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Globalizing Democracy and Human Rights

Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press (2004)

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  1. Rethinking Representation: the Challenge of Non-humans.Mihnea Tanasescu - 2014 - Australian Journal of Political Science 49 (1).
    This article argues that the standard model of political representation mischaracterises the structure of representation. After surveying the classical types of representation and their application to non-humans, the basic nature of representation is shown to have been unduly centred on interests, responsiveness and unidirectional protocols. It proposes a different structure by drawing inspiration from recent scholarship and developments in political philosophy, as well as the representation of non-human actors. It proposes an ontological grounding of representation in ‘irreducible multiplicity’, and a (...)
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  • Environmental Inequalities and Democratic Citizenship: Linking Normative Theory with Empirical Research.Fabian Schuppert & Ivo Https:https://Orcidorg Wallimann-Helmer - 2014 - Analyse & Kritik 36 (2):345–366.
    The aim of this paper is to link empirical findings concerning environmental inequalities with different normative yard-sticks for assessing whether these inequalities should be deemed unjust, or not. We argue that such an inquiry must necessarily take into account some caveats regarding both empirical research and normative theory. We suggest that empirical results must be contextualised by establishing geographies of risk. As a normative yard-stick we propose a moderately demanding social-egalitarian account of justice and democratic citizenship, which we take to (...)
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  • Cosmopolitanism and Competition: Probing the Limits of Egalitarian Justice.David Wiens - 2017 - Economics and Philosophy 33 (1):91-124.
    This paper develops a novel competition criterion for evaluating institutional schemes. Roughly, this criterion says that one institutional scheme is normatively superior to another to the extent that the former would engender more widespread political competition than the latter. I show that this criterion should be endorsed by both global egalitarians and their statist rivals, as it follows from their common commitment to the moral equality of all persons. I illustrate the normative import of the competition criterion by exploring its (...)
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  • The legitimacy of the demos: Who should be included in the demos and on what grounds?Antoinette Scherz - 2013 - Living Reviews in Democracy 4.
    Despite being fundamental to democracy, the normative concept of the people, i.e. the demos, is highly unclear. This article clarifies the legitimacy of the demos’ boundaries by structuring the debate into three strains of justification: first, normative membership principles; second, its democratic functionality and the necessity of cohesion for this essential function; and third, a procedural understanding of the demos. It will be shown that normative principles can only justify its expansion towards the ideal of an unbounded demos. On the (...)
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  • Human Rights Enjoyment in Theory and Activism.Brooke Ackerly - 2011 - Human Rights Review 12 (2):221-239.
    Despite being a seemingly straightforward moral concept (that all humans have certain rights by virtue of their humanity), human rights is a contested concept in theory and practice. Theorists debate (among other things) the meaning of “rights,” the priority of rights, whether collective rights are universal, the foundations of rights, and whether there are universal human rights at all. These debates are of relatively greater interest to theorists; however, a given meaning of “human rights” implies a corresponding theory of change (...)
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  • Is There a Human Right to Democracy? A Response to Joshua Cohen.Pablo Gilabert - 2012 - Revista Latinoamericana de Filosofía Política 1 (2):1-37.
    Is democracy a human right? There is a growing consensus within international legal and political practice that the answer is “Yes.” However, some philosophers doubt that we should see democracy as a human right. In this paper I respond to the most systematic challenge presented so far, which was recently offered by Joshua Cohen. His challenge is directed to the view that democracy is a human right, not to the view that democracy is part of what justice demands. It is (...)
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  • Feminist political philosophy.Noëlle McAfee - 2010 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  • The place of self-interest and the role of power in deliberative democracy.Jane Mansbridge, James Bohman, Simone Chambers, David Estlund, Andreas Føllesdal, Archon Fung, Cristina Lafont, Bernard Manin & José Luis Martí - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):64-100.
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  • (1 other version)Immigration, nationalism, and human rights.John Exdell - 2009 - Metaphilosophy 40 (1):131-146.
