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Gerőcs Tamás

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I am a political economist and world-systems' scholar in the field of historical sociology. Currently, I am stationed in Binghamton, New York. Previously, I was employed as a research fellow by the Institute of World Economics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences (MTA KRTK VGI). I finished my PhD in the Doctoral School of International Relations and Political Science at the Corvinus University of Budapest in 2021. My field of research is Eastern European semi-peripheral dependent development, with a special focus on capitalist class relations, industrialization and external trade and technological dependencies. In addition, I am also studying industrial development in Nigeria in the context of Chinese investments in infrastructure and manufacturing on the Continent.

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Papers by Gerőcs Tamás

A kínai renminbi (jüan) nemzetközivé válásának útjai

A rendszerváltozás utáni magyar feminista mozgalom globális, történeti perspektívából

Replika, 2018

Relocation, standardization and vertical specialization: Core–periphery relations in the European automotive value chain

Society and Economy, 2019

The paper provides a brief description of the Active Ageing Index (AAI). This indicator, introduc... more The paper provides a brief description of the Active Ageing Index (AAI). This indicator, introduced in 2012, aims to measure the potential of older people for active and healthy ageing. The indicator is constructed from European Union survey data, and these results are weighted with coeffi cients determined by experts. One of the variables from the surveys measures the proportion of older people using the internet at least once a week. We argue that such regular internet usage does not show too much variation in this era of the ubiquitous internet, so a more sophisticated defi nition of internet usage must be taken into consideration. Our discussion contains three different AAI variants: the original expert-based, the Djurovic et al. (2017) I-distance indicator, and our factor-based index.

Conflicting Interests in the Comecon Integration

East Central Europe, 2018

In our analysis of Comecon’s role in the capitalist world system, we gauge its member nations’ jo... more In our analysis of Comecon’s role in the capitalist world system, we gauge its member nations’ joint and individual opportunities to take advantage of global processes of modernization and describe the systemic contradictions that hampered their efforts to integrate themselves into a common market. We examine the developmental history of the Comecon countries through the lens of semiperipheral dependent development, that is, from the perspective that these countries’ relative positions in the international division of labor limited their access to advanced technology and external financing. In the course of the economic reforms of the 1960s, authorities in the Comecon countries attempted to reduce their dependence on the world system by means of complementary specialization. Regionally dominant world economic forces, however, both obstructed the evolution of this cooperative system and intensified the economic competition among Comecon’s member states.

The structural dilemma of value-chain upgrading: Hungarian suppliers' integration into the world economy

Society and Economy, 2022

In the following paper, I examine the considerable impact of the recent world-economic shift that... more In the following paper, I examine the considerable impact of the recent world-economic shift that has determined the circumstances of Hungarian suppliers' value-chain integration. I argue that as a result of the specialized positions they occupied in the value-chain after the collapse of the Comecon market, Hungarian enterprises in export-oriented industries faced a dilemma—a trade-off between obtaining the most advanced technologies (and thus access to world-market niches) and retaining ownership in the hands of domestic capital. When company managers opted to protect ownership with the help of the state, they exposed themselves to greater risk of downgrading their position in the value chain. If they managed to get access to advanced technologies (and the requisite funding), they were more likely to lose control over their company's assets, either as a result of a hostile takeover or becoming part of the larger partner's merger-and-acquisition plans. This paper is a di...

Indian companies’ technological investments in the EU with a special focus on Central and Eastern Europe

India is one of the fastest growing economies in the world whose global share in “outward foreign... more India is one of the fastest growing economies in the world whose global share in “outward foreign direct investment” (OFDI) among the developing countries increased from a low level to second only to China. It has not only been a spectacular rise in Indian overseas investment activity, but the nature and the structure of Indian OFDI have also changed in the last decades. In the following paper we will examine the reasons and driving forces behind this spectacular rise, concentrating mostly on those host country characteristics that are the pull factors in attracting Indian investments. We follow the most recent literature on global value-chain specialization as much of Indian outward foreign investment is following a technology-seeking strategy currently. We choose Central and Eastern Europe as our case study because the region combines attributions of both advanced and developing countries in attracting Indian investment.

The Political Economy of Hungary’s New “Slave Law”

Demonstrations erupted on the streets of Budapest after the Hungarian parliament—controlled by th... more Demonstrations erupted on the streets of Budapest after the Hungarian parliament—controlled by the fourth consecutive super majority of Fidesz government—had just passed three crucial laws in a rapid parliamentary voting on 12 December, which oppositional parties claimed unlawful. The three major elements in the government’s package were the Overtime Act, which quickly became better known as the “Slave law”, the centralization of the courts nomination procedure, and educational amendments, which permit the privatization of public universities. Parliamentary opposition burst out in a loud protest in the house and made video recording on the voting process, which later went viral. After the call of one of their MPs for a peaceful public walk on Budapest streets to protest against the unlawful legislative proceeding, crowds gathered and sparked a mass demonstration. Demonstrators were mostly students, member of several trade unions and various activist groups.

Final Reflections: Emerging Market Multinational Enterprises in East Central Europe

Although the current status of East Central European (ECE) countries in the process and level of ... more Although the current status of East Central European (ECE) countries in the process and level of their integration into global business varies, a rather general phenomenon is the exhaustion of the foreign direct investment (FDI)-led development model, at least its dominant version of the 1990s and early 2000s. On the one hand, this is a result of multinational affiliates’ isolated and strongly integrated presence in a strictly designed international cooperation system with no physical contact with local firms to deliver spillovers. On the other hand, even those affiliates that are entangled in the development of local supplier networks deliver spillovers only to a limited level. As a consequence, they are not becoming primary players of innovative local business clusters, while the design of affiliates’ activity range is usually specialized on low value-added segments of global value chains (GVC).

Debt-Ridden Development on Europe’s Eastern Periphery 1

Global Inequalities in World-Systems Perspective, 2017

Conclusion: The Formation of a New Patrie in the Multipolar World-System

Market Liberalism and Economic Patriotism in the Capitalist World-System, 2019

This volume intends to broaden the scope of ‘comparative capitalism’ within the varieties of capi... more This volume intends to broaden the scope of ‘comparative capitalism’ within the varieties of capitalism (VoC) tradition and to serve as a forum for exploring the idea of ‘economic patriotism’ in the present-day capitalist world-system. Posing critical questions about the tensions between liberal and authoritarian forms of interventionism, as well as potentially new hybrid forms of ‘state-permeated’ development, the volume seeks to advance research into economic nationalism, authoritarian neoliberalism, and various rent-seeking behaviours that come to define not only national policies but also global economic governance. The virtue of this volume is that it provides a thorough structural analysis of recent shifts in the global economy and their uneven effects on economic policy-making in both developing peripheral and advanced core countries.

