Articles The Essence of African Cinema
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The Essence of
African Cinema
Diverging media ideologies in subSaharan African cinema
By Manouchka Kelly Labouba
Keywords African cinema, sub-Saharan film,
FESPACO (Festival Panafricain du Cinéma de
Ouagadougou), Fédération Panafricaine des
Cinéastes (FEPACI), film formats, Nollywood,
video film, Ousmane Sembène
Media ideologies are a set of beliefs
about communicative technologies with
which users and designers explain perceived media structure and meaning.
That is to say, what people think about
the media they use will shape the way
they use media. (Gershon 2010: 3)
In The Breakup 2.0: Disconnecting Over New Media, Ilana
Gershon explains how crucial it is to determine people’s media ideologies when one seeks to understand
how they communicate through different technologies. She writes: ‘how people understand the media
they use, shapes the ways they will use it’ (Gershon
2010: 48). Below, I look at how the categories at the
Festival Panafricain du Cinéma de Ouagadougou
(better known as FESPACO) have been affected by
the media ideologies of African ilm-makers.
FESPACO is the biggest and most renowned African ilm festival. Created in 1969, the event quickly
grew to establish itself as the continental venue
to showcase the best of African cinema. The main
architect of FESPACO was the Fédération Panafricaine des Cinéastes (FEPACI – Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers), an institution initially created
to unite African ilm-makers. FEPACI designed the
modes of functioning of the festival. It elaborated its
basic rules, including the one stating that
a ilm accepted in the oficial contest
has [to meet] the following criteria: it
is directed by an African, it is less than
three years old, it is entering FESPACO
for the irst time, and it is in a 16mm or
35mm format. (Diawara 1992: 131)
This last requirement regarding ilm format is particularly interesting in light of the current nature of
African cinema.
Indeed, one of the major developments in the past
twenty years has been the growth of a parallel industry symbolized by Nollywood, the fast-paced Nigerian video ilm industry. With more than 2,000 movies
released per year, in terms of output, Nollywood represents the second largest ilm industry worldwide since
2009. The Nigerian phenomenon has managed the
impressive tour-de-force of creating a seemingly viable
movie industry for the irst time in sub-Saharan Africa.
By doing so, Nollywood has convincingly demonstrated that the production of video ilms should legitimately be considered as the alternative par excellence
to revive African cinema. Evidence is that the Nigerian
model of intense video activity has been quickly imitated throughout the region, almost replacing ‘traditional cinema’ (that is to say, arthouse-celluloid African
ilms) in countries such as Ghana, Kenya, Burkina Faso,
Ivory Coast, Cameroon or Gabon. A whole new wave of
African ilm-makers has emerged. They are local storytellers, who feel empowered by the new technology,
and who make video ilms as a way to compensate
for the low and irregular presence of African ictions
on African screens (television and theatres). Yet, this
boom in video production has not been unanimously
embraced by all African ilm-makers. On the contrary,
it has mostly created a palpable schism in African creation, which sees the cineastes (those who make celluwww.ilmint.nu | 79
Articles The Essence of African Cinema
loid/theatrical ilms) compete with the videastes (those
who make digital/straight-to-video ilms) in redeining
African cinema. In a previous article, I highlighted the
divergences between the two groups (Labouba 2012).
Their disparities are apparent on how they approach
and conceive of African cinema.
Cineastes are guided by an art cinema approach.
They are motivated by recognition at the international level, rather than at the domestic level. Their
movies are generally produced with generous grants
from Europe, in spite of the fact that they are not
inancially viable. Those ilms rarely break even commercially, and are also more easily available outside
the continent, in ilm libraries or academic institutions in North America and Europe.
Videastes, on the other hand, are driven by more populist motivations, because their desire is to reach local
audiences irst. They are mostly interested in making
their money back, because their ilms are inanced
locally by the directors themselves, or by patrons or by
businessmen. For the most part, the movies produced
by videastes are only available in their home countries.
courtesy of en.wikipedia.org
They do not often compete at big international ilm
festivals because of their poor production values, since
the majority of videastes are amateurs. This contrasts
with cineastes who have been trained in ilm schools,
and who attach a lot of prestige to their profession.