    Abstract: Michael Walzer and David Miller defend the authority of democratic states to determine who will be allowed entry and membership. In support of this view they have claimed that the domestic solidarity necessary for social justice is threatened by the unregulated influx of outsiders. This empirical thesis proves to be false when applied to the United States, where heavy Latino and Latina immigration is more likely to increase civic solidarity than to diminish it. Seen in this light, the positions (...)
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  • On the Relationship between Global Justice and Global Democracy: A Three-Layered View.Erman Eva - 2022 - Ethics and International Affairs 36 (3):321-331.
    How should we understand the relationship between global justice and global democracy? One popular view is captured by the aphorism “No global justice without global democracy.” According to Dryzek and Tanasoca's reading of this aphorism, a particular form of deliberative global democracy is seen as the way to specify and justify what global justice is and requires in various contexts. Taking its point of departure in a criticism of this proposal, this essay analyzes how to best understand the relationship between (...)
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  • Dealing with Legal Conflicts in the Information Society. An Informational Understanding of Balancing Competing Interests.Massimo Durante - 2013 - Philosophy and Technology 26 (4):437-457.
    The present paper aims at addressing a crucial legal conflict in the information society: i.e., the conflict between security and civil rights, which calls for a “fine and ethical balance”. Our purpose is to understand, from the legal theory viewpoint, how a fine ethical balance can be conceived and what the conditions for this balance to be possible are. This requires us to enter in a four-stage examination, by asking: (1) What types of conflict may be dealt with by means (...)
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  • Business Ethics Should Study Illicit Businesses: To Advance Respect for Human Rights.Edmund F. Byrne - 2011 - Journal of Business Ethics 103 (4):497-509.
    Business ethics should include illicit businesses as targets of investigation. For, though such businesses violate human rights they have been largely ignored by business ethicists. It is time to surmount this indifference in view of recent international efforts to define illicit businesses for regulatory purposes. Standing in the way, however, is a meta-ethical question as to whether any business can be declared unqualifiedly immoral. In support of an affirmative answer I address a number of counter-indications by comparing approaches to organized (...)
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  • Can the Ethics of Care Handle Violence?Virginia Held - 2010 - Ethics and Social Welfare 4 (2):115-129.
    It may be thought that the ethics of care has developed important insights into the moral values involved in the caring practices of family, friendship, and personal caregiving, but that the ethics of care has little to offer in dealing with violence. The violence of crime, terrorism, war, and violence against women in any context may seem beyond the ethics of care. Skepticism is certainly in order if it is suggested that we can deal with violence simply by caring. Violence (...)
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  • (1 other version)Structuring global democracy: Political communities, universal human rights, and transnational representation.Carol C. Gould - 2009 - Metaphilosophy 40 (1):24-41.
    Abstract: The emergence of cross-border communities and transnational associations requires new ways of thinking about the norms involved in democracy in a globalized world. Given the significance of human rights fulfillment, including social and economic rights, I argue here for giving weight to the claims of political communities while also recognizing the need for input by distant others into the decisions of global governance institutions that affect them. I develop two criteria for addressing the scope of democratization in transnational contexts— (...)
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  • Cosmopolitan disobedience.Steve Cooke - 2021 - Journal of International Political Theory 17 (3):222-239.
    Increasingly, protests occur across borders and are carried out by non-nationals. Many of these protests include elements that break the laws of their host country and are aimed at issues of global concern. Despite the increasing frequency of transnational protest, little ethical consideration has been given to it. This article provides a cosmopolitan justification for transnational disobedience on behalf of self and others. The article argues that individuals may be justified in illegally protesting in other states, and that in some (...)
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  • The Human Right to Democracy and the Pursuit of Global Justice.Pablo Gilabert - 2020 - In Thom Brooks (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Global Justice. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. pp. 279-301.
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  • The Importance of Care in the Theory and Practice of Human Security.Fiona Robinson - 2008 - Journal of International Political Theory 4 (2):167-188.
    This paper argues that human rights-based approaches to human security overlook the importance of caring values, relations of care, and care work in the achievement and long-term maintenance of human security. It outlines an alternative approach to the ethics of human security which combines a feminist ontological and normative position on the centrality of caring values and practices in sustaining life with a feminist account of the gendered political economy of contemporary globalisation. Moreover, it argues that a critical, feminist ethics (...)