The transformation of African–Russian economic relations in the multipolar world-system

Review of African Political Economy, 2019

Despite the historical legacy of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation's economic presence in ... more Despite the historical legacy of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation's economic presence in Africa today is minuscule in comparison to that of the West or China. The aim of this Briefing is to provide a framework for the trajectory of African-Russian economic ties in the changing international environment. Although the economic, trade and investment affairs could develop more complementarity, it is still an open question whether African countries benefit from the deepening economic ties or whether these inhibit local socioeconomic development. Russia's presence in African economic life has been essentially negligible since the political transition of 1991, especially in comparison with China's growing involvement and the traditionally strong positions of US and other Western capital. Here, I will examine the areas in which Russian capital has been able to expand its presence in Africa. This subject has become increasingly relevant since 2014, when sanctions imposed by Western states began to make it harder for Russia to acquire certain import goods, such as agrarian products (e.g. fruit, vegetables and meat). If these sanctions continue to be enforced over the long term, which seems to be the case at present as the European Union (EU) extended their duration beyond 2019, Russia might be compelled to seek new distribution channels. Moreover, the diversification of its export markets has become an increasingly important economic goal for Russian capital. Furthermore, in addition to Western sanctions, oil priceswhich collapsed in 2014 and have continued to be volatile, leading to a financial and economic crisis in Russia, including a nose-dive in the value of the roublehave put Russian policy-makers in an extraordinarily difficult position (Havlik 2018). Under these unpredictable global circumstances, Russian capital will be compelled to find new partners and outlets for its products in Africa, given that the demand for capital and technology from sources other than China and the West is likely to grow in many of the countries of that continent. It is thus in Russian capitalists' interest to expand their market outlets in order to compensate for the oil price swings and the resulting erosion of foreign exchange funds, while some of the burgeoning African ruling classes stand to benefit from an amelioration of their technological and capital dependency and a diversification of their suppliers. But Russia is returning to Africa not out of necessity, because sources of minerals in Russia are still plentiful, but

The Concept of ‘Peasant Embourgeoisement’ in the Perspective of Different Historical Conjunctures

Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia, 2017

The paper combines the historical analysis of the social transformation of rural Hungary with the... more The paper combines the historical analysis of the social transformation of rural Hungary with the evolution of the sociological concept of ‘peasant embourgeoisment’. The authors highlight the long lasting impact of the concept in the understanding of academic knowledge production. The concept was the product of thorough ethnographic studies in the inter- and postwar periods by scholarly intellectuals, whose aim went beyond academic purposes and translated into a political agenda of rural modernization. To make such a methodological combination the authors demonstrate that the global historical context is necessary in the understanding of how knowledge production occurs and interacts at various historical conjunctures, especially during periods of crises.

Central and Eastern Europe’s dependent development in German automotive value chains

For several decades, the German automotive industry has been under mounting pressure to reorganiz... more For several decades, the German automotive industry has been under mounting pressure to reorganize its production processes and its modes of value-chain governance. In this paper, we analyze the effects this restructuring has had on the economic development of the Central and Eastern European countries that have specialized in automotive production during the capitalist transition. We focus on two global market forces: the standardization of the production of electric engines and the changing patterns of international trade regulation, mostly under the German neo-mercantilist trade regime. Our hypothesis is that structures of dependent development are reproduced by the forms of vertical specialization that have emerged in the automotive industry in these countries. To prove this, we combine the theory of global value chains with Vernon’s product life-cycle theory.

Final Reflections: Emerging Market Multinational Enterprises in East Central Europe

Although the current status of East Central European (ECE) countries in the process and level of ... more Although the current status of East Central European (ECE) countries in the process and level of their integration into global business varies, a rather general phenomenon is the exhaustion of the foreign direct investment (FDI)-led development model, at least its dominant version of the 1990s and early 2000s. On the one hand, this is a result of multinational affiliates’ isolated and strongly integrated presence in a strictly designed international cooperation system with no physical contact with local firms to deliver spillovers. On the other hand, even those affiliates that are entangled in the development of local supplier networks deliver spillovers only to a limited level. As a consequence, they are not becoming primary players of innovative local business clusters, while the design of affiliates’ activity range is usually specialized on low value-added segments of global value chains (GVC).

The structural dilemma of value-chain upgrading: Hungarian suppliers' integration into the world economy

Society and Economy, 2022

In the following paper, I examine the considerable impact of the recent world-economic shift that... more In the following paper, I examine the considerable impact of the recent world-economic shift that has determined the circumstances of Hungarian suppliers' value-chain integration. I argue that as a result of the specialized positions they occupied in the value-chain after the collapse of the Comecon market, Hungarian enterprises in export-oriented industries faced a dilemma-a trade-off between obtaining the most advanced technologies (and thus access to world-market niches) and retaining ownership in the hands of domestic capital. When company managers opted to protect ownership with the help of the state, they exposed themselves to greater risk of downgrading their position in the value chain. If they managed to get access to advanced technologies (and the requisite funding), they were more likely to lose control over their company's assets, either as a result of a hostile takeover or becoming part of the larger partner's mergerand-acquisition plans. This paper is a discussion of some of the particular characteristics of this dilemma, as well as a comparison with the experience of Hungarian service providers who implemented a different strategy. This paper is also a critical assessment of some of the chief characteristics of the world-economic evolution that has been underway since 2009, such as German automotive value chains' expansion in the CEE region and the growing role of Chinese capital in regional infrastructural projects.

1989: Szempontok a rendszerváltás globális politikai gazdaságtanához. Fordulat folyóirat, 2014. 21. lapszám, 10–63. oldal. (Gagyi Ágnessel, Gerőcs Tamással, Jelinek Csabával és Pinkasz Andrással írt bevezetőtanulmány az 1989 témájú lapszámhoz.)

by Márk Áron Éber, Fordulat társadalomelméleti folyóirat, and Gerőcs Tamás

Fordulat, 2014

Az alábbiakban a magyar rendszerváltás általában 1989-cel megjelölt fordulatának az újragondolásá... more Az alábbiakban a magyar rendszerváltás általában 1989-cel megjelölt fordulatának az újragondolására teszünk kísérletet, egy globális folyamatokra érzékeny, történeti, politikai gazdaságtani szemlélet alapján. Rögzítve egy hosszabb távú közös kutatás szempontjait, áttekintjük Magyarország betagozódását a kapitalista világrendszerbe, valamint megmutatjuk, hogy milyen világgazdasági és geopolitikai folyamatok határozták meg az ország függő fejlődését.

Magyarország kapitalista világrendszeren belüli helyzetének és lehetőségeinek bemutatásakor különös figyelmet fordítunk az eladósodás folyamatára, melyet nem tipikus magyar sajátosságként, hanem a globális strukturális mozgások által beszűkülő nemzetállami mozgástér következményeként mutatunk be. Perspektívánkat röviden kiterjesztjük a rendszerváltást követő két évtizedre, valamint a 2008 utáni fordulatra.

Végül két esettanulmányon keresztül megmutatjuk, hogy milyen következtetésekre juthatunk az általunk vázolt elméleti stratégia alkalmazásával a szocializmushoz és rendszerváltáshoz kapcsolódó ideológiák és gazdaságpolitikák értelmezésében. Meglátásunk szerint mind a „demokrácia” vagy „diktatúra”, mind a „terv” vagy „piac” vitái, melyek meghatározták a rendszerváltás értékeléseit, egészen más megvilágításba kerülnek, ha a globális folyamatok részeként, hosszú távú történeti perspektívában vizsgáljuk őket. Hosszú távon Magyarország félperifériás pozíciójában két – a „felzárkózásnak” csak a reményét, de nem a sikerét biztosító – gazdaságfejlesztő stratégiát azonosítunk: a liberalizálást és a protekcionizmust. A két
stratégia, melyek közötti váltások a globális felhalmozási ciklusokhoz kötődnek, meghatározták az elitek helyi felhalmozási ciklusokon belül megszülető projektjeit és a történetileg kialakult függő helyzetünk ezekhez kötődő értelmezéseit.