Thus, cineastes represent a certain elite in African ilmmaking, while videastes are often associated with ‘bad
image makers’, because of their amateurism, and the
poor quality of many of their ilms.
This ‘identity crisis in African cinema’ can be felt
more than ever at FESPACO, which is divided into two
separate competitions according to formats: the ilm
section and the TV/Video section. The ilm section is
really the main competition, awarding around ifteen
prizes for features and three for shorts. The TV/Video
section, on the other hand, is more of a ‘symbolic’
competition awarding just two prizes (best ilm and
jury prize) for entries submitted on video/digital format. Apart from the diaspora category, it is the section
giving out the least awards at FESPACO. Even categories such as ilm schools, documentaries or TV series
hand out more prizes.
The duties of the film-makers included the commitment to reclaim the
cultural identity of Africans, reconstruct their cinematic image, and
extend the liberation movement to the realm of film and culture.
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Articles The Essence of African Cinema
This imbalance comes from the fact that the festival’s organizers have always insisted on strictly
applying the rules dictated by FEPACI. Therefore, a
clear distinction has constantly been kept between
projects made on celluloid and projects made on
video, though FESPACO actually started to include
its TV/Video category as early as 1993, in an honest
effort to present a more comprehensive spectrum
of the African audio-visual output. Nevertheless,
the festival never really adjusted to the changes in
the African audio-visual landscape. FESPACO established its TV/Video category when the Nollywood
phenomenon was just starting to take off, and when
celluloid was still the uncontested format for African features. In the new millennium, things have
considerably changed in African audio-visual practices, with an overwhelming number of video ilms
being made in comparison to celluloid movies. Still,
the ilm section at FESPACO remains the most prestigious competition, though signiicantly more movies
are submitted in the video category.
During the 2011 edition of the festival, while
videastes complained about their unfair treatment,
cineastes deplored the poor quality of the oficial
selection, as some video ilms were transferred onto
celluloid for the sole purpose of entering the main
competition. One of the most acerbic detractors of
that edition was cineaste Mahamet-Saleh Haroun
from Chad, who vehemently criticized ‘the mediocrity of the selection, with ilms that [had] no place
[there], nor in any other festival’, and which only displayed what he qualiied as a ‘lack of respect for cinema and for the ilmmakers’ in competition (cited
in Barlet 2011a: 135). Haroun became so upset, that
he swore never to attend FESPACO again, calling it
an ‘audiovisual festival’ (cited in Barlet 2011a: 135).
Michel Ouedraogo, the Delegate General of the festival, responded to those heavy attacks by reminding critics that it was FEPACI that instated the rule
imposing a selection on the basis of formats. In an
interview with Olivier Barlet (2011b), this is what
Ouedraogo had to say to defend his festival:
OLIVIER BARLET (OB): Film in Africa today is more
frequently digital than 35mm, but FESPACO insists on
the latter for the feature competition. Why? Is that
likely to change, or is it important to preserve 35mm?
MICHEL OUEDRAOGO (MO): The FESPACO clauses
date to 1969, we didn’t invent them, but we have to
respect them. It is the African cinema professionals
who must decide if there should be a change.
OB: You mean the FEPACI (Federation of African
Filmmakers)?
of junegivanniilmarchive.org
MO: Yes. FESPACO won’t decide in its place. But today the FEPACI is no longer representative. There
needs to be a relection on the part of all the African
cinema professionals. But FESPACO is well placed
to know that not all the ilmmakers share the same
opinion on this question of formats. A unanimous,
consensual position needs to be found and that’s not
yet the case. So we still apply the position that was
unanimous and consensual at the time.