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  • Postcolonialism and global justice.Margaret Kohn - 2013 - Journal of Global Ethics 9 (2):187 - 200.
    This paper examines the rhetorical dimension of arguments about global justice. It draws on postcolonial theory, an approach that has explored the relationship between knowledge and power. The global justice literature has elaborated critiques of global inequality and advanced arguments about how to overcome the legacies of domination. These concerns are also shared by critics of colonialism, yet there are also epistemological differences that separate the two scholarly communities. Despite these differences, I argue that bringing the two literatures into conversation (...)
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  • Global Institutionalism and Justice.Rekha Nath - 2010 - In Stan van Hooft & Wim Vandekerckhove (eds.), Questioning Cosmopolitanism. Springer. pp. 167-182.
    According to ‘global institutionalism,’ individuals who do not share a state have duties of justice to one another, and this is explained, in part, by the institutional connections that obtain between them. In this chapter, I defend this view against two challenges. First, I consider challenges raised by ‘non-institutionalists,’ who deny that facts about global institutional interaction bear on the nature of duties of justice that arise between particular individuals. Second, I address challenges posed by ‘domestic institutionalists,’ who accept the (...)
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  • (3 other versions)Is liberal nationalism incompatible with global democracy?Helder de Schutter & Ronald Tinnevelt - 2009 - Metaphilosophy 40 (1):109-130.
    To respond to globalization‐related challenges, many contemporary political theorists have argued for forms of democracy beyond the level of the nation‐state. Since the early 1990s, however, political theory has also witnessed a renewed normative defense of nationhood. Liberal nationalists have been influential in claiming that the state should protect and promote national identities, and that it is desirable that the boundaries of national and political units coincide. At first glance, both positions—global democracy and nationalism—seem to contradict each other. We do (...)
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  • (1 other version)Federative global democracy.Eric Cavallero - 2009 - Metaphilosophy 40 (1):42-64.
    Abstract: In this essay a set of principles is defended that yields a determinate allocation of sovereign competences across a global system of territorially nested jurisdictions. All local sovereign competences are constrained by a universal, justiciable human rights regime that also incorporates a conception of cross-border distributive justice and regulates the competence to control immigration for a given territory. Subject to human rights constraints, sovereign competences are allocated according to a conception of global democracy. The proposed allocation scheme can accommodate (...)
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  • Reconceptualizing solidarity as power from below.Robin Zheng - 2023 - Philosophical Studies 180 (3):893-917.
    I propose a new concept of solidarity, which I call “solidarity from below,” that highlights an aspect of solidarity widely recognized in popular uses of the term, but which has hitherto been neglected in the philosophical literature. Solidarity from below is the collective ability of otherwise powerless people to organize themselves for transformative social change. I situate this concept with respect to four distinct but intertwined questions that have motivated extant theorizing about solidarity. I explain what it means to conceptualize (...)
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  • Should Corporations Have the Right to Vote? A Paradox in the Theory of Corporate Moral Agency.John Hasnas - 2018 - Journal of Business Ethics 150 (3):657-670.
    In his 2007 Ethics article, “Responsibility Incorporated,” Philip Pettit argued that corporations qualify as morally responsible agents because they possess autonomy, normative judgment, and the capacity for self-control. Although there is ongoing debate over whether corporations have these capacities, both proponents and opponents of corporate moral agency appear to agree that Pettit correctly identified the requirements for moral agency. In this article, I do not take issue with either the claim that autonomy, normative judgment, and self-control are the requirements for (...)
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  • The boundary problem of democracy: A function-sensitive view.Eva Erman - 2022 - Contemporary Political Theory 21 (2):240-261.
    In response to the democratic boundary problem, two principles have been seen as competitors: the all-affected interests principle and the all-subjected principle. This article claims that these principles are in fact compatible, being justified vis-à-vis different functions, accommodating different values and drawing on different sources of normativity. I call this a ‘function-sensitive’ view. More specifically, I argue that the boundary problem draws attention to the decision functions of democracy and that two values are indispensable when theorizing how to regulate these (...)
