POLAND 2001-2
Populist,
nationalist and antisemitic parties and right-wing parties with far right
connections won some 40 percent of the vote in the September 2001 parliamentary
elections. The Liga Polskich Rodzin became the first party of the
antisemitic extreme right in postwar Polish history to gain seats in
parliament. The level of antisemitic activity remained high in relation to the
very small size of the Jewish community in Poland. Extreme
nationalists and antisemites, including members of parliament, continued their
campaign against commemoration of the 1941 Jedwabne massacre. The participation
of President Aleksander Kwasniewski in the official ceremony commemorating the
massacre was an important step in Polish acknowledgment of responsibility for
the event.
the jewish community
There are some 5,000–10,000 Jews in
Poland out of a total population of close to 40 million. Most Jews live in Warsaw,
Wroclaw, Krakow and Lodz, but there are smaller communities in several other
cities. There are virtually no Jews in the eastern part of Poland where once
large, important communities existed, such as those of Lublin and Bialystok.
The Union of
Jewish Religious Communities (Zwiazek Kongregacji Wyznania Mojzeszowego), or Kehilla,
and the secular Jewish Socio-Cultural Society (Towarsztwo Spoleczno-Kulturalne Zydowskie),
or Ferband, are the two leading communal organizations and these,
together with other Jewish groups, are linked by membership in the KKOZRP,
which acts as an umbrella organization.
There is a
Jewish primary school in Warsaw maintained by the Lauder Foundation, which has
been active in rehabilitating Jewish life in Poland, especially through youth
projects, including summer and winter camps. The American Jewish Joint
Distribution Committee is also active in Poland, particularly in social welfare
activities. The leading Jewish publications are the monthly Midrasz, Dos
Jidische Wort, Jidele for youth and Sztendlach for primary
school children. Significantly, all of these publications appear in Polish,
except for Dos Jidische Wort which is published in a bi-lingual
Yiddish-Polish edition.
Other important
institutions are the Jewish Historical Institute (which opened its revamped
museum in June 2000), E.R. Kaminska State Yiddish Theater in Warsaw and the
Jewish Cultural Center in Krakow. There are centers for Jewish studies in Warsaw
University and the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. The Polish government
supports plans to erect a hi-tech inter-active Museum of the History of Polish
Jews. The proposed institution would be built opposite the Ghetto Monument and
funds are being collected to advance this project.
In April 2001,
President Kwasniewski vetoed legislation that would have provided for the
restoration of private property to Polish citizens only – clearly
discriminating against Jewish claimants, the great majority of whom are not
domiciled in Poland and are not Polish citizens. In the absence of legislation,
no mechanism yet exists that would provide for the return of private assets and
the matter continues to be the subject of national and international debate.
Jewish factionalism has interrupted the smooth functioning of the fund created
to retrieve Jewish communal assets. The restoration of communal property to the
Jewish communities and to the Foundation for the Preservation of the Jewish
Heritage in Poland continues apace. Among the most impressive buildings
returned is the synagogue in Poznan, which was turned into an indoor swimming
hall by the Germans, and functioned as such until the present day. A US-based foundation
has been established to raise money for restoring the building and to assist in
planning its future.
PARLIAMENTARY organizations AND
EXTRA-PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS
Political Parties
Populist,
nationalist and antisemitic parties and right-wing parties with far right
connections won some 40 percent of the vote in the September 2001 parliamentary
elections. The traditionally antisemitic extreme right has its own independent
parliamentary representation for the first time in postwar Polish history. The Liga
Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families – LPR) now constitutes an
important political force in the country after winning 7 percent of the vote
and 40 seats (out of 460) in the parliamentary elections. The LPR, which
incorporated the All-Polish Youth (see below), as well as other groups such as
the Stronnictwo Narodowe (National Party – SN), was
formed shortly before the election. Claiming to continue the tradition of
pre-war Endecja (the National Democratic movement), the party was formed on the
initiative of Father Tadeusz Rydzyk, founder and director of the Catholic
nationalist Radio Maryja (see below), from which it draws most of its support.
Many LPR leaders, such as Roman Giertych, honorary chairman of
All-Polish Youth, have a history of activity on the militant nationalist
fringe. Giertych’s grandfather, Jedrzej, a radical leader and ideologue of the
1930s Endecja, was notorious for his obsessive antisemitism and open admiration
for fascism. Roman Giertych’s father, Professor Maciej Giertych, represents the
LPR in parliament. Another prominent LPR representative, Zygmunt Wrzodak, is hardline
antisemitic chairman of the Solidarity trade union branch in the Ursus tractor
factory.