The role of Chinese capital in the present Hungarian regime of accumulation: A context to the present political controversy over the Fudan University

LeftEast, 2021

Recent Chinese investments in Hungary have made waves in the international liberal press as part ... more Recent Chinese investments in Hungary have made waves in the international liberal press as part of Transatlantic narratives of hegemonic anxiety. These see Hungary’s “democratic backslide” and “flirtation” with Russia and China in the context of a new Cold War imaginary, defined through Huntingtonian characteristics of politico-cultural belonging. These interpretations have recently found their perfect example in the political controversy over the planned Budapest campus of Fudan University, which included an oppositional demonstration on June 6, 2021, in Budapest, also serving as an early campaign event for the 2022 national elections. If we look at structures of external integration beyond political slogans, instead of some essential cultural turnabout from the “liberal West” to the “illiberal East,” Hungary’s recent Russian and Chinese deals are part of a new geopolitical conjuncture of a long history of world economic integration in an East-West capitalist relation. In the following article we will show how this long history of world-economic integration is defined – and still marked – by issues of dependence and cyclical reconfiguration of capitalist class alliances in the buildup of successive regimes, the latest of which is Orbán’s illiberal hegemony.

Bifurcation in medieval agrarian development in an East-West perspective

In the following paper I will discuss the question of serfdom in relation to capitalist developme... more In the following paper I will discuss the question of serfdom in relation to capitalist development in a comparison between Eastern and Western Europe. This question has been widely discussed by historians, sociologists, political scientists and economists alike. One of the debates about the role of the dissolution and re-introduction of serfdom in early capitalist development in Europe was initiated by economic historian Robert Brenner, after whom the debate has been referred to as the “Brenner debate”.

Die politische Ökonomie des neuen ungarischen "Sklavengesetzes"

by Gerőcs Tamás and Agnes Gagyi

Transnationale Partnerschafts Initiative, 2018

Als das Parlament-kontrolliert von der vierten auf-einanderfolgenden absoluten Fidesz-Mehrheit-in... more Als das Parlament-kontrolliert von der vierten auf-einanderfolgenden absoluten Fidesz-Mehrheit-in einem schnellen Abstimmungsprozess drei wichtige Gesetze verabschiedet hatte, die von Oppositionspar-teien als rechtswidrig bezeichnet wurden, kam es auf Ungarns Straßen zu spontanen Demonstrationen. Die drei wichtigsten Elemente des Gesetzespakets waren das Überstundengesetz, das schon bald als »Sklaven-gesetz« bezeichnet wurde, die Zentralisierung des No-minierungsverfahrens für Richter und die Änderung im Bildungswesen, die die Privatisierung öffentlicher Universitäten erlaubte. Die parlamentarische Opposition protestierte lautstark; das von ihr aufgenommene Video der Abstimmung verbreitete sich schnell. Nach dem Aufruf eines Abgeordneten, mit einer friedlichen Demonstration auf den Straßen Budapests gegen das rechtswidrige Gesetzgebungsverfahren zu protestie-ren, kam es zu einer Massendemonstration, überwie-gend von Studenten, den Vertretern mehrerer Gewerk-schaften und unterschiedlichen Aktivistengruppen. Schon früher hatte es nach der Verabschiedung wichti-ger Gesetze, die ebenfalls ohne gesellschaftlichen Dialog oder Beratung mit repräsentativen Gruppen vorbe-reitet worden waren, Demonstrationswellen gegeben. Kürzlich richteten sie sich gegen das »Lex CEU«, das Gesetz, mit dem die Central European University aus dem Land vertrieben wird. Ende 2018 wurde das Gesetz durch die Kürzung der Mittel für die Ungarische Aka-demie der Wissenschaften und verschiedene staatliche Universitäten ergänzt. Schon vor dem 12. Dezember und lange vor der Abstimmung hatten Studenten vor dem Parlament für die CEU und die Freiheit der Wissen-schaft demonstriert. Sie bauten auf dem Platz Zelte für eine »freie Universität« auf: einen öffentlichen Raum für selbstorganisierte Vorlesungen und Seminare. Die Tradition der »Freien Universität« geht auf frühere Stu-dentendemonstrationen und Universitätsbesetzungen in den letzten Jahren zurück. Nach der jüngsten Geset-zesänderung solidarisierten sich die Studenten mit den Beschäftigten und organisierten gemeinsam mit den Gewerkschaften die Demonstration. Im Dezember richtete sich die Demonstrationswelle vorwiegend gegen das »Sklavengesetz«, das es Unter-nehmen ermöglicht, von den Arbeitern bis zu 400 Überstunden pro Jahr (früher auf 250 Stunden pro Jahr begrenzt) zu verlangen und die Bezahlung bis zu drei Jahre aufzuschieben. Die Gewerkschaften protestier-ten gegen die neue rechtliche Möglichkeit der Unter-nehmen, die Zahl der Überstunden individuell mit den Beschäftigten ohne gewerkschaftliche Beteiligung aus-zuhandeln. Der Ministerpräsident hat die Reformen öffentlich da-mit verteidigt, sie seien ein Gewinn für die Beschäftig-ten, die bislang wegen der Möglichkeit, Überstunden leisten zu können, im Ausland gearbeitet hätten, denn jetzt könnten sie in Ungarn arbeiten. Staatliche Medien und hochrangige Beamte behaupteten, die Demonst-rationen störten den Frieden der Weihnachtszeit, und verurteilten sie als »unchristlich« oder christenfeind-lich. Eine neue Umfrage von Policy Agenda ergab, dass 85 Prozent der Bevölkerung im arbeitsfähigen Alter das Überstundengesetz ablehnen. Die neue Änderung des Arbeitsrechts ist nur eine in einer ganzen Reihe von Reformen seit dem Amtsantritt der Regierung 2010. Den Trend zur Flexibilisierung des ungarischen Arbeitsmarkts gab es praktisch unabhän-gig von der jeweiligen Regierung seit 1990. Den libera-len, sozialistischen und ultrakonservativen Regierungen war die Bereitschaft gemeinsam, multinationale Unter-nehmen dazu zu bewegen, im Land zu investieren. An-gesichts einer sehr hohen Arbeitslosigkeit und der ent-sprechend großen Zahl an verfügbaren Arbeitskräften-historische Altlasten aus der ökonomischen Schock-therapie in den 1990er Jahren-war die Einführung verschiedener neoliberaler Arbeitsrechtsreformen seit 1990 relativ unumstritten.

The transformation of African-Russian economic relations in the multipolar world-system

Despite the historical legacy of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation’s economic presence in ... more Despite the historical legacy of the Soviet Union, the Russian
Federation’s economic presence in Africa today is minuscule in
comparison to that of the West or China. The aim of this Briefing
is to provide a framework for the trajectory of African–Russian
economic ties in the changing international environment.
Although the economic, trade and investment affairs could
develop more complementarity, it is still an open question
whether African countries benefit from the deepening economic
ties or whether these inhibit local socio-economic development.