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  • Towards a principle of most-deeply affected.Afsoun Afsahi - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 48 (1):40-61.
    This article argues that all-affected principle needs to be reconceptualized to account for the differences in the historical and current social position of those who are or who should be making legitimacy claims. Drawing on Butler’s theory of vulnerability, this article advances a new and more robust all-affected principle that affords a stronger claim to legitimacy to those most-deeply affected by both the current decision in question and the historical process and practices shaping the choices available. In particular, this article (...)
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  • (1 other version)The State as Gatekeeper: A Reply.Robyn Eckersley - 2006 - Politics and Ethics Review 2 (2):127-138.
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  • The distributive justice of a global basic structure: A category mistake?Andreas Follesdal - 2011 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (1):46-65.
    The present article explores ‘anti-cosmopolitan’ arguments that shared institutions above the state, such as there are, are not of a kind that support or give rise to distributive claims beyond securing minimum needs. The upshot is to rebut certain of these ‘anti-cosmopolitan’ arguments. Section 1 asks under which conditions institutions are subject to distributive justice norms. That is, which sound reasons support claims to a relative share of the benefits of institutions that exist and apply to individuals? Such norms may (...)
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  • (1 other version)Universal human rights as a shared political identity impossible? Necessary? Sufficient?Andreas Føllesdal - 2009 - Metaphilosophy 40 (1):77-91.
    Abstract: Would a global commitment to international human rights norms provide enough of a sense of community to sustain a legitimate and sufficiently democratic global order? Sceptics worry that human rights cannot help maintain the mutual trust among citizens required for a legitimate political order, since such rights are now too broadly shared. Thus prominent contributors to democratic theory insist that the members of the citizenry must share some features unique to them, to the exclusion of others—be it a European (...)
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  • The Democratic Governance of Information Societies. A Critique to the Theory of Stakeholders.Massimo Durante - 2015 - Philosophy and Technology 28 (1):11-32.
    This paper criticizes the tendency to view the extension of the class of social actors, which stems from the process of democratization of data, as also implying the extension of the class of the political actors involved in the process of governance of the Information Society. The paper argues that social actors can upgrade to political actors once they become real interlocutors, namely political actors that can participate in the formation of the political discourse and that this can happen only (...)
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  • Truly humanitarian intervention: considering just causes and methods in a feminist cosmopolitan frame.Ann E. Cudd - 2013 - Journal of Global Ethics 9 (3):359-375.
    In international law, ‘humanitarian intervention’ refers to the use of military force by one nation or group of nations to stop genocide or other gross human rights violations in another sovereign nation. If humanitarian intervention is conceived as military in nature, it makes sense that only the most horrible, massive, and violent violations of human rights can justify intervention. Yet, that leaves many serious evils beyond the scope of legal intervention. In particular, violations of women's rights and freedoms often go (...)
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  • Protecting Democracy by Extending It: Democratic Management Reconsidered.Carol C. Gould - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (4):513-535.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • Understanding Peace within Contemporary Moral Theory.Court Lewis - 2013 - Philosophia 41 (4):1049-1068.
    In this essay, I continue Nicholas Wolterstorff’s work of developing a rights-based theory of ethics called eirenéism, which maintains the good life only occurs when justice—as a moral state of affairs where agents enjoy the goods to which they have a right—is achieved. As a result, justice is eirenē (the Greek word for peace). In the process of developing eirenéism I explain how eirenē differs from other conceptions of peace, and I offer several interpretive arguments for how best to understand (...)
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  • Democratic inclusion, law, and causes.Ludvig Beckman - 2008 - Ratio Juris 21 (3):348-364.
    Abstract. In this article two conceptions of what it means to say that all affected persons should be granted the right to vote in democratic elections are distinguished and evaluated. It is argued that understanding "affected" in legal terms, as referring to the circle of people bound by political decisions, has many advantages compared to the view referring to everyone affected in mere causal terms. The importance of jurisdictions in deciding rights to democratic influence should hence be recognized more clearly (...)
