by seasonal cycles where our free will has no control (Focault, 1998), or in terms of “moral and ethical choices,” behaviors that are coded as either good or evil, moral or immoral (Focault, 1976). In the first way of thinking about sexuality, sexual responses are almost purely biological where human beings respond sexually to what is coded in genes and hormones, and this is almost always defined in terms of reproductive behavior (Mitchell & Smith, 1984). The problem with this view is that human sexuality does not work like animal sexuality. In fact, human sexuality looks very little like animal sexuality in any regard. Human beings are the only species that can copulate more or less at will, without regard to fertility or hormonal cycles, and that alone separates sexual behavior from reproduction for human beings (Focault, 1998). It was clear that first view was not enough to define sexuality in “modern” societies. Religion was there to save the day where biology and physiology ’failed’ (Parrinder, 1980). Almost, in all religions, there are clear-cut right and wrong practices stated. There are rewards promised for those with “moral” sexual behaviors, where “immoral” ones are doomed with wide range of punishments (Parrinder, 1980). These rewards and punishments usually for the later way of judging the sex-related decisions in most societies (Focault, 1976). Rubin SEX TOURISM IN NORTHERN CYPRUS (1984) argued that all forms of sexual behavior should completely be separated from any kind of moral judgments. That is where most of his colleagues did not support his argument and they insisted that some kinds of sexual behavior should be “wrong” (Scanlon, 2008; Williams, 1972). What about sex that hurts the other party, sex that is not consensual, sex between someone with lots of power and someone with no power? These objections show two points: one is that sexual behavior, in human culture, is almost always about something more than just pleasure and/or reproduction: it is often about forms of power and dominance (Davidson, 2000). The other point is, these objections show how powerful are the links between sexual activities and notions of morality (Cabezas, 2004; Williams, 1985). The complex array of cultural, religious, and behavioral layers of human experience over centuries defined various ways to perceive and judge human beings’ sexual activities. “Body trade” in this sense is mostly perceived negatively because in its very essence, there is the notion of abusing one’s body for economical, political, or social gains (Focault, 1998). Indeed, since ancient times when females were held with a lower social regard than the males in the social hierarchy, until modern days when women rights are promoted willfully, sex work remains a relevant issue in society (Abramson & Pinkerton, 1995). With its scope encompassing social, moral, and economic issues, it presents a dilemma to any government determined to fully comprehend this gray area. How countries navigate in this gray area is mostly determined by combination of particular country’s philosophy, cultural precedence, religious influence, and politics (Cabezas, 2004). Following examples on how some countries handle sex-related issues are borrowed from “Sex Work Cyber Resource and Support Center” website as: “in Singapore, sex for money is open and commonplace, Danish women can be legal prostitutes so long as it is not their sole means of income. Canada, France and Mexico allow it. Prostitutes must be contained within brothels in the Netherlands, unlike within England and Wales where prostitution is limited to individual providers. Meanwhile, the United States has 679 made sex work illegal in all states, with some exceptions like Nevada” (Anonymous, 2008). Sex Industry: Definitions and Magnitude Although it is not the main scope of this article to provide a definitional and technical review of all sex-related issues, if one writes about sex she/ he should acknowledge the two main views within the ongoing sex debate in the literature. Firstly, the “abolitionist perspective” argues that all prostitution is an inherently abusive practice, sexual exploitation of women and support prohibition of the act and punishment of the parties involved (Doezema, 1998; PaulSharpe, 1998). Second, the “sex work perspective” which sees it as a form of labor and advocates the need of policies designed to enhance worker control through regulation (Chapkis, 1997). Moreover, the later perspective puts forward the distinction between “women who are tricked, forced and driven into the sex industry by third parties (traffickers and other organized crime) and women who choose to enter the sex industry with full knowledge of the fact that they will be working as sex workers” (Gulcur & Ilkkaracan, 2002, p. 412). The nature of the sex work and identity of the sex worker