By maintaining that rule at FESPACO, FEPACI, which
originally aimed at uniting ilm-makers, started to
symbolize the divide in African cinema. For more
than four decades, the organization never attempted
a change of regulation at FESPACO. Thus, the format
requirement was upheld as the written criterion to
legitimate the overall exclusion of video ilms from
the main competition. It was not until the end of the
2013 edition that a consensus was inally reached
in order to drop the rule, and virtually open up
the main competition to video ilms from 2015 on,
though they will have to be submitted as a DCP ile
(Digital Cinema Package).1 Why did it take 44 years
to change this format requirement? I believe it has
to do with the diverging media ideologies of African
ilm-makers, because in his interview with Olivier
Barlet, Michel Ouedraogo does not convincingly
explain why the competition in the TV/Video section
is so drastically different from the one in the ilm
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Articles The Essence of African Cinema
Nigerian film-makers have managed to re-seize ownership of their
cinematic image by liberating their creativity, and by adjusting their
means of production to their economy.
section. Why are there so few prizes awarded, while
in the main competition awards exist for acting,
screenwriting, music and even poster? Ouedraogo
does not comment on those issues, and that might
be because format is not the only reason why video
ilms are alienated as such at FESPACO.
Though the irst edition of the Semaine du Cinéma
Africain in Ouagadougou in 1969 had the objective of
showing that there existed an African cinema ‘made
in Africa, by Africans, on African subjects’ (Diawara
1992: 129), FESPACO has never been very welcoming
to the types of movies that Nollywood and videastes
manufacture. The great majority of video ilms, especially those made by Nollywood, rarely get to compete
at the festival, and for the few that do get selected,
being relegated to the ‘catchall’ TV/Video section
because of their format, is a very unsubtle way by
FESPACO to signal that the festival does not consider
them as ‘real’ ilms. ‘Snobbery is to blame for their
exclusion,’ writes Umaru Fofana (2007). ‘You don’t
have Nollywood movies here because of the discrimination against the kind of movies that we do from
those who package this festival,’ complains Mahmoud Alie Balogun, a Nigerian ilm-maker (cited in
Fofana 2007). Carmen McCain insightfully writes that
by clinging to old structures of ilmmaking
and prioritizing celluloid over a form that
is more easily accessible to a broader base
of ilmmakers [the Pan-African festival that
FESPACO is, fails to recognize] a movement
that is establishing the very industry FEPACI
was formed to promote. (McCain 2011: 257)
Baba Hama (Delegate General of FESPACO from 1996
to 2008) responded to those types of attacks by simply asserting: ‘I do not think it is Nollywood’s objective to come to our festivals’ (cited in Fofana 2007).
Actually, in my opinion, it might rather be that it
is not the objective of FESPACO to have Nollywood
come to the festival.
As far as I am concerned, I suspect that Nollywood movies are generally excluded from FESPACO,
because of the organizers’ sentiment that with their
poor production values, and their populist ambitions,
those ilms depart too much from the ‘essence of
African cinema’ as deined by FEPACI and Ousmane
Sembène in the early days of African ilm-making.
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The essence of African cinema
In 2007, Ousmane Sembène passed away after four
solid decades of a career dedicated to African cinema. He came to prominence in 1966 as the very irst
ilm-maker from sub-Saharan Africa to direct a feature ilm on the continent. His directorial debut Black
Girl (La Noire de…, 1966) was released in the years
following the wave of African independences of
1960, during which seventeen countries gained their
autonomy. Among them was Senegal, Sembène’s
homeland. Thus, Ousmane Sembène’s cinematic
involvement resonated early on with the administrative sovereignty granted to his country, as he took
advantage of the new freedoms gained by Africans,
including the right to depict themselves. He decided
to make movies with the ambition to decolonize the
minds and the screens of Africa, in order to lead the
struggle for liberation in the cinematic ield.
Black Girl tells the poignant story of Diouana, a
young Senegalese woman who is brought to France by
her employers. However, upon her arrival on French
soil, she becomes aware that she has been misled.
Originally asked to come as a nanny for the kids, and
care for them the way she did back in Dakar, Diouana
realizes that she is expected to serve as a maid. In
France, she loses her status as an independent Senegalese woman and returns to a position similar to
that of a black slave. Feeling deceived and limited by
her illiteracy, Diouana sees death as her only way to
regain her freedom. Powerless to change her situation, she tragically kills herself, as a form of silent protest to her slave-like condition in France. With Black
Girl, Sembène deined for Africans and for the rest of
the world what the essence of African cinema should
be: the ability to tell African stories from a liberated
African perspective. In July 1969, he was among the
founding members of FEPACI, an institution established with the agenda to organize and unite African
ilm-makers around that cause.