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  • Justification and legitimacy in global civil society.Graham Long - 2008 - Journal of Global Ethics 4 (1):51 – 66.
    As some thinkers have sought in the concept of global civil society an ethically driven site of deliberation and even resistance, so others have criticized global civil society for its lack of legitimacy and representativeness. This article attempts to answer these criticisms ? at least in part ? by invoking a moral commitment to the value of justification. I argue that the idea of justification, when examined, offers us a particular understanding of legitimacy which would be attainable for global civil (...)
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  • (1 other version)Ecological Democracy: Statist or Transnational?Carol C. Gould - 2006 - Politics and Ethics Review 2 (2):119-126.
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  • (1 other version)Democracy for the Future: A Conceptual Framework to Assess Institutional Reform.Wallimann-Helmer Ivo, Meyer Lukas & Burger Paul - 2016 - In Wallimann-Helmer Ivo, Meyer Lukas & Burger Paul (eds.).
    There seem to be good reasons that democratic institutions must be reformed in order to minimize the danger of unsustainable policy decisions infringing upon duties of intergenerational justice. This is why there exist a number of different proposals of how to reform democratic states in order to foster their duties towards the future. However, the debate lacks a systematic assessment of these suggested reforms within a coherent theoretical and norma-tive framework. This paper aims at developing such a framework. We suggest (...)
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  • Cosmopolitan Feminism and Human Rights.Niamh Reilly - 2007 - Hypatia 22 (4):180-198.
    Reilly offers an account of cosmopolitan feminism as emancipatory political practice in an age of globalization. This entails a critical engagement with international human rights law; a global feminist consciousness that contests patriarchal, capitalist, and racist power dynamics in a context of neoliberal globalization; cross-boundaries dialogue that recognizes the intersectionality of forms of oppression; collaborative transnational strategizing on concrete issues; and the utilization of global forums as sites of cosmopolitan solidarity and citizen action.
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  • The strategic use of the politics of care: The Israeli Checkpoint Watch movement.Daniela Mansbach - 2012 - Feminist Theory 13 (1):43-58.
    This article examines the Israeli women’s movement, Checkpoint Watch, as a case from which to argue that the strategic use of the politics of care can challenge existing social and political orders. The conscious decision of activists to direct the practice of care toward the ‘wrong’ subject – toward Palestinians rather than Israeli soldiers – challenges the dehumanisation of Palestinians in Israeli society. While the politics of care may call the political order into question, the service of a behaviour that (...)
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  • Exceptional Justice? A Discourse Ethical Contribution to the Immigrant Question.David Ingram - 2009 - Critical Horizons 10 (1):1-30.
    I argue that the exception must be a legitimate possibility within law as a revolutionary project, in much the same way that civil disobedience is. In this sense, the exception is not outside law if by "law" we mean not positive law as defined by extant legal documents (statutes, legislative committee reports, written judgments, etc.) but law as a living tradition consisting of both abstract norms and a concrete historical understanding of them. So construed, the exception is what can be (...)
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  • The Capability Approach and the Debate between Humanist and Political Perspectives on Human Rights. A Critical Survey.Pablo Gilabert - 2013 - Human Rights Review 14 (4):299-325.
    This paper provides a critical exploration of the capability approach to human rights (CAHR) with the specific aim of developing its potential for achieving a synthesis between “humanist” or “naturalistic” and “political” or “practical” perspectives in the philosophy of human rights. Section II presents a general strategy for achieving such a synthesis. Section III provides an articulation of the key insights of CAHR (its focus on actual realizations given diverse circumstances, its pluralism of grounds, its emphasis on freedom of choice, (...)
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  • Redeeming Freedom.Jiwei Ci - 2010 - In Stan van Hooft & Wim Vandekerckhove (eds.), Questioning Cosmopolitanism. Springer. pp. 49--61.
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  • Cosmopolitan corporate responsibilities.Wim Vandekerckhove - 2010 - In Stan van Hooft & Wim Vandekerckhove (eds.), Questioning Cosmopolitanism. Springer. pp. 199--209.
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