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GREATER SERBIA
from Ideology to Aggression
Stevan Moljevic
Homogeneous Serbia (1941)
A program which clearly states Serbia's territorial
ambitions and "right" to dominate Yugoslavia
Stevan Moljevic (b.1888) was a lawyer in Banja Luka before the war. In 1941 he fled to
Montenegro after the Independent State of Croatia was declared. During the war he was an
adviser to General Draza Mihajlovic, leader of the Cetniks. He released this memorandum on
June 30 of 1941 in Niksic (Montenegro), 2 months before he joined the Cetnik National
Committee and its executive council. The ideas Moljevic expressed in this memorandum
reflect the views of most cetnik programs of the time, as well as those of the present.
* * *
The experience of the Serbian nation in this war, provoked with the loss of their state
and their freedom, has brought them to these unwavering convictions:
1. That the power of the country is not based on the size of its territory, not the number
of inhabitants, nor even on the richness of the land, but rather on the independence of
thought, the concept of love for the country, its freedom and independence, internal unity
and spiritual ties of the nation when subject to foreign invasion, and the readiness of
its people to sacrifice everything they have including their lives for their country and
its freedom.
2. That this identity of national view, sense and love of the nation and its independence
can only be reached if it is gathered in a homogeneous Serbia. Examples of this are Serbia
and Montenegro in past wars and Greece in the present war.
In this regard, the Serbs today have a primary and basic duty:
- to create and organize a homogeneous Serbia which must consist of the entire ethnic
territory on which the Serbs live, and to ensure the necessary strategic and
transportation lines and hubs, as well as economic areas which would enable and secure
free economic, political and cultural life and development for all times.
These strategic and transportation lines necessary for the security, life and existence of
Serbia, even if some of these areas do not have Serbian majorities in the local
population, must serve the interests of Serbia and the Serbian nation so that the horrible
suffering that they have endured at the hands of their neighbors does not have a chance to
repeat itself.
Moving and exchanging inhabitants, especially Serbians for Croatians and Serbians from
Croatian areas, is the only way to establish a border and create better relations between
them, and this prevents the possibility that the frightful crimes which happened in the
last war and especially those in the present war in all areas where Croatians and Serbians
are intermingled (and where Croats and Muslims planned the extermination of Serbs) are not
repeated.
I Borders
A basic mistake of our state administration was that in 1918 the boundaries
of Serbia were not firmly set up. This mistake must be corrected immediately, for tomorrow
it will be too late. These borders must be struck now, and they must include the entire
ethnic territory on which Serbs live with unhindered access to the sea for all Serbian
districts that are in the vicinity of the coast.
1. In the east and south-east (Serbia and South Serbia), the Serbian borders are result of
the wars of liberation, and it is only necessary to reinforce them by adding Vidin and
Custendil.
2. In the south (Montenegro and Herzegovina) the Southwest Serbian province should take
over the territory of the Zeta Banovina (Royal Province):
a) All of eastern Herzegovina with a railroad tie from Konjic to Ploce, including a belt
of land that would protect this line, so that in this area the entire Konjic district
would be included; from the Mostar district the following municipalities: Mostar, Bijelo
Polje, Blagaj, and Zitomislici; the entire Stolac district; from the Metkovic district
Ploce and all the areas south of Ploce, as well as Dubrovnik, which would have a special
status.
b) The northern part of Albania in so much as Albania does not acquire autonomy.
3. In the west the Western Serbian province should include-like the Vrbas
Banovina-northern Dalmatia, the Serbian part of Lika, Kordun and Banija and a part of
Slavonia, so that the railroad from Plaski to Sibenik and the northern rail connection
from Okucani over Sunja to Kostajnica belong to this region.
This province would include one part of the Bugojno district except for Gornji Vakuf, and
from the Livno district Livno and Donje Polje, and also from the Sibenik district the
municipalities of Sibenik and Skradin; from the Knin district: the city of Knin and the
Serbian part of the Drnis municipality with its territory that covers the Knin-Sibenik
railroad, and eventually the Serbian portion of Vrlika in the Sinj district; the entire
districts of Benkovac, Biograd and Preko; so that the borders of the Western Serbian
province go along the Velebit canal and include Zadar with all the islands around it; from
the Gospic district: Gospic, Licki Osik and Medak; the eastern part of the Perusic
district, which has a railroad; from the Otocac district: Dabar, Skare and Vrhovine; from
the Ogulin district: Dreznica, Gomirje, Gorska Dubrava and Plaski; the Vojnic district
except Barilovic; the entire Vrginmost district; the Glina district without Bucice and
Stankovac; from the Petrinja district: Blinja, Gradusa, Jabukovac and Sunja; the
Kostajnica district without Bobovac; from the Novska district: Jasenovac
and Vanjska Novski, but these places should be abolished so that the railroad stays on the
territory of these two municipalities; the entire Okucani district; the Pakrac district
without Antunovac, Gaj and Poljana; Velic Selo from the Pozega district; the
districts of Daruvar, Grubisno Polje and Slatina; along with the above the Bosnian
districts of Derventa and Gradacac. It is understood that all other districts inside of
these borders will be included in this region.