persist in both perspectives so it may be useful to define it. Terms used to define the sex workers both in the streets and literature are: prostitute, streetwalker, call girl, courtesan, escort, hooker, working women, Natasha, etc.; authors prefer “sex worker.” Significantly, the words “prostitute” and “prostitution” are eliminated from the text where “sex worker” and “sex work” are used instead, in an attempt to reduce the stigma of negative labeling, as are done by Mitchell and Smith (1984) and Weitzer (2005). PaulSharpe (1998) stated that sex work has existed throughout recorded history, and is deeply rooted in social, economic, and political life. Thus, it attracted the cliché of being “the oldest profession.” Anderson (2002) defined sex work as “a kind of occasional, limited traction in which a person purchases ‘live’ physical sexual recreation from someone who provides it in order to receive tangible, nonsexual benefits as compensation, either directly from the purchaser or through an in- 680 CANSEL, EKIZ, AND BAVIK termediate party (e.g. a pimp or procurer)” (p. 748). Likewise, Doezema (1998) defined sex work as a labor practice based on women’s autonomous use of their own bodies as a source of income. The sex industry provides services to satisfy one of the basic physiological needs of human beings; thus, it is no surprise to see what a very big business it is (Leung, 2003). The industry is a multibillion dollar one that employs millions of women worldwide (Cabezas, 2004; Edlund & Korn, 2002), especially the international trade of women, which is a major commercial market in which sex is the exchange commodity (Miller, 2006). Although there is no officially announced number on the sheer size of this market, Taylor and Jamieson (1999) estimated more than 500,000 women working illegally as sex workers only within the European Union. The sex industry is a global business that may account for considerable percentage of the GNP of some countries such as Japan, Thailand, and Philippines (www.catw-ap. org/facts.htm). Similar studies noted that there is no evidence of any decline, either in its demand or supply within the sex industry (Loos, 2003; Taylor & Jamieson, 1999). Economic conditions, social background, parental relationships, situational and educational factors have been suggested as motivating factors for women into entering sex work (McKeganey & Barnard, 1996; PaulSharpe, 1998). Edlund and Korn (2002) provided some sample earnings of sex workers from different parts of the world, which may enlighten the economic side of the industry; a Swedish sex worker can earn US$1,750 a day, an Arabic woman can make US$2,000 a night, a Latvian sex worker can earn US$5,000 a month, which is 20 times the average monthly salary in Latvia. Similarly, Gulcur and Ilkkaracan (2002) reported that a Kazak sex worker bought a house after working only a few months in Turkey. Sex Tourism McKercher and Bauer (2003) provided an insiders’ look at the intersection of tourism and sexuality where they handle tourism, sex, and sex tourism-related issues by avoiding subjectivity and moralistic judgments. More specifically, they argued that tourism and sex are well connected and the relationship between sex and tourism is not necessarily a negative one. They illustrated the relationship between sex and tourism by considering “nature of the sex experience,” negative and positive on each polar and “sex or romance as a trip motivator” high and low on each polar (see Fig. 1). They also discussed the role of tourism as facilitator for the sexual encounters and listed six roles of tourism as: being a liminal state, being a facilitator of provision of partners and encounters, and being a provider of setting, context, and venue (McKercher & Bauer, 2003). Yea (2003) claimed that in the growing body of research exploring the relationship between tourism and human sexuality, sex tourism received considerable attention. The term “sex tourism” has become a pejorative term where negative issues such as child prostitution, trafficking of people through force, fraud, and coercion, and sexual exploitation are usually attached (Jago, 2003; Miller, 2006; Ryan & Hall, 2001). Most of the time, sex tourism involves individuals traveling to have sexual intercourse with sex workers or to engage in other sexual activities. The World Tourism Organization defines sex tourism as “trips organized from within the tourism sector, or from outside this sector but using its structures and networks, with the primary purpose of effecting a commercial sexual relationship by the tourist with residents at the destination” (UNWTO, 1995). Manderson (1995) pointed out that sex tourism involves tourist journeys with intent while away to “have fun” and to seek out novel and unusual experiences, which makes certain behaviors and activities that would