One of
the founders and leaders of the LPR is Ryszard Bender, a historian and a former
MP in the communist parliament of the 1980s. Despite Bender’s record of Holocaust
denial and his campaign against commemoration of the Jedwabne
massacre (see below), after the elections the Sejm (parliament) appointed him a judge to represent his party on the State
Court of Justice (Trybunal Stanu), an important constitutional body.
Samoobrona
(Self-Defense) is a populist movement led by Andrzej Lepper, which won 10
percent of the vote in the 2001 election. In recent years Lepper has tried to
distance himself from his far right past (when Joseph Göbbels and
Jean-Marie Le Pen were his role models), by condemning antisemitism and denying
alleged contacts with the extremist international Schiller Institute, founded
by US far right leader Lyndon LaRouche. Nevertheless, the attendance of Nazi
skinheads at the movement’s election meetings indicates that links with the far
right have not been cut completely. Local branches in Koszalin and Szczecin
have been infiltrated by members of local National Socialist neo-pagan groups,
including Niklot (see below). The center-right weekly Gazeta Polska
reported that a Samoobrona senator, Henryk Dzido, was a close associate and
legal adviser to the convicted antisemite Kazimierz Switon, who occupied a
historic site at Oswiecim (Auschwitz) for over a month in 1998. In January 2002
Gazeta Polska reported that Lepper was behind the rumor spread in Poland
that 4,000 Jews remained home on 11 September because they had prior knowledge
of the attacks. In 2002 Lepper resumed cooperation with the antisemitic
activist and publisher Leszek Bubel (see below).
Extra-Parliamentary Groups
The “conservative-liberal” Unia Polityki Realnej (Real Politics
Union – UPR), supported by university students and small businessmen, has
recently become more nationalistic. UPR founder and leader Janusz Korwin-Mikke
repeatedly mentions his implacable opposition to “Jewish freemasonry” and
“Jewish communism.” For the 2001 election campaign the UPR joined forces with
the mainstream liberal Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform – PO) as a junior partner, but none of their candidates
were elected.
The nationalist Catholic youth movement Mlodziez
Wszechpolska (All-Polish Youth – MW) is based on the tradition of a pre-war
group of the same name. In the 1920s and 1930s the MW was responsible for
numerous acts of violence against Jewish students at Polish universities. Today
the MW consists largely of skinheads and is enthusiastically supported by
Father Tadeusz Rydzyk. For several years the MW has promoted extreme right
music and organized concerts of skinhead bands. Since 2001 the MW has
intensified its activities nationwide. Although a declared Catholic
organization, the MW has collaborated with the neo-pagan Niklot Association on
several occasions, especially during street demonstrations, for example, in Szczecin. Several MW members were elected
as deputies to the Sejm, representing the LPR.
Narodowe Odrodzenie Polski (National Rebirth of Poland – NOP) is possibly the most dynamic extremist
organization at the grass-roots level and among the young. It claims to be an
incarnation of the pre-war Oboz Narodowo-Radykalny (National-Radical
Camp – ONR), which was banned by the Polish government in 1934. It is estimated
that the NOP has some 500 activists
nationally, mostly neo-Nazi-skinheads. The antisemitic culture which dominates
many sports stadiums in Poland,
where rival gangs routinely call each other’s clubs “Jewish” as a term of
abuse, is a fertile recruiting ground for the NOP. Party leader Adam Gmurczyk
is openly antisemitic: “Europe
was great, it was Christian – because it was antisemitic … antisemitism is the
virtue that we must cultivate with great care.” The NOP subscribes to the
Catholic fundamentalist ideology of Marcel Lefebvre (who rejected the 1965
Vatican II Council reforms) and its leaders have attacked Pope John Paul II for
his alleged betrayal of the “true faith.” The NOP denies the Holocaust, and has
distributed several books espousing historical revisionism. Bartlomiej Zborski,
who writes and translates publications promoting Holocaust denial is employed
as a senior editor at Bellona, the state-owned publishing house of the Ministry
of Defense.
The NOP opposes Poland’s membership in the European Union and in NATO. The party
publication Szczerbiec (The Sword), distributed by the state-owned
company Ruch, proposed that guerrilla methods be used against NATO troops in Poland. A recent edition of Szczerbiec
eulogized Usama bin Ladin.