A kínai renminbi (jüan) nemzetközivé válásának útjai

A rendszerváltozás utáni magyar feminista mozgalom globális, történeti perspektívából

Replika, 2018

Relocation, standardization and vertical specialization: Core–periphery relations in the European automotive value chain

Society and Economy, 2019

The paper provides a brief description of the Active Ageing Index (AAI). This indicator, introduc... more The paper provides a brief description of the Active Ageing Index (AAI). This indicator, introduced in 2012, aims to measure the potential of older people for active and healthy ageing. The indicator is constructed from European Union survey data, and these results are weighted with coeffi cients determined by experts. One of the variables from the surveys measures the proportion of older people using the internet at least once a week. We argue that such regular internet usage does not show too much variation in this era of the ubiquitous internet, so a more sophisticated defi nition of internet usage must be taken into consideration. Our discussion contains three different AAI variants: the original expert-based, the Djurovic et al. (2017) I-distance indicator, and our factor-based index.

Conflicting Interests in the Comecon Integration

East Central Europe, 2018

In our analysis of Comecon’s role in the capitalist world system, we gauge its member nations’ jo... more In our analysis of Comecon’s role in the capitalist world system, we gauge its member nations’ joint and individual opportunities to take advantage of global processes of modernization and describe the systemic contradictions that hampered their efforts to integrate themselves into a common market. We examine the developmental history of the Comecon countries through the lens of semiperipheral dependent development, that is, from the perspective that these countries’ relative positions in the international division of labor limited their access to advanced technology and external financing. In the course of the economic reforms of the 1960s, authorities in the Comecon countries attempted to reduce their dependence on the world system by means of complementary specialization. Regionally dominant world economic forces, however, both obstructed the evolution of this cooperative system and intensified the economic competition among Comecon’s member states.

The structural dilemma of value-chain upgrading: Hungarian suppliers' integration into the world economy

Society and Economy, 2022

In the following paper, I examine the considerable impact of the recent world-economic shift that... more In the following paper, I examine the considerable impact of the recent world-economic shift that has determined the circumstances of Hungarian suppliers' value-chain integration. I argue that as a result of the specialized positions they occupied in the value-chain after the collapse of the Comecon market, Hungarian enterprises in export-oriented industries faced a dilemma—a trade-off between obtaining the most advanced technologies (and thus access to world-market niches) and retaining ownership in the hands of domestic capital. When company managers opted to protect ownership with the help of the state, they exposed themselves to greater risk of downgrading their position in the value chain. If they managed to get access to advanced technologies (and the requisite funding), they were more likely to lose control over their company's assets, either as a result of a hostile takeover or becoming part of the larger partner's merger-and-acquisition plans. This paper is a di...

Indian companies’ technological investments in the EU with a special focus on Central and Eastern Europe

India is one of the fastest growing economies in the world whose global share in “outward foreign... more India is one of the fastest growing economies in the world whose global share in “outward foreign direct investment” (OFDI) among the developing countries increased from a low level to second only to China. It has not only been a spectacular rise in Indian overseas investment activity, but the nature and the structure of Indian OFDI have also changed in the last decades. In the following paper we will examine the reasons and driving forces behind this spectacular rise, concentrating mostly on those host country characteristics that are the pull factors in attracting Indian investments. We follow the most recent literature on global value-chain specialization as much of Indian outward foreign investment is following a technology-seeking strategy currently. We choose Central and Eastern Europe as our case study because the region combines attributions of both advanced and developing countries in attracting Indian investment.

The Political Economy of Hungary’s New “Slave Law”

Demonstrations erupted on the streets of Budapest after the Hungarian parliament—controlled by th... more Demonstrations erupted on the streets of Budapest after the Hungarian parliament—controlled by the fourth consecutive super majority of Fidesz government—had just passed three crucial laws in a rapid parliamentary voting on 12 December, which oppositional parties claimed unlawful. The three major elements in the government’s package were the Overtime Act, which quickly became better known as the “Slave law”, the centralization of the courts nomination procedure, and educational amendments, which permit the privatization of public universities. Parliamentary opposition burst out in a loud protest in the house and made video recording on the voting process, which later went viral. After the call of one of their MPs for a peaceful public walk on Budapest streets to protest against the unlawful legislative proceeding, crowds gathered and sparked a mass demonstration. Demonstrators were mostly students, member of several trade unions and various activist groups.

Final Reflections: Emerging Market Multinational Enterprises in East Central Europe

Although the current status of East Central European (ECE) countries in the process and level of ... more Although the current status of East Central European (ECE) countries in the process and level of their integration into global business varies, a rather general phenomenon is the exhaustion of the foreign direct investment (FDI)-led development model, at least its dominant version of the 1990s and early 2000s. On the one hand, this is a result of multinational affiliates’ isolated and strongly integrated presence in a strictly designed international cooperation system with no physical contact with local firms to deliver spillovers. On the other hand, even those affiliates that are entangled in the development of local supplier networks deliver spillovers only to a limited level. As a consequence, they are not becoming primary players of innovative local business clusters, while the design of affiliates’ activity range is usually specialized on low value-added segments of global value chains (GVC).

Debt-Ridden Development on Europe’s Eastern Periphery 1

Global Inequalities in World-Systems Perspective, 2017

Conclusion: The Formation of a New Patrie in the Multipolar World-System

Market Liberalism and Economic Patriotism in the Capitalist World-System, 2019

This volume intends to broaden the scope of ‘comparative capitalism’ within the varieties of capi... more This volume intends to broaden the scope of ‘comparative capitalism’ within the varieties of capitalism (VoC) tradition and to serve as a forum for exploring the idea of ‘economic patriotism’ in the present-day capitalist world-system. Posing critical questions about the tensions between liberal and authoritarian forms of interventionism, as well as potentially new hybrid forms of ‘state-permeated’ development, the volume seeks to advance research into economic nationalism, authoritarian neoliberalism, and various rent-seeking behaviours that come to define not only national policies but also global economic governance. The virtue of this volume is that it provides a thorough structural analysis of recent shifts in the global economy and their uneven effects on economic policy-making in both developing peripheral and advanced core countries.