not occur “at home” possible. Ryan and Kinder (1996) claimed that tourism in general and sex tourism are similar in a way that both activities involve satisfaction of needs of social companionship, fantasy fulfillment, search for something new, and opportunities for relaxation. Even though there are some people who travel abroad with the primary intention of having sexual encounters, “it is probable that the distinction between a person who has sex whilst traveling, and a ‘sex tourist,’ is not only difficult and subjective, but also potentially misleading” (Mulhall, 1996, p. 458). Furthermore, it is difficult and dangerous to claim that tourists visiting holiday destinations are the participants of organized sex holidays where SEX TOURISM IN NORTHERN CYPRUS 681 Figure 1. Relationship between tourism and sex. Source: McKercher and Bauer (2003, p. 6), reprinted with permission. prearranged sex is the chief object (F. Brown, 1988) or are mainly motivated by having sexual relationships, as is the case in some south Asian countries (Garrick, 2005; Rao, 1999) There are millions of people across the world renting their bodies for several reasons. In some of the Eastern European countries where the economic disparity, lack of working opportunities, and poor earnings are responsible for the popularity of body trade, such countries became the main body resources for the European and Middle Eastern clientele (Anderson, 2002; Doezema, 1998). This situation is the cause of many of these women having no other choice and selling themselves for petty amounts of money in order to sur- vive or to save money and begin a new life. In European countries, pimps and traffickers use the opportunity to trade these people as sex workers in many different countries. For instance, according to the International Labor Office (2002), children and women from Moldova are commonly sold to new owners and transferred for sexual utilization to certain regional destinations, such as Turkey, Cyprus, Greece, Lebanon, Syria, Israel, and the Arab Emirates. Other than voluntary employment, there is a serious problem in body trade, “trafficking.” Especially in the Eastern European countries the situation is tragic. Many women around the world are victimized by traffickers, and pimps, each year. 682 CANSEL, EKIZ, AND BAVIK Women and children are particularly defenseless against the trafficking industry (Gulcar & Ilkkaracan, 2002). Some of them are cheated by offering a reasonable work in another country; some are sold by their own family because of poverty and some are abducted and forced to work in the sex industry. With the recent increase in technology, traffickers and pimps started using Internet to foster their potential customers as well as victims (H. Brown, 1999; Taylor & Jamieson, 1999). Traffickers make their fortunes while using and abusing the sex workers. In most cases the workers are paid a small portion of the earning in return to their work. Moreover, they, in most cases, are working with work related psychological and physiological risks (O’Neil, 2000; Prologue Consulting Group, 2008). A major environmental impact from much of these pernicious forms of sex tourism is Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS), a disease caused by a virus called HIV, and other sexually transmitted diseases. In addition, they may face unwanted pregnancy, violence, rape, and physical abuse (Suwal & Amatya, 2002). Northern Cyprus Cyprus Island is situated at the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea, 224 km long and 96 km wide, with 768 km of coastline, and is very rich in terms of landscape, history, and cultural heritage. Cyprus is at the crossroads of three continents— Europe, Asia, and Africa—and neighbored by countries such as Turkey (64 km north), Syria (96 km east), and Egypt (400 km south) (Altinay & Hussain, 2005). The history of the third largest Mediterranean island of Cyprus is filled with waves of conquest and colonization. For most of the past 5,000 years, the Island, which is known as the mythical birthplace of Aphrodite, has been occupied by Phoenicians, Assyrians, Arabs, Greeks, Normans, Franks, Genovese, Venetians, Ottomans, and British. The Ottomans conquered Cyprus in 1571 and Ottoman rule was shifted to British annexation in 1878. In 1925 Cyprus officially became the Crown Colony of Britain. Until 1960, the Island had experienced a struggle among the Cypriots and against Cypriots and the British for independence. In 1960, Cy- prus gained independence after Greek and Turkish communities reach an agreement on a constitution which was a “complex power-sharing arrangement” (Fisher, 2001, p. 310). The tensions between the Greek Cypriot majority and Turkish Cypriot minority came to a head in December 1963, when violence broke out in the capital of Nicosia, due to the new proposals on