The NOP has
sympathizers in other countries, notably among the US Polish community,
including organizations such as the New York-based Polish Patriots’ Association
and the Chicago-based revisionist Polish Historical Institute. Significantly, the NOP is also the Polish
branch of the International Third Position (ITP), an alliance of European
neo-fascist organizations (see UK). The NOP
organized ideological and paramilitary training for member groups of the ITP,
including the German NPD. The Italian terrorist Roberto Fiore and several other
foreign extremists (including British Holocaust denier David Irving) are listed
as members of the editorial team of Szczerbiec. The NOP also
collaborates with the US-based National Alliance, promoting the Polish
translation of the novels of deceased Alliance leader William Pierce, such as The Turner Diaries and The
Hunter, which contain an apocalyptical blueprint for racial genocide
initiated by a group of neo-fascist terrorists. The Polish translator of the
books is Bartlomiej Zborski (mentioned above). In April 2000 then Prime
Minister Jerzy Buzek publicly promised to consider legal action against the
NOP, but no such action has yet been taken.
The Niklot Association, led by
former leftist Tomasz Szczepanski, is a small but dynamic neo-pagan
organization. Niklot recruits its members from the
skinhead and black metal music subcultures. Its ideology is based on the
pre-war Zadruga group, which sought to purge Poland of Judeo-Christianity. Some
leading Niklot members are active in Front Polski (Polish Front – FP), a
tiny nationalist group led by retired navy admiral Marek Toczek and
science-fiction author and translator Lech Jeczmyk. Niklot leaders cooperate
with the Stowarzyszenie Wspierania Kultur Etnicznych (Association for
the Support of Ethnic Cultures), which publishes the bulletin Zakorzenienie
(Rootedness) and is led by long-time extreme right activist Jaroslaw Tomasiewicz.
This association, which is based on the New Right ideology of French writer
Alain De Benoist, advocates a strict separation of ethnic groups. It operates
on the fringes of the extreme right and extreme left, for example, through
cooperation with the anarchist fanzine Inny Swiat (Another World).
Publication of materials by members of Stowarzyszenie in Obywatel (The
Citizen), the semi-official magazine of the newly formed Polish branch of the
international ATTAC, testifies to it influence over this anti-globalization
movement in Poland. Individual
members of the group have also published their work in a wide range of journals
across the political spectrum.
Several international neo-Nazi-skinhead organizations, including
Blood & Honour and Combat 18, have recently formed branches in Poland. They have organized several rock
concerts, notably in Gdansk.
antisemitic activity
Violent Incidents
The number of antisemitic incidents remained relatively high
in 2001 and 2002. Some incidents may be attributed to the increase in
antisemitic propaganda in the wake of the Jedwabne debate.
A fire, which broke out at the
museum on the site of the former concentration camp Majdanek, on 19 May 2001, was suspected of being an arson attack. Similarly, police suspect that a fire
in the synagogue at Breslau on 10 May 2002 may have been arson. They have reinforced
protection of the synagogue at the community’s request.
On 8 May the Jewish cemetery of Oswiecim
(Auschwitz) was desecrated. Thirty-nine tombstones were overturned and smeared
with antisemitic slogans and swastikas, including the tombstone of the last
Jewish inhabitant, Szymon Kluger, who died in 2000.
Antisemitic Propaganda and Holocaust Denial
The main disseminator of
antisemitic propaganda in Poland is the Catholic-nationalist Radio Maryja),
founded by Father Tadeusz Rydzyk, which frequently features antisemitic broadcasts. About 4 percent of
Polish society are regular listeners. Radio Maryja’s activities are largely
funded by donors from Polish communities abroad, especially the US. Edward Moskal, the notoriously
antisemitic chairman of the Polish American Congress (KPA), is a highly regarded
figure in Polish far-right circles.
During 2001
extreme nationalists and antisemites in Poland continued their campaign against
the commemoration of the 1941 Jedwabne massacre, which they deny having taken
place (see ASW
2000/1 and “The Jedwabne
Affair). A leading activist in this campaign is LPR leader Ryszard Bender, who during the 2001 election campaign
participated in LPR television broadcasts refuting the facts about Jedwabne, and accusing President Aleksander
Kwasniewski, who had taken part in the official ceremony commemorating Jedwabne
(see below), of serving Jewish interest groups. Further, on 28 February 2002,
during a parliamentary debate LPR members accused the chairman of the National
Commemoration Institute (IPN) Professor Leon Kieres of being anti-Polish and
serving Jewish interests, and even questioned his Polish origins. In December
2001 Kieres had published the findings of his investigation into the massacre.
He concluded that there had been no armed German participation and there was no
evidence that the Jews had been murdered by shooting; but had been burnt to
death in a barn. The use of antisemitism in the parliamentary debate led
numerous intellectuals, artists and other public figures to sign several open
letters protesting the LPR’s behavior . The UPR was also active in the campaign against the
president’s participation in commemorating the Jedwabne massacre.