The transformation of African–Russian economic relations in the multipolar world-system

Review of African Political Economy, 2019

Despite the historical legacy of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation's economic presence in ... more Despite the historical legacy of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation's economic presence in Africa today is minuscule in comparison to that of the West or China. The aim of this Briefing is to provide a framework for the trajectory of African-Russian economic ties in the changing international environment. Although the economic, trade and investment affairs could develop more complementarity, it is still an open question whether African countries benefit from the deepening economic ties or whether these inhibit local socioeconomic development. Russia's presence in African economic life has been essentially negligible since the political transition of 1991, especially in comparison with China's growing involvement and the traditionally strong positions of US and other Western capital. Here, I will examine the areas in which Russian capital has been able to expand its presence in Africa. This subject has become increasingly relevant since 2014, when sanctions imposed by Western states began to make it harder for Russia to acquire certain import goods, such as agrarian products (e.g. fruit, vegetables and meat). If these sanctions continue to be enforced over the long term, which seems to be the case at present as the European Union (EU) extended their duration beyond 2019, Russia might be compelled to seek new distribution channels. Moreover, the diversification of its export markets has become an increasingly important economic goal for Russian capital. Furthermore, in addition to Western sanctions, oil priceswhich collapsed in 2014 and have continued to be volatile, leading to a financial and economic crisis in Russia, including a nose-dive in the value of the roublehave put Russian policy-makers in an extraordinarily difficult position (Havlik 2018). Under these unpredictable global circumstances, Russian capital will be compelled to find new partners and outlets for its products in Africa, given that the demand for capital and technology from sources other than China and the West is likely to grow in many of the countries of that continent. It is thus in Russian capitalists' interest to expand their market outlets in order to compensate for the oil price swings and the resulting erosion of foreign exchange funds, while some of the burgeoning African ruling classes stand to benefit from an amelioration of their technological and capital dependency and a diversification of their suppliers. But Russia is returning to Africa not out of necessity, because sources of minerals in Russia are still plentiful, but

The Concept of ‘Peasant Embourgeoisement’ in the Perspective of Different Historical Conjunctures

Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia, 2017

The paper combines the historical analysis of the social transformation of rural Hungary with the... more The paper combines the historical analysis of the social transformation of rural Hungary with the evolution of the sociological concept of ‘peasant embourgeoisment’. The authors highlight the long lasting impact of the concept in the understanding of academic knowledge production. The concept was the product of thorough ethnographic studies in the inter- and postwar periods by scholarly intellectuals, whose aim went beyond academic purposes and translated into a political agenda of rural modernization. To make such a methodological combination the authors demonstrate that the global historical context is necessary in the understanding of how knowledge production occurs and interacts at various historical conjunctures, especially during periods of crises.

Central and Eastern Europe’s dependent development in German automotive value chains

For several decades, the German automotive industry has been under mounting pressure to reorganiz... more For several decades, the German automotive industry has been under mounting pressure to reorganize its production processes and its modes of value-chain governance. In this paper, we analyze the effects this restructuring has had on the economic development of the Central and Eastern European countries that have specialized in automotive production during the capitalist transition. We focus on two global market forces: the standardization of the production of electric engines and the changing patterns of international trade regulation, mostly under the German neo-mercantilist trade regime. Our hypothesis is that structures of dependent development are reproduced by the forms of vertical specialization that have emerged in the automotive industry in these countries. To prove this, we combine the theory of global value chains with Vernon’s product life-cycle theory.

Final Reflections: Emerging Market Multinational Enterprises in East Central Europe

Although the current status of East Central European (ECE) countries in the process and level of ... more Although the current status of East Central European (ECE) countries in the process and level of their integration into global business varies, a rather general phenomenon is the exhaustion of the foreign direct investment (FDI)-led development model, at least its dominant version of the 1990s and early 2000s. On the one hand, this is a result of multinational affiliates’ isolated and strongly integrated presence in a strictly designed international cooperation system with no physical contact with local firms to deliver spillovers. On the other hand, even those affiliates that are entangled in the development of local supplier networks deliver spillovers only to a limited level. As a consequence, they are not becoming primary players of innovative local business clusters, while the design of affiliates’ activity range is usually specialized on low value-added segments of global value chains (GVC).

The structural dilemma of value-chain upgrading: Hungarian suppliers' integration into the world economy

Society and Economy, 2022

In the following paper, I examine the considerable impact of the recent world-economic shift that... more In the following paper, I examine the considerable impact of the recent world-economic shift that has determined the circumstances of Hungarian suppliers' value-chain integration. I argue that as a result of the specialized positions they occupied in the value-chain after the collapse of the Comecon market, Hungarian enterprises in export-oriented industries faced a dilemma-a trade-off between obtaining the most advanced technologies (and thus access to world-market niches) and retaining ownership in the hands of domestic capital. When company managers opted to protect ownership with the help of the state, they exposed themselves to greater risk of downgrading their position in the value chain. If they managed to get access to advanced technologies (and the requisite funding), they were more likely to lose control over their company's assets, either as a result of a hostile takeover or becoming part of the larger partner's mergerand-acquisition plans. This paper is a discussion of some of the particular characteristics of this dilemma, as well as a comparison with the experience of Hungarian service providers who implemented a different strategy. This paper is also a critical assessment of some of the chief characteristics of the world-economic evolution that has been underway since 2009, such as German automotive value chains' expansion in the CEE region and the growing role of Chinese capital in regional infrastructural projects.

1989: Szempontok a rendszerváltás globális politikai gazdaságtanához. Fordulat folyóirat, 2014. 21. lapszám, 10–63. oldal. (Gagyi Ágnessel, Gerőcs Tamással, Jelinek Csabával és Pinkasz Andrással írt bevezetőtanulmány az 1989 témájú lapszámhoz.)

by Márk Áron Éber, Fordulat társadalomelméleti folyóirat, and Gerőcs Tamás

Fordulat, 2014

Az alábbiakban a magyar rendszerváltás általában 1989-cel megjelölt fordulatának az újragondolásá... more Az alábbiakban a magyar rendszerváltás általában 1989-cel megjelölt fordulatának az újragondolására teszünk kísérletet, egy globális folyamatokra érzékeny, történeti, politikai gazdaságtani szemlélet alapján. Rögzítve egy hosszabb távú közös kutatás szempontjait, áttekintjük Magyarország betagozódását a kapitalista világrendszerbe, valamint megmutatjuk, hogy milyen világgazdasági és geopolitikai folyamatok határozták meg az ország függő fejlődését.

Magyarország kapitalista világrendszeren belüli helyzetének és lehetőségeinek bemutatásakor különös figyelmet fordítunk az eladósodás folyamatára, melyet nem tipikus magyar sajátosságként, hanem a globális strukturális mozgások által beszűkülő nemzetállami mozgástér következményeként mutatunk be. Perspektívánkat röviden kiterjesztjük a rendszerváltást követő két évtizedre, valamint a 2008 utáni fordulatra.

Végül két esettanulmányon keresztül megmutatjuk, hogy milyen következtetésekre juthatunk az általunk vázolt elméleti stratégia alkalmazásával a szocializmushoz és rendszerváltáshoz kapcsolódó ideológiák és gazdaságpolitikák értelmezésében. Meglátásunk szerint mind a „demokrácia” vagy „diktatúra”, mind a „terv” vagy „piac” vitái, melyek meghatározták a rendszerváltás értékeléseit, egészen más megvilágításba kerülnek, ha a globális folyamatok részeként, hosszú távú történeti perspektívában vizsgáljuk őket. Hosszú távon Magyarország félperifériás pozíciójában két – a „felzárkózásnak” csak a reményét, de nem a sikerét biztosító – gazdaságfejlesztő stratégiát azonosítunk: a liberalizálást és a protekcionizmust. A két
stratégia, melyek közötti váltások a globális felhalmozási ciklusokhoz kötődnek, meghatározták az elitek helyi felhalmozási ciklusokon belül megszülető projektjeit és a történetileg kialakult függő helyzetünk ezekhez kötődő értelmezéseit.