constitution in favor of Greek Cypriots (Hasguler, 2007). Despite the deployment of United Nations peacekeeping forces, random intercommunal violence emerged throughout the Island in 1964. In 1974, a Greece-sponsored attempt to seize control of Cyprus (Symeonidou, 2005) was met by military intervention from Turkey. In 1983, the Turkish-held area declared itself the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus,” but it is recognized only by Turkey (Fisher, 2001). The UN efforts to reach an agreement to reunite the divided Island ended when the Greek Cypriots rejected the UN settlement plan in April 2004 Referendum. The Island entered the European Union on May 1, 2004. The tourism industry is one of the main generators of income for Northern Cyprus. In 2007, the tourism industry contributed $145.6 million (17.3%) to the GDP of Northern Cyprus and created 13,474 jobs. In 2007 annual occupancy was 33.2% (Tourism Planning Office, 2008). The Northern Cyprus tourism industry hosted 589,549 tourists, with its bed capacity of 13,755, in 2007 (Tourism Planning Office). In light of the figures reported in Statistical Yearbook of Tourism 2007, more than one third (38%) of the tourists visiting Northern Cyprus are foreigners. Moreover, almost 62.1% of the tourists have visited Northern Cyprus by package tours and 76.7% were above 30 years old (Tourism Planning Office). The strengths of Northern Cyprus are the untouched natural resources, rich fauna and flora, various historical sites, and warm Mediterranean culture (National Planning Organization, 2008). These strengths may enable Northern Cyprus to be one of the most popular tourist destinations in world. However, boycotts sanctioned by the United Nations including postal and communication services, prohibited direct international flights, negative promotion campaigns made by the Greek Cyprus Government are some of the weaknesses SEX TOURISM IN NORTHERN CYPRUS (Gursoy, Ekiz, & Chi, 2007; Kilic & Okumus, 2005; Katircioglu, Arasli, & Ekiz, 2007). Tourists generally visit Northern Cyprus for several purposes such as: sea sun sand, gambling, and sex tourism (Altinay & Hussain, 2005; Ekiz, 2007). Sex work is not legal in Northern Cyprus but existence of sex tourism is known and silently accepted by everyone including the government. However, it is an unspoken story in the country. Sex Tourism and Marketing in Northern Cyprus: Current Situation Regardless of its definition, “a spot that is open late at night and that provides entertainment—as singers or dancers—as well as dancing and food and drink” (Oxford Pocket Dictionary, 2004), “night clubs” are the setting of sex tourism in Northern Cyprus. The sex industry (in the form of sexual performance, dance, and intercourse in night clubs, some pubs, and bars) exists in Northern Cyprus as a “fuzzy legal” activity (Ryan & Kinder, 1996) where the sex workers are labeled as dancers and entertainers and hold short-term, 6months working permits. There is also evidence that suggests most female dealers also sell sex, according to health officers (personal interview with R. Bicer, Head of Sexual Disease Control, Department of Nicosia State Hospital, 2008). What is more, there are many illegal sex workers, estimated as twice the number of legal workers at most times of the year (“The Drama of the Sex Workers,” 2006). Thus, keeping track of the exact number of the sex workers is quite difficult (personal interview with R. Bicer, Head of Sexual Disease Control, Department of Nicosia State Hospital, 2008). By the year 2006 there were 336 prostitutes working with legal permit in 46 licensed night clubs and 9 pubs (Cansu, 2006). Today the number of night clubs is down to 44, but the number of workers is up; according to Bicer there were 440 registered sex workers by April 2008, who legally and mandatorily go through a checkup every week. These routine controls involve tests for HIV, HBS, syphilis, hepatitis, and gonorrhea. Also, workers are thoroughly tested on their first entry to the Island. If detected with any contagious disease, the worker is immediately quarantined and deported (personal interview with 683 R. Bicer, Head of Sexual Disease Control, Department of Nicosia State Hospital, 2008). The overwhelming majority of these sex workers come from former members of the Soviet Union, namely Moldavia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan. These people are highly educated, mostly university graduates, yet were earning approximately US$100 a month in their own countries (“The Drama of the Sex Workers,” 2006). “. . . economic circumstances pushed me to choose this life . . . I am doing this for a period of time in order to save money and return to my home country” said a sex worker from Moldavia. Another one said that this is her second time in Northern Cyprus and with the earnings of her