As the ‘father of African cinema’, Sembène became
the natural moral leader of many generations of
cineastes at FESPACO, up until his death at the age of
84. The political ilm-maker that he was, led the way
for a militant African cinema that intended to assert
its cultural emancipation, along with the physical
decolonization of its territory. Because he was also
a literate artist, a novelist-turned-ilm-maker who
went to ilm school in the Soviet Union, Sembène had
Articles The Essence of African Cinema
a very didactic approach to ilm. He conceived of cinema as a ‘night school’, as an instrument to educate
African populations in the postcolonial era. For him,
ilm was the perfect tool to overcome the barriers of
education and illiteracy, in order to reach the African
masses. He turned to movie-making when he realized that access to his literary work was limited to a
small educated elite, while he intended to make it as
popular as possible. He explained:
In the current situation of chronic illiteracy
prevailing in Africa, it’s more pragmatic to make
a movie than write a novel. With cinema, I can
reach more people in one night than any preacher in a mosque or a church, or any politician
during a meeting. (cited in Gadjigo 2010: 131)
Therefore, Ousmane Sembène’s background explains
his idealism, and his didactic take on cinema. Because
he was such an erudite person, he believed that he
had a responsibility to educate his fellow Africans. Life
taught him ‘that the priority, for every colonized African, was the liberation of his country’, which implied
‘taking part in the people’s struggle for national independence and social revolution’ (Gadjigo 2010: 142).
Sembène knew that the subconscious of Africans had
been manipulated by the colonizers. That is why he
utilized cinema with great didacticism, in order to
pass on his knowledge to the African masses, and liberate them from mental subordination.
Below Black Girl (1966)
At irst, it appears that ‘Sembène’s cinema’ and
its moral mission strongly deviates from ‘Nollywood
cinema’, in which amateurs take up movie-making
because they are driven by commercialism. Sembène’s
objectives seem incompatible with those of videastes,
and the fact that their ilms are made on different formats, has provided cineastes, scholars and critics with
the perfect symbolic illustration of their dissimilarities.
Yet, I argue that the debates concerning how Nollywood and videastes are redeining African cinema have
focused too much on the medium they were using, and
on how they were using it, rather than on the essence
of their intrinsic motivations, which in theory are
closer to Sembène’s than is commonly believed.
Indeed, when one compares their ideals, as well as
what guides their desire to create the types of ilms
they make, it appears that Sembène and videastes
have actually been sharing the same fundamental ambitions. Deep down, both entities have been
attempting to reach the African masses with a popular cinema. They only chose different ways to do it:
while Sembène adopted didacticism, videastes opted
for populism. In my opinion, it is really just their stylistic approach that truly separates them. ‘Our style
of telling stories is different to their style of telling
stories,’ declares Mahmoud Alie Balogun (cited in
Fofana 2007). He is right. Videastes do not attempt to
teach their audience anything. On the contrary, they
are merely trying to entertain them with compelling
African narratives. Videastes deduced that didacticism
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Articles The Essence of African Cinema
was unsuitable with a popular approach, and that
in the movie business, populism went hand in hand
with commercialism. Nollywood ilm-makers realized
that there was a genuine domestic market for popular African ictions, and that it was principally theirs
to claim. They have inspired a big wave of videastes
by demonstrating that the key to commercial success
was to create ‘entertaining’ and ‘pleasurable’ African
ilms for African audiences. This new generation of
ilm-makers has found in the Nigerian video industry
an inspiring example to follow, which is no longer personiied by an individual but instead by a model. For
them, Nollywood has redeined the essence of African
cinema as the ability to tell African stories, from an
African perspective, and for African audiences.
In reality, Sembène dreamt of creating a veritable
popular African cinema, liberated from western inluence at all levels. When looking at it closer, isn’t it
exactly what videastes are doing? But even more than
Sembène, they are truly providing African masses with
a cinema of their own. Their movies are topical, and
grounded in African realities. Their output is targeted
at a broad audience, and distributed, in the case of Nollywood, in the largest local popular markets. Ironically,
thanks to their amateurism, and oftentimes their lack
of ilm education, videastes are aesthetically more liberated than Sembène was, or than other cineastes are
in general. Indeed, videastes equate their freedom to
depict themselves, with the freedom to have less to
84 | ilm international issue 72
Below Black Girl (1966)
prove artistically.2 Ultimately, the goal of videastes is to
reach the largest audience possible, and for that purpose an ‘imperfect cinema’ is acceptable. Even FEPACI
agreed with that principle at its beginnings.