The role of Chinese capital in the present Hungarian regime of accumulation: A context to the present political controversy over the Fudan University

LeftEast, 2021

Recent Chinese investments in Hungary have made waves in the international liberal press as part ... more Recent Chinese investments in Hungary have made waves in the international liberal press as part of Transatlantic narratives of hegemonic anxiety. These see Hungary’s “democratic backslide” and “flirtation” with Russia and China in the context of a new Cold War imaginary, defined through Huntingtonian characteristics of politico-cultural belonging. These interpretations have recently found their perfect example in the political controversy over the planned Budapest campus of Fudan University, which included an oppositional demonstration on June 6, 2021, in Budapest, also serving as an early campaign event for the 2022 national elections. If we look at structures of external integration beyond political slogans, instead of some essential cultural turnabout from the “liberal West” to the “illiberal East,” Hungary’s recent Russian and Chinese deals are part of a new geopolitical conjuncture of a long history of world economic integration in an East-West capitalist relation. In the following article we will show how this long history of world-economic integration is defined – and still marked – by issues of dependence and cyclical reconfiguration of capitalist class alliances in the buildup of successive regimes, the latest of which is Orbán’s illiberal hegemony.

Bifurcation in medieval agrarian development in an East-West perspective

In the following paper I will discuss the question of serfdom in relation to capitalist developme... more In the following paper I will discuss the question of serfdom in relation to capitalist development in a comparison between Eastern and Western Europe. This question has been widely discussed by historians, sociologists, political scientists and economists alike. One of the debates about the role of the dissolution and re-introduction of serfdom in early capitalist development in Europe was initiated by economic historian Robert Brenner, after whom the debate has been referred to as the “Brenner debate”.

Die politische Ökonomie des neuen ungarischen "Sklavengesetzes"

by Gerőcs Tamás and Agnes Gagyi

Transnationale Partnerschafts Initiative, 2018

Als das Parlament-kontrolliert von der vierten auf-einanderfolgenden absoluten Fidesz-Mehrheit-in... more Als das Parlament-kontrolliert von der vierten auf-einanderfolgenden absoluten Fidesz-Mehrheit-in einem schnellen Abstimmungsprozess drei wichtige Gesetze verabschiedet hatte, die von Oppositionspar-teien als rechtswidrig bezeichnet wurden, kam es auf Ungarns Straßen zu spontanen Demonstrationen. Die drei wichtigsten Elemente des Gesetzespakets waren das Überstundengesetz, das schon bald als »Sklaven-gesetz« bezeichnet wurde, die Zentralisierung des No-minierungsverfahrens für Richter und die Änderung im Bildungswesen, die die Privatisierung öffentlicher Universitäten erlaubte. Die parlamentarische Opposition protestierte lautstark; das von ihr aufgenommene Video der Abstimmung verbreitete sich schnell. Nach dem Aufruf eines Abgeordneten, mit einer friedlichen Demonstration auf den Straßen Budapests gegen das rechtswidrige Gesetzgebungsverfahren zu protestie-ren, kam es zu einer Massendemonstration, überwie-gend von Studenten, den Vertretern mehrerer Gewerk-schaften und unterschiedlichen Aktivistengruppen. Schon früher hatte es nach der Verabschiedung wichti-ger Gesetze, die ebenfalls ohne gesellschaftlichen Dialog oder Beratung mit repräsentativen Gruppen vorbe-reitet worden waren, Demonstrationswellen gegeben. Kürzlich richteten sie sich gegen das »Lex CEU«, das Gesetz, mit dem die Central European University aus dem Land vertrieben wird. Ende 2018 wurde das Gesetz durch die Kürzung der Mittel für die Ungarische Aka-demie der Wissenschaften und verschiedene staatliche Universitäten ergänzt. Schon vor dem 12. Dezember und lange vor der Abstimmung hatten Studenten vor dem Parlament für die CEU und die Freiheit der Wissen-schaft demonstriert. Sie bauten auf dem Platz Zelte für eine »freie Universität« auf: einen öffentlichen Raum für selbstorganisierte Vorlesungen und Seminare. Die Tradition der »Freien Universität« geht auf frühere Stu-dentendemonstrationen und Universitätsbesetzungen in den letzten Jahren zurück. Nach der jüngsten Geset-zesänderung solidarisierten sich die Studenten mit den Beschäftigten und organisierten gemeinsam mit den Gewerkschaften die Demonstration. Im Dezember richtete sich die Demonstrationswelle vorwiegend gegen das »Sklavengesetz«, das es Unter-nehmen ermöglicht, von den Arbeitern bis zu 400 Überstunden pro Jahr (früher auf 250 Stunden pro Jahr begrenzt) zu verlangen und die Bezahlung bis zu drei Jahre aufzuschieben. Die Gewerkschaften protestier-ten gegen die neue rechtliche Möglichkeit der Unter-nehmen, die Zahl der Überstunden individuell mit den Beschäftigten ohne gewerkschaftliche Beteiligung aus-zuhandeln. Der Ministerpräsident hat die Reformen öffentlich da-mit verteidigt, sie seien ein Gewinn für die Beschäftig-ten, die bislang wegen der Möglichkeit, Überstunden leisten zu können, im Ausland gearbeitet hätten, denn jetzt könnten sie in Ungarn arbeiten. Staatliche Medien und hochrangige Beamte behaupteten, die Demonst-rationen störten den Frieden der Weihnachtszeit, und verurteilten sie als »unchristlich« oder christenfeind-lich. Eine neue Umfrage von Policy Agenda ergab, dass 85 Prozent der Bevölkerung im arbeitsfähigen Alter das Überstundengesetz ablehnen. Die neue Änderung des Arbeitsrechts ist nur eine in einer ganzen Reihe von Reformen seit dem Amtsantritt der Regierung 2010. Den Trend zur Flexibilisierung des ungarischen Arbeitsmarkts gab es praktisch unabhän-gig von der jeweiligen Regierung seit 1990. Den libera-len, sozialistischen und ultrakonservativen Regierungen war die Bereitschaft gemeinsam, multinationale Unter-nehmen dazu zu bewegen, im Land zu investieren. An-gesichts einer sehr hohen Arbeitslosigkeit und der ent-sprechend großen Zahl an verfügbaren Arbeitskräften-historische Altlasten aus der ökonomischen Schock-therapie in den 1990er Jahren-war die Einführung verschiedener neoliberaler Arbeitsrechtsreformen seit 1990 relativ unumstritten.

The transformation of African-Russian economic relations in the multipolar world-system

Despite the historical legacy of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation’s economic presence in ... more Despite the historical legacy of the Soviet Union, the Russian
Federation’s economic presence in Africa today is minuscule in
comparison to that of the West or China. The aim of this Briefing
is to provide a framework for the trajectory of African–Russian
economic ties in the changing international environment.
Although the economic, trade and investment affairs could
develop more complementarity, it is still an open question
whether African countries benefit from the deepening economic
ties or whether these inhibit local socio-economic development.

The main transitions in the Transition Debate

In the following paper I revisit multiple explanations for the ‘transition from feudalism to capi... more In the following paper I revisit multiple explanations for the ‘transition from feudalism to capitalism’ debate in order to gain a more comprehensive insight into the historical evolution of capitalism. My aim is to synthetize complementary approaches informed either by the forces of production argument or alternatively by the emphasis on the relations of production as well as aspects of social reproduction. One debate in particular became infamous for contrasting the relational aspect of primitive accumulation, i.e. the class struggle with what is commonly referred to as the development of the forces of production. In revisiting the Brenner debate, I will place a particular emphasis on the broader concept of primitive accumulation that is informed by the mutually constitutive aspects of racial, gender and ecological relations in the transition to capitalism. My argument is in line with Marx and Engels’ observation according to which capitalist mode of production developed not only through tensions between the forces and relations of production but through antagonistic processes of social reproduction. Brenner’s critique on world-systems’ scholars and on historians of agrarian demography is a good point of departure for synthesizing complementary approaches.