first trip she managed to buy a piece of land and left some money to her family. Similarly, a Ukrainian sex worker noted that they were well taken care (in terms of healthcare, working conditions and money paid) in Northern Cyprus and she is planning to come again. The other side of the story is not so different, according to one of the dealers of a famous nightclub in Nicosia, “we are offering fair contracts and providing very good living and conditions to our girls, since when they are happy, they can work better.” A police officer, who wished to remain anonymous, stated “to make sure that owners of the night clubs are fulfilling their legal obligations, such as taking their employees to health checks every week and providing decent living working conditions, relevant divisions of Northern Cyprus police forces are conducting scheduled and non-scheduled controls.” Sex tourism in the Northern Cyprus is oriented around the heterosexual demand of men, although in many cases around the world, women and children, as well as heterosexual and homosexual needs and wants come into play. Results of the observations made by the authors in number of night clubs, and interviews with the dealers, sex workers, and local police officers have shown that in Northern Cyprus there is: • No child prostitution • No threats to or actual disappearances or killings of workers • No provision of unsanitary, unsafe and/or overcrowded accommodation and inadequate access to food and drink 684 CANSEL, EKIZ, AND BAVIK • No isolation of workers—being cut off from physical and/or electronic communications with the outside world • No punishment with extreme violence, no reported cases • No control of the freedom and/or movement of an individual • No unsafe and unhealthy working environment • No failure to allow access to adequate medical care. The above-mentioned points are borrowed from the work of Thompson (2006) to provide a basis for the current investigation. Thompson noted that the existence of these points is an indication of “labor exploitation” and “human trafficking” in sex industry. The night clubs mostly target tourists who are coming from Turkey, the UK, Germany, and Italy. Also, borders between Greek-populated and Turkish-populated areas have been opened since 2004, which is allowing international tourists, who could not directly fly to north side of the Island, to now visit the north side of the Island (Ekiz, 2007). In addition to these international tourists, Greek Cypriots can and are crossing the border and enjoying the hospitality of Turkish Cypriot night clubs (National Planning Organization, 2008). This situation has increased the potential of sex tourism (Cansel, Bavik, & Ekiz, 2006). Besides tourists, students, soldiers, and locals are the regular patrons of these night clubs. After 9 pm, most of the night clubs start opening their doors. Mostly tour guides handle transfer of their customers via coach or taxi directly to the clubs. Each customer pays US$15 for the entrance to the night club and gets a free drink. Customers can enjoy their drinks while watching erotic dances and shows performed by ladies. The waiters provide assistance and connection between the customers and sex workers, by providing information about the girls, services they offer, availabilities, and prices. Once they make up their minds they can either have sexual intercourse in private rooms provided by the club (approximately US$80– 100 per hour), or take ladies to a hotel and spend the night with her/them (approximately US$150– 200 from 2 am until 8 am). Most of the customers with whom the authors engaged in casual chats stated that they find these clubs convenient, fun, well designed, decorated, and inviting establishments with reasonable prices. Moreover, they were happy with the show and performances of the workers. The general manager of Club Angels, one of the biggest night clubs on the Island, Mr. Nihat Kerkuklu, stated that according to government rules and regulations, night clubs are categorized according to the number of sex workers who are allowed to work: 3 stars (less than 9 workers), 4 stars (9 to 12 workers), and 5 stars (more than 12 workers). In order to employ 12 workers in a night club US$10,000 has to be paid annually to have a license and US$6,500 as operation tax. In Northern Cyprus, working visas are limited to 6 months. However, sex workers cannot renew their visas immediately. There is a 2-month cooling period for them to stay abroad. During the 6 months of work, sex workers have no off days. Even during their menstrual cycles, they are asked to join the customers for drinking and chatting. Workers can have up to four relationships a day and they may go out with the customers for the night for a higher price of US$200. Although the government does not admit it, these night clubs and pubs contribute