An imperfect cinema
In the 1970s, in prolongation of the Third Cinema manifesto written by Fernando Solanas and Octavio Getino,
FEPACI demanded from African ilm-makers that they
regain control of their image, and liberate the imagination of Africans. The organization requested a ‘cinema
of duty’, a ‘cinema with a mission’ to work towards
the cultural decolonization of the African masses. The
duties of the ilm-makers included the commitment
to reclaim the cultural identity of Africans, reconstruct their cinematic image, and extend the liberation movement to the realm of ilm and culture. The
cultural domination of the West was deemed ‘dangerous for being insidious’, because it imposed on African people, ‘models of behavior and systems of values
whose essential function [was] to buttress the ideological and economic ascendency’ of western models.3
The followers of Third Cinema were asked to reject the
aesthetic, cultural and economic standards of First
Cinema (commercial) and Second Cinema (auteur).
One of the seminal texts of the movement was ‘For an
Imperfect Cinema’ written by Julio García Espinosa in
Articles The Essence of African Cinema
of discoverafricancinema.com
Nollywood has achieved what Sembène and FEPACI wished to do, but
failed to concretize.
1979. Espinosa, a Cuban ilm-maker who participated
in his nation’s cinema of revolution, also served as the
director of the Cuban Institute of Film Art and Industry
(ICAIC). ICAIC was the national body that enabled the
Cuban government to spread its revolution through
ilm, similar to what FEPACI set up to do in Africa.
In his essay, Espinosa (1979) exhorts ilm-makers
to contribute to the ‘liberation of the private means
of artistic production’. He urges them to create ‘a
new poetics for the cinema’, which will ‘above all,
be a “partisan” and “committed” poetics, a “committed” art, a consciously and resolutely “committed”
cinema – that is to say, an “imperfect” cinema’. He
explains how an imperfect cinema is not seeking for
quality in an artist’s work, but is instead predominantly interested in ‘how an artist responds to the
following question: what are you doing in order to
overcome the barrier of the “cultured” elite audience
which up to now has conditioned the form of your
work?’ For Julio García Espinosa, an imperfect cinema ‘is no longer interested in quality or technique’,
because ‘the new outlook for artistic culture is no
longer that everyone must share the taste of a few,
but that all can be creators of that culture’.
Thus, similar to its Cuban counterpart, in its early
days African cinema deined itself as a popular cinema of liberation. Therefore, the directives from
FEPACI never excluded the creation of an ‘imperfect
cinema’. On the contrary, it was actually seen as a liberatory necessity. Third World ilm-makers in particular were prompted ‘to put aside the conceptions and
ilm production means of the capitalist countries and
to seek new forms, taking into account the authenticity and the realities of the economic means and possibilities of the Third World countries’.4 FEPACI insisted
that the issue for African cinema should not be
to try to catch up with the developed capitalist societies, but rather to allow the masses
to take control of the means of their own
development, giving them back the cultural initiative by drawing on the resources
of a fully liberated popular creativity.5
It seems to me that this is precisely what Nollywood
has been doing for more than twenty years now. Nigerian ilm-makers have managed to re-seize ownership
of their cinematic image by liberating their creativity,
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Articles The Essence of African Cinema
and by adjusting their means of production to their
economy. As a result, they have emancipated themselves from the West at all levels: structurally, economically and culturally. They have succeeded in creating
a genuine popular African cinema. The accomplishments of those ilm-makers were only made possible,
because they accepted to have what is considered
an ‘imperfect cinema’ in western standards. Consequently, Nollywood has achieved what Sembène and
FEPACI wished to do, but failed to concretize.