For this Serbian province, which would have 46 districts and nearly 1.5 million
inhabitants, on which the entire Sipad enterprise falls, as well as the iron mine at
Ljubja, and over which the Adriatic railway Valjevo-Banja Luka-Sibenik runs, it will be
necessary to secure the Zadar area and the surrounding islands to ensure its outlet to the
sea. 4. The Northern Serbian province should get, in addition to the territory of the
Danube Banovina, the Serbian districts of Vukovar, Sid and Ilok and from the Vinkovci
district Vinkovci, Luze, Mirkovci and Novi Jankovci municipalities and also the entire
city and district of Osijek.
This province should be secured with Baranja, including Pecuj and eastern Banat with
Timisoara and Resice (Resita).
5. The Central Serbian province-the Drina Banovina-should have the following Bosnian
districts returned to it: Brcko, Travnik and Fojnica.
Dalmatia, which would run along the Adriatic coast from Ploce to the area just under
Sibenik, and would include the Bosnian-Herzegovinian districts of Prozor, Ljubiski, Duvno,
and the western parts of the Knin and Sibenik districts in the north, must become part of
Serbia but also has to be granted a special autonomous position. The Roman Catholic church
in Dalmatia will be recognized and receive state aid, but the work of the church and the
Catholic clergy among the people must be favorable to the state and be under its strict
control.
II Relations with other Yugoslavian and Balkan States
In the future, Serbia must, with the conviction of its past and its mission
on the Balkans, be the bearer of the Yugoslav idea and the first defender of Balkan
solidarity and Gladstone's principle of "the Balkans for the Balkan people." As
time goes on, smaller states must combine in larger communities, unions and bloks, and
Serbia's friends will expect this of her. Serbia will gladly respond to these
expectations, for this is at the heart of its historical mission on the Balkans. The
Serbians already started on this path when they created Yugoslavia, and they will continue
on this path. However, the first step in this path was taken incorrectly in that the Serbs
and Montenegrins immediately allowed themselves to be melted into Yugoslavia while the
Croats, Slovenes and Muslims took a different course and take all they can from Yugoslavia
without giving anything in return. This mistake must be corrected and it can only be done
if the Serbs, with the resurrected Yugoslavia, must immediately and unhesitatingly create
a homogeneous Serbia in the borders that were previously outlined. Only after this has
been achieved will we approach all other questions relating to the Slovenes and Croats.
Yugoslavia would thus be arranged on a federal basis with three federal units: Serbia,
Croatia, and Slovenia. Only when this state of affairs is settled, when all Serbian
regions are united in a homogeneous Serbia, can a limited rapprochement with Bulgaria be
conceived. Until then strengthening closer relations through economic and cultural
co-operation might be possible (first through the press, books, churches and social
gatherings and then through a customs union).
The Serbs, who almost 5 centuries earlier were the only people on the Balkans to seriously
resist Ottoman encroachment from the east; the Serbs, who in their struggle against
Ottoman imperialism were the first to rise up against the Turks; the Serbs, who were the
first to resist German encroachment from the west; were thereby granted the right to
leadership on the Balkans, and they will not, nor cannot, renounce this leadership neither
for themselves nor because of the Balkans and its fate. They must fulfil their historical
mission, and they can only do this if they are united in a homogeneous Serbia in the
framework of Yugoslavia which they will imbue with their spirit and give their indelible
stamp. Serbia must have hegemony on the Balkans, therefore they must previously gain
hegemony in Yugoslavia. Only this hegemony must be great in spirit, far-reaching in
outlook, courageous in political thought, and decisive in political action, and up to the
present the Serbs have shown these traits in every challenging moment in their history.
And as the present moment is only the last period of the past, so the future should be an
extension of this past.
III Social Order
The social order in Yugoslavia, founded on unlimited liberalism, was in the chaotic
post-war period abused and misused in favor of the stronger against the weak, and in
favor of the individual against the community. This damaged the necessary balance in
economic life, and led to a crumbling of national and social morals and public life.
In Serbia, work must be the basic goal and purpose of every man and he must be justly
rewarded for the quality and quantity of his work; capital must be the means for the
Serbian people to realize their historical mission in the field of national defense, the
national economy, and the national culture, as well as to secure their national existence,
but the state must be the primary bearer of capital and capitalism.
Private capital is also a national possession and must be protected and monitored by the
state, so that it serves the good of the nation and the community.
The state must ensure that every citizen has the possibility to get work and compensation,
and to insure everyone in the case of sickness, old age and disability. The freedom of
individuality, personal initiative and personal property must be protected for every
citizen by law; only these freedoms must not be misused in such
a way that they will infringe on other citizens or the community.
Freedom of speech, religion and the press must also be ensured, but they must not be
abused.
The church, as an organization, must be recognized and aided only if it is totally
independent from outside influence and if its supreme leadership is in Serbia. Political
parties in Serbia cannot be founded on a religious basis.
The press must serve the people and the state, and lift the public morale.
IV National Renaissance
To attain a reorganization of the state and its social order, a national
renaissance of the Serbian people on all levels and in every field of national life is
needed. For this renaissance it is important to gather up all the national vigor, and not
divide the Serbian people into classes. They can only be divided into occupations , which
must be honest and useful to the community, and all must work in one direction in total
harmony, so that in their work they are fulfilled and rewarded. A leading position should
be taken by the intellectuals, the enlightened sons of the Serbian nation and its youth,
so that they set an example with their zeal, self-sacrifice, order, work and discipline
and so that they may shine in the execution of their duties.
Contents:
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