approximately US$4,700,000 annually to Northern Cyprus economy by paying outlay on permits, taxes, visa and passport fees, social security, reserve fund, and weekly health checks in hospitals (Cansel et al., 2006; personal interview with R. Bicer, Head of Sexual Disease Control, Department of Nicosia State Hospital, 2008). Cansu (2006) noted that one sex worker earns approximately US$300 daily, which accounts up to US$108,000 annually and when multiplied by the number of officially recorded sex workers (440), the figure reaches up to US$47,520,000 annually. Approximately two thirds of this money (US$31,680,000) is generated by the tourists visiting Northern Cyprus, which a considerable amount of contribution to the tourism revenues (Cansel et al., 2006). However, those figure are based on the official findings and do not include the dealers working in casinos and illegal/unregistered sex workers. As for another observation, whether directly or indirectly, local people and some tourism-related SEX TOURISM IN NORTHERN CYPRUS businesses earn from the sex tourism. Pimps are directly involved in sex tourism as a controlling body. Furthermore, there are other players in the sex tourism sector, such as taxi drivers, airlines, hotels, government, and restaurant employees. Frechtling (1999) noted that in a small island multiplier effect of tourism receipts is proven to be elevated. This alone increases the significance of sex tourism incomes in Northern Cyprus economy, which is Turkey dependent and problematic due to the ongoing embargos enforced by United Nations (Altinay, 1994; Ekiz, 2007). Discussion and Conclusion Sex, by being a physiological and perhaps a psychological need, plays an important role in human life. Throughout history, it has been considered as: a biological need, taboo, unstoppable urge, shame, natural, and so on. Sex and industries providing sex-related services will always be a fact of life. The sex industry has its own “goods and bads”/“moral and unmoral acts.” The question that should be asked is what governments do to turn bads of this “oldest profession” into goods? The president of Cyprus Entertainment and Domestic Establishment Association, Mr. Gunaltay Kirlar noted that “the leaders of this [Turkish Cypriot] society are well aware of that fact [existence of night clubs] . . . rather than burying their heads in sand and hiding behind moral values, they must regulate the social order and protect the society from disorder” (Kirlar, 2007). Within the last decade, the development of attractions such as the casinos and retirement communities (Katircioglu et al., 2007) for Europeans in combination with sex trade can put Northern Cyprus on the international tourism map (Cansel et al., 2006) despite the fact that it is yet an unrecognized country. The “fourth S” plays an unproven yet undeniable role in attracting tourists from the neighboring countries who would not think of paying a visit in the absence of quality sex trade. The body trade is as much civilized as possible and fare in Northern Cyprus. Despite the fact that the traffickers abuse large numbers of women around the world (H. Brown, 1999; Miller, 2006; Taylor & Jamieson, 1999), educated women who choose to go and work in Cyprus consider what 685 they do as “summer jobs.” That probably does not change the antimoral element in the act (Williams, 1972, 1985). However, there is still a win–win– win environment that translates into today’s reality of living. There are lessons in the Northern Cyprus case for developing countries to review their SSS and S practices. Table 1 provides a small reflection of how sex tourism is being written in some Northern Cyprus and Turkish newspapers. The current research in tourism marketing field still fails to label the main drivers behind tourists’ destination choices (Ekiz, 2007). Imagine how difficult to ask people whether they visit, for instance, Thailand for its magnificent history, delicious cuisine, and exotic culture, or incredibly varied and cheap sex tourism services. Because it is a very sensitive issue, laying a hand on the exact number of sex tourists or figures of sex tourism is not easy, if possible at all (Hall, 1996). Instead, researchers suggest a hybrid/triangulated method (Hair et al., 2007), combination of interviews, observations and, if possible, published work, as has tried to be accomplished in the present research. By doing so, the present article aimed to investigate the current situation of sex tourism in Northern Cyprus, an unrecognized island stated located in Mediterranean Sea. Results suggest the following. • Although it is not been officially accepted by the government officials and tourism scholars, “sex tourism,” in the form of night clubs, exists in Northern Cyprus. The good news is it is as “civilized” as possible; in other words, there