Though in theory, FEPACI and Sembène truly
desired to reach the African masses, in practice they
were mostly the proponents of a certain quality in
the cinemas coming from Africa. Their approach
resulted in the practice of an ‘intellectualized cinema’
by cineastes. After all, wasn’t Ousmane Sembène also
declared the irst African auteur? He even adapted
three of his novels into ilms.6 In this respect, he is
actually responsible for the appropriation of African
cinema by a certain elite of artists, who were trained
in Europe, and decided to represent Africa at prestigious international ilm festivals. But, instead of trying
to connect with the African masses at the continental level, those cineastes focused more on presenting a
new auteurism in African ilm-making.
Media ideologies
Determining people’s media ideologies is
crucial when you are trying to igure out the
ways that people communicate through
different technologies.
– Ilana Gershon (2010)
So what media ideologies do cineastes and videastes
have towards their medium? Celluloid ilm stock is
very dificult to access and to use in Africa, but the fact
that cineastes choose it as their medium of predilection,
evidently communicates their high culture stance. For
them, working with celluloid represents the prestige
they attach to their profession. That is why they were
not willing to simply let the amateur videastes compete by their side in FESPACO’s main competition.
Similarly, the media ideology that cineastes have with
celluloid reveals that they are no longer preoccupied
with trying to connect with African people. If that was
the case, they would have to switch to video/digital
formats like videastes, in light of the declining state of
the celluloid industry on the continent (very few working theatres, lack of trained technicians, lack of equipment, lack of laboratories, expensive format, and so
on). Yet, they stick to celluloid, because it gives their
work a certain quality stamp, and it also makes them
stand out as the elite in African cinema. It is this cur86 | ilm international issue 72
rent generation of cineastes, with auteurs such Mahamet-Saleh Haroun (Chad), or Abderrahmane Sissako
(Mauritania), that actually seems to have abandoned
Sembène’s ideals more than videastes.
Videastes, on the other hand, have never seen celluloid as the appropriate format to create cinema in
Africa. They chose video instead, because it was relatively cheap, accessible, easy to use, and it enabled
them to release ilm at a signiicantly faster pace. For
amateur videastes, time is money, video saves time,
thus money. This is the media ideology they attach
to their medium. But should they be condemned for
their pragmatism?
Contrary to what is commonly accepted, videastes
are actually bringing African cinema back to its veritable essence, and to Sembène’s true ideals. Consequently, the debates around celluloid and video
formats are just distracting from the real intentions
that guide those ilm-makers. The identity of African
cinema should not be deined by formats, but rather
by the motivations of the creators. In this respect,
videastes are the ones who are still trying to be true
to the essence of African cinema, as it was irst illustrated by Sembène in his directorial debut.
Last but not least, because most exhibitors in North
America and Europe have been converting to digital
cinema, the worldwide celluloid industry has declined
drastically in the past decade, to the extent that
ilm-making in 35mm has mostly become extinct.
Apart from high-proile directors such as Christopher Nolan or Quentin Tarantino, most ilm-makers
in the world cannot afford to shoot on celluloid anymore (35mm cameras are no longer manufactured,
ilm labs are scarcer and more expensive, 35mm theatres are quickly disappearing). The emblematic format now belongs to niche sectors in the ilm world
such as cinematheques, archives, or museums. Consequently, even African cineastes have started using
digital cameras to shoot their ilms, as did Moussa
Touré with La Pirogue (2012), Mahamat-Saleh Haroun
with Gigris (2013) and Abderrahmane Sissako with
Timbuktu (2014). Nevertheless, those cineastes have
still valued prestige more than populism. Their ilms
have remained art-house artifacts most circulated,
and appreciated in the West.7 Hence, though their
medium of predilection has changed, cineastes' ideologies have undoubtedly stayed the same.
Contributor’s details
Manouchka Kelly Labouba is a University of Southern
California Provost’s Ph.D. fellow in the Division of
Cinema & Media Studies at the School of Cinematic
Articles The Essence of African Cinema
Arts. She is also an independent director/screenwriter/
producer from Gabon (Central Africa), where she
became the irst woman to direct a work of iction with
her 40-minute short Le Divorce (2008). Her ilms have
been selected in oficial competition at FESPACO, the
Carthage Film Festival, the Montreal Pan Africa Film
Festival and the Ecrans Noirs Film Festival. She pursues
a dual career as a scholar and as a ilm-maker.