Race and Carceral Capitalism

As it is well known among historical sociologists, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engel’s dialectical me... more As it is well known among historical sociologists, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engel’s dialectical method of historical materialism was greatly influenced and shaped by their enriching debates with many of their contemporary bourgeois thinkers (Tucker 1978, Hall 2003). The most famous of these debates was Marx’s encompassing critique of classical political economy in which he debated David Ricardo and Adam Smith’s labor theory of value. The purpose of that discussion was to reformulate the theory of value by a historically informed scientific method based on the Hegelien notion of historical development – that Marx simultaneously criticized from the standpoint that the real basis of history is the development of the productive forces (Marx and Engels [1846] 1970:47) -, and what came out of this synthesis was that of the dialectical method of historical materialism. By the reformulation of the method with a modified theory of value, Marx could address the concept of ‘primitive accumulation’ in Capital Volume I to criticize Thomas Malthus’ celebrated theory of the population (Tucker 1978).

A methodological conversation with world-systems' perspectives

In the following paper I deal with some of the methodological concerns that evolved in the tradit... more In the following paper I deal with some of the methodological concerns that evolved in the tradition of historical sociology. My focus is on how to choose the analytical unit of research when applying political economy’s approach into historical discussion. For that purpose, I put Marx’s critique on the method of political economy into a conversation with historical sociologists’ discussion on the point of departure in social sciences. The first section of the paper is a concise summary of Marx’s critique, followed by the second section in which the reapplication of the method helped to modify the labor theory of value, as it was presented by Marx in Capital. In the third section I implement Marx’s critical remarks in world-systems scholars’ discussion on the historical method. The paper ends with a short conclusion on historical method.

To be Bravely Critical of Reality: an interview with Tamás Szentes

Tamás Szentes, Professor Emeritus of the Corvinus University of Budapest (the former Karl Marx Un... more Tamás Szentes, Professor Emeritus of the Corvinus University of Budapest (the former Karl Marx University), elected full member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, is ‘one of the grand old men of development economics.’ His first celebrated book in English, The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (published first in 1971, republished in nine languages and ten different countries, totalling altogether 16 editions in the first fifteen years of publication) was praised in ROAPE in 1974 as ‘a serious and comprehensive attempt at providing a true political economy of underdevelopment.’ For a while he was one of the contributing editors of ROAPE, and between 1967 and 1971 worked together with ROAPE activists and researchers such as Lionel Cliffe, Peter Lawrence, John Saul, and Issa Shivji, at the University of Dar es Salaam. In an interview for roape.net Tamás Gerőcs asks Tamás Szentes about the years he spent in Tanzania, the hope and political possibilities of the period and his extensive contribution to development economics.

INDIAN COMPANIES' TECHNOLOGICAL INVESTMENTS IN THE EU WITH A SPECIAL FOCUS ON CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE

India is one of the fastest growing economies in the world whose global share in “outward foreign... more India is one of the fastest growing economies in the world whose global share in “outward foreign direct investment” (OFDI) among the developing countries increased from a low level to second only to China. It has not only been a spectacular rise in Indian overseas investment activity, but the nature and the structure of Indian OFDI have also changed in the last decades. In the following paper we will examine the reasons and driving forces behind this spectacular rise, concentrating mostly on those host country characteristics that are the pull factors in attracting Indian investments. We follow the most recent literature on global value-chain specialization as much of Indian outward foreign investment is following a technology-seeking strategy currently. We choose Central and Eastern Europe as our case study because the region combines attributions of both advanced and developing countries in attracting Indian investment.

Rural Areas in Eastern Europe as Internal Peripheries of the Global Division of Labor

by Gerőcs Tamás, András Vigvári, and Cecilia Kovai

In our paper we seek to conceptualize rural development in the framework of global labor relation... more In our paper we seek to conceptualize rural development in the framework of global labor relations in historical capitalism. In our hypothesis, rural development in a global perspective coalesces with semi-peripheral labor relations. The Marxian notion of surplus population which have been formed and reproduced by capitalist social relations tend to be produced in peripheral and semi-peripheral regions. We seek to identify the most recent forms of the surplus population by analysing Hungarian workfare regimes introduced by the state in the post-2008 crises period. In addition to the role of workfare systems in the reproduction of the labour force, including the surplus population, we analyse mechanisms that help to sustain hierarchical local social relations by e.g. means of ethnicizing and excluding segments of the population from the formal labour market or other state institutions.

Review_hegemonic transition_The uprise of the new right in Europe_GERŐCS.docx

Russia's Economic Reorientation in Africa

The purpose of this paper is to critically examine Russia’s growing political and economic reorie... more The purpose of this paper is to critically examine Russia’s growing political and economic reorientation in Africa. Despite the rich historical legacy of the decolonization era in Africa, the Russian Federation’s economic presence today is hardly comparable to its Soviet past. Since the late 1990s economic ties between Africa and Russia have been reorganized and strengthened, although Russian trade and investment still lag behind not only to Western countries, but also behind the rapidly expanding China. Nonetheless there are a growing number of Russian business activities in many African countries. Russia needs to broaden its export markets not only for its traditional products, but also for its capital. Most of the Russian investments concentrate on mineral extraction, but in the last few years other types of investment appeared as well, amongst which financial and industrial, e.g. in the telecommunication or nuclear industries, are the most visible ones. The paper argues that in the changing international environment Russian-African economic ties will deepen in the future as the economic, trade and investment affairs seem to develop more and more complementarities. It is still an open question whether African countries and Russia benefit from the deepening economic ties, or Russia’s growing presence leads to neo-colonial asymmetries that are comparable to the growing presence of other European or Asian economic powers. The aim of the research is to provide a framework for the trajectory of the deepening economic relationship between Russia and Africa. These developments on the one hand might be part of a new colonial era in which rising great powers in a multi-polar world-system race to conquer African resources. Or on the other hand global multi-polarity might help African countries to diversify and loosen their post-colonial dependence. Hence, Russian contribution to their modernization needs will bring some balance into the post-colonial divide.

Debt-ridden development on Europe's Eastern Periphery

by Gerőcs Tamás and Andras Pinkasz

Reindustrialization in Eastern Europe became spectacular after the global crisis of 2008. Our res... more Reindustrialization in Eastern Europe became spectacular after the global crisis of 2008. Our research question is whether this change is a ’catching up’ model for Eastern European semi-peripheral states. Our hypothesis is that the historical process of integration is highly determined by the access to technology and capital. We focus on two mechanisms of the integration: external finances and the changing pattern of the division of labor. With respect to the former, we distinguish three periods, each of which is partly characterized by a distinctive form of external finance: international loans during socialism, foreign direct investment in the post-socialist era and the most current EU-transfers. With respect to the latter, we focus on the automotive industry that has been increasingly exposed to those global forces that induce relocation from core production-sites to Eastern Europe. We argue that analyzing Hungarian industrial and financial development demonstrates how the integration of this country into the international division of labor means a new version of dependency.