Another well known antisemite involved in the campaign
against the commemoration of Jedwabne
is Leszek Bubel, head of the marginal Polska Partia Narodowa
(Polish National Party), a former 1995
presidential candidate and publisher of several mass-circulation antisemitic
magazines. The weekly Tylko Polska (Only Poland), published by Bubel is sold in state-owned Ruch kiosks throughout the
country. Bubel has been a faithful supporter (and publisher) of Holocaust
denier Dariusz Ratajczak. The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion
was among the pocket books published by Bubel and distributed through Ruch. He
also edited the series Get to Know the Jew, published by Goldpol in Warsaw. Bubel is received as a folk hero by
antisemitic inhabitants today in Jedwabne, which he often visits to further his
political interests.
Holocaust Commemoration and RESPONSES TO
ANTISEMITISM
The participation
of President Aleksander Kwasniewski in the controversial ceremony commemorating
the Jedwabne massacre in July 2001 was an important step in Polish
acknowledgment of responsibility for the event, despite the
Church hierarchy’s refusal to take part and its holding of a separate ceremony
for the victims in a Warsaw church. Kwasniewski’s speech condemning antisemitism made a strong
impression on observers internationally but earned him attacks from the right
wing.
Poland has adequate legal provisions to
combat antisemitism, neo-fascism, and extremism, and has ratified all the major
international conventions pertaining to human rights protection and
anti-discrimination. A law on national and ethnic minorities is awaiting
parliamentary approval. Nevertheless, these laws are weakly enforced due to a
lack of political will on the part of the authorities. The
government-owned Ruch, which distributes hard-line antisemitic propaganda
(including the publications of the NOP and of Bubel) is a case in point.
In
rare cases when legal action is actually taken against racists, it is usually against
rank-and-file members or sympathizers, not leaders, of far right groups. Even
when leaders of such groups have been subject to investigation, the
organization itself has not. Unlike other countries (such as Germany), Poland has no special police
unit or office that deals specifically with racist extremism. Nor has any state
institution ever prepared a report on racism.
The
only organization which has for several years monitored racist and extremist
violence is the network of voluntary correspondents set up by Nigdy Wiecej, the
Never Again Association. In 2001 alone Never Again collected evidence of 228
hate crimes, mostly acts of violence committed by neo-Nazi-skinheads against
those they consider “alien” on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion or
lifestyle. Since 1989 Never Again has documented 31 deaths resulting from
extreme right attacks.
Since football stadiums are a recruiting ground for extremist
organizations and neo-fascist symbols are a common sight there, the role of
sports authorities, and in particular the
football association (Polski Zwiazek Pilki Noznej – PZPN), in addressing this
issue is important. The problem of racism in Polish football was discussed
during the Extraordinary Congress of the
International Football Federation (FIFA), held in Buenos Aires on 6–7
July 2001, which called upon national football associations to join the
struggle against racism and to work with non-governmental organizations
involved in this mission. PZPN chairman Michal Listkiewicz acknowledged the seriousness of the problem in Polish stadiums in
October 2002.
In August 2001 an exhibition
commemorating the murder of Sinti and Roma under Nazi occupation was opened on
the grounds of Auschwitz concentration camp, where more than 20,000 Sinti and
Roma were murdered.
An agreement was reached in Warsaw,
in July 2001, between representatives of the International Auschwitz Council,
UNESCO and the local authorities of Oswiecim and Auschwitz-Birkenau, to
establish a 100-meter protective zone around these memorial sites.
Poland's Institute of National
Remembrance has decided to carry out research on a pogrom against the Jewish
population of Radzilow to determine whether local Poles killed hundreds of
their Jewish neighbors.
A five-volume work entitled Auschwitz
1940–1945 was issued in Poland,
in Polish and English, the product of 22 years of preparation by Auschwitz-Birkenau
State Museum. The book includes names of perpetrators and victims, as well as
construction plans for the gas chamber and crematories.
After protests of Jewish
organizations against the opening of a discotheque near Auschwitz, in a former
tannery which used slave laborers, the local authorities ordered closure of the
disco.