References
Bakari, Imruh and Cham, Mbye (eds) (1996), African
Experiences of Cinema, London: BFI.
Larkin, Brian (2008), Signal and Noise: Media, Infrastructure,
and Urban Culture in Nigeria, Durham: Duke University Press.
McCain, Carmen (2011), ‘FESPACO in a Time of Nollywood:
The Politics of the ‘Video’ Film at Africa’s Oldest Festival’,
Journal of African Media Studies, 3: 2, pp. 241–61.
Pfaff, Françoise (ed.) (2004), Focus on African ilms,
Bloomington: Indiana Press University.
Saul, Mahir and Austen, Ralph (eds) (2010), Viewing African
Cinema in the Twenty-irst Century: Art Films and the Nollywood
Video Revolution, Athens, OH: Ohio University Press.
Ukadike, Nwachukwu Frank (1994), Black African
Cinema, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Barlet, Olivier (2000), African Cinemas: Decolonizing the
Gaze, New York: Zed Books.
––––– (2011a), ‘“This Is the Last FESPACO I’ll Be Coming
To’: An Interview with Mahamat-Saleh Haroun’, Black
Camera: An International Film Journal, 3: 1, pp. 134–40.
––––– (2011b), ‘“The Way to Help Us Is to Give Us Our
Funding on Time!’: An Interview with Michel
Ouedraogo, Delegate General of FESPACO’, Black Camera:
An International Film Journal, 3: 1, pp. 141–45.
Endnotes
1. Interestingly at the beginning of the 2013 edition,
the short ilm section, which also used to only include
celluloid ilms, was opened to video submissions with
signiicantly less format restrictions.
Barrot, Pierre (2009), Nollywood: The Video Phenomenon in
Nigeria, Bloomington: Indiana Press University.
2. However, many of them do have higher ambitions,
which begin to get recognized by awards ceremonies
such as the African Movie Academy Awards or the Best
of Nollywood Awards.
Diawara, Manthia (1992), African Cinema: Politics and
Culture, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
3. Excerpts from the Algiers Charter on African Cinema
(1975) (cited in Bakari and Cham 1996: 25).
––––– (2010), African Film: New Forms of Aesthetics and
Politics, New York: Prestel.
4. Excerpt from the Resolutions of the Third World
Filmmakers’ Meeting in Algiers (1973) (cited in Bakari and
Cham 1996: 23).
Espinosa, Julio García (1979), ‘For an Imperfect Cinema’,
Jump Cut: A Review of Contemporary Media, 20, pp. 24–26,
https://www.ejumpcut.org/archive/onlinessays/
JC20folder/ImperfectCinema.html. Accessed 3 July 2015.
Fofana, Umaru (2007), ‘Nollywood Drought at Fespaco’,
BBC News, 3 March, https://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/
africa/6412161.stm. Accessed 29 July 2015.
Gadjigo, Samba (2010), Ousmane Sembène: The Making of
a Militant Artist, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Gershon, Ilana (2010), The Breakup 2.0: Disconnecting
Over New Media, New York: Cornell University Press.
Labouba, Manouchka Kelly (2012), ‘Videastes vs.
Cineastes, Sub-Saharan African Cinema and Its
“Schizophrenic Industry”’, Spectator, 32: 2, pp. 8–19.
5. Excerpts from the Algiers Charter on African Cinema
(1975) (cited in Bakari and Cham 1996: 25).
6. Black Girl (1966), The Money Order (Mandabi, 1968) and
Xala (1975). Black Girl is adapted from his 1962 collection
of short stories entitled Voltaïque: La Noire de… et autres
nouvelles (translated to English as Tribal Scars in 1975).
The Money Order is adapted from his 1966 novella Le
mandat, précédé de Vehi-Ciosane (translated to English as
The Money-Order with White Genesis in 1987), and Xala is
adapted from the eponymous novel published in 1973.
7. All three ilms were selected at the Cannes ilm
festival: La Pirogue in the section Un Certain Regard,
Grigris and Timbuktu went on to become the irst ilm by
a Sub-Saharan black ilmmaker to be nominated for the
Oscar for Best Foreign language ilm.
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