is no underage sex, forced sex, or trafficking in the north side of the Island. • Sex workers are treated fairly and nicely, with satisfactory working and living conditions; that is why some of the ladies did come back or are planning to come back to work again in Northern Cyprus. • Not only are sex workers thoroughly tested on their first entry to the Island but also they go through legally and compulsory checkups every week. Moreover, regular police controls are being carried out to ensure the continuity of the present situation. • Even though the exact economical contribution of the sex tourism is not calculated by the au- 686 CANSEL, EKIZ, AND BAVIK Table 1 Some Sex Tourism News (2006–2008) Headings News Gambling Diplomacy in Cyprus After the gates [borders between Greek populated and Turkish populated areas] reopen, generally Greek Cypriots firstly visit Casinos then look up night clubs in order to have a sex . . . (December 2006, Hurriyet Newspaper) Average nightly profit of each night club is USD 170,000 President of Prologue consulting group Ms. Mine Yucel “These people are called as sex workers however, now they can be called as slaves.” Bad economic conditions of some developing countries force these people to move from their home country and work as sex workers abroad . . . (January 2007, Cyprus Newspaper) The drama of the sex workers Generally sex workers come for a six months period to the Northern Cyprus. In addition, 75% of the sex workers are from Moldavia, 20% from Ukraine and rest from Russia. These people are highly educated. However, they earn 100$ a month in their own country. Economic circumstances push people to choose this life for a period of time in order to save money and return their home country. (April 2007, Cyprus Newspaper) Illegal sex operation again: 13 filed According to the police office, two illegal immigrants who work in Casablanca and Zakkum night clubs had sex with men. It is also reported that they received money for it. (June 2007, Yeniduzen Newspaper) Prime Minister Soyer: Night club searches will continue The prime minister Ferdi Sabit Soyer “determinately, night clubs will be controlled. And also community peace and harmony will be provided in democratic ways.” (September 200, Cyprus Newspaper) Night clubs are legally established and are not whore houses The president of Cyprus Entertainment and Domestic Establishment Association Mr. Gunaltay Kirlar, “All night clubs are working under the government rules and regulations. They are a product of the needs and wants of the society and they fulfill the demand of a certain part of our community. In the absence of such places, people will seek the same services in other countries. Other than that a ban may cause tension and unwanted reactions within the society. No one can deny that. However, night clubs are not whore houses and it should be considered natural for people to carry on their relations that they developed in such places elsewhere. Desire for counter sex is as old as the history itself and it will be exist as long as we are exist. The leaders of this society are well aware of that fact and rather than burying their heads in sand and hiding behind moral values, they regulate the social living and protecting the society from disorder.” (November 2007, Africa Newspaper) No one can be forced to work Mr. Gunaltay Kirlar declared that no one can be forced to work in night clubs and he is personally against that. “The working conditions in the clubs are legally regulated and controlled by a government body. Also the people who work in the clubs are doing so with their free will.” Kirlar also declared that, the workers with the smallest complaint can go to the police or quit their jobs. “We have zero tolerance in that area. The women who work in the night clubs are never abused, forced or being treated badly. Our association is totally against that and will never allow that to happen.” February 2008, Cyprus Newspaper) thors, by using approximate figures (total number of sex workers, tourist earnings, etc.) the authors conclude that “sex” is a strong candidate to be the forth “S” following sea, sun, and sand. • The multiplier effect of every dollar earned from sex tourism is undeniable. By creating financial benefits to local community, sex tourism may help Northern Cyprus in overcoming the ongoing embargoes forced upon Northern Cyprus. • All parties involved in the sex tourism industry (sex workers, pimps, managers, hoteliers, taxi drivers, hospitals, customers, and so on) sounded like they are happy with the current situation of sex tourism in Northern Cyprus. The implication of these to the Turkish Cypriot government can be: so far they did a good job by keeping the “dark side” of the sex industry away from the north side of the Island. 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