Beyond Moral Interpretations of the EU ‘Migration Crisis’: Hungary and the Global Economic Division of Labor

by Gerőcs Tamás, Agnes Gagyi, and Márton Szarvas

This article is a reflection in hindsight on the ‘summer of migration’ of 2015 in Europe, and the... more This article is a reflection in hindsight on the ‘summer of migration’ of 2015 in Europe, and the symbolic debates around the role of Hungary during those months. Historical events that have followed brought significant changes in the structural and political-ideological constellations we describe. However, as political-ideological treatments of the present crisis continue to mobilize moral values tied to particular positions within the global system, we hope a posthumous analysis of how moral stances are ascribed within a long-standing hierarchical global distribution of labor, hiding systemic interconnections, can also contribute to today’s debates.

Challenges of Internationalisation from the Perspective of the Chinese Currency

This paper examines the spread of the international use of the renminbi (yuan), with particular f... more This paper examines the spread of the international use of the renminbi (yuan), with particular focus on, the multipolarisation of the international monetary system. Additionally, the study addresses the question of how the spread of a new currency in international financial markets influences the external financing opportunities of small open economies (e.g. Hungary). The author sets out two possible scenarios in relation to the spread of the Chinese renminbi (yuan) and, in terms of the development of the entire international financial system, he points out that over the next years it will be of crucial importance which model the Chinese economic policy will move toward, and if there is a road that leads from the one to the other.

Oroszország növekvő gazdasági jelenléte Afrikában

Despite the historical legacy, the Russian Federation's economic presence today in Africa is hard... more Despite the historical legacy, the Russian Federation's economic presence today in Africa is hardly comparable to other western countries or even to its Soviet past. The relationship between the African countries and Russia dropped to almost non-existence after the fall of the Soviet Union. Since the late 1990s economic ties have been reorganized and strengthened thanks to Russia's growing political and economic awareness, although Russian trade and investment still lags behind not only to its western competitors but also behind the rapidly expanding China. Nonetheless there are a growing number of Russian business activities in many African, including sub-Saharan countries. Most of the Russian investments concentrate on mineral extraction, but in the last few years other types of investment appeared, amongst which financial and industrial, e.g. in the telecommunication or nuclear industries, are the most visible ones. The article argues that in the changing international environment the Russian-African economic ties will be deepened as the economic partners seem to grow a mutual interest in the trade and investment affairs. Africa needs new sources of capital and technology which can diversify its historical dependence on the West, whereas Russia needs to broaden its export markets not only for its traditional products but also for Russia's capital export.

A Szovjetunió széthullásával az orosz-afrikai gazdasági kapcsolatok szinte teljesen megszűntek. A mélypontot a 90-es évek orosz gazdaság transzformációja okozta, aminek végével nyílt meg ismét a lehetőség a régi kapcsolatok felélénkítésére és új tartalommal való megtöltésére. A 2000-es évek eleje látványos fordulatot hozott az orosz-afrikai kapcsolatokban, amit egy évtized kihagyása után 3 orosz elnöki vizit is erősített. Egyre több orosz vállalat jelenik meg befektetőként afrikai országokban. Az orosz tőke érdeklődése hagyományosan az energiaszektorhoz és a bányaiparhoz kapcsolódik, ám a volumenében és értékében is növekvő kereskedelmi kapcsolatokkal párhuzamosan egyre szélesebb palettán jelennek meg a vállalatok. A pénzügyi szektor mellett a távközlésben és a feldolgozóiparban is vannak orosz érdekeltségű afrikai befektetések. Oroszország jelenléte az afrikai gazdasági életben ugyanakkor továbbra is csekélynek tekinthető, főleg ha a növekvő kínai, vagy a hagyományosan erős pozíciókkal rendelkező nyugati országokhoz hasonlítjuk. A tanulmányomban azt vizsgálom, hogy a nemzetközi környezet megváltozása mennyiben segíti elő Oroszország jelenlétének további növekedését. Hipotézisem abból indul ki, hogy az afrikai országoknak nőni fog az igénye a nyugatitól, sőt kínaitól is eltérő tőke és technológiai forrásokra, Oroszországnak pedig az az érdeke, hogy tradicionális felvevő piacainak körét bővítse. Az orosz és afrikai érdekeltségek egybeesése miatt számítok arra, hogy a jövőben bővülni és mélyülni fog az afrikai országok és Oroszország közötti gazdasági kapcsolat. Történelmi előzmények Oroszország afrikai kapcsolatai a cári időkig nyúlnak vissza. Az egyik első közvetlen kötődés még a XIX század végén alakult ki, amikor az orosz ortodox egyház felhívására orosz önkéntesek Abesszíniában (Etiópiában) segítették az olasz gyarmatosítók elleni küzdelmet. Kevéssé ismert, hogy oroszok harcoltak az 1902-es búr háborúban is az angolokkal szemben.

The Political Economy of Eastern Europe 30 years into the ‘Transition’ - New Left Perspectives from the Region

by Agnes Gagyi, Dimitrije Birač, Zoran Vuckovac, Gerőcs Tamás, and Joe Grim Feinberg

The Political Economy of Eastern Europe 30 years into the ‘Transition’ - New Left Perspectives from the Region, 2021

By the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, in most parts of Eastern Europe, high exp... more By the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, in most parts of Eastern Europe, high expectations associated with postsocialist transition have been substituted by disillusionment. After 1990, Eastern Europe has been internationally treated with a low-interest acknowledgement of what was understood as a slow and erratic, but unquestionable process of integration in a Western-dominated world order. In the context of today’s geopolitical reorganization, East European examples of authoritarian politics once again become discussed as significant reference points for Western and global politics. This book represents a contribution to this debate from a distinctive East European perspective: that of new left scholars and activists from the region, whose lifetime largely corresponds to the transformations of the postsocialist period, and who came to develop an understanding of their environment in terms of its relations to global capitalist processes. A both theoretical and empirical contribution, the book provides essential insights on topics conventionally associated with East European transition from privatization to the politicized slogans of corruption or civil society, and analyzes their connection to the newest reconfigurations of postsocialist capitalist regimes. As a contribution to contemporary debates on the present global socio-political transformation, this collection does not only seek to debate analytical statements, but also to change the field where analytical aims are set, by adding perspectives that think Eastern Europe’s global relations from within the regional context and its political stakes.

The Future of the European Union Feminist Perspectives from East-Central Europe (edited), Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung 2017

by Eszter Kováts, Andrea Peto, Gregor Anikó, Emilia Barna, Gergely Csányi, Gerőcs Tamás, and Zofia Łapniewska

For Jozsef Borocz being 60

by József Böröcz, László ANDOR, Aneesh Aneesh, Manuela Boatcă, Barabas, György, Celine Cantat, Julianna Faludi PhD, Agnes Gagyi, Gerőcs Tamás, Andras Pinkasz, csaba jelinek, Adam Fabry, Eva Fodor, Gergő Pulay, Zoltán Ginelli, Zsuzsa Gille, and Hadas, Miklós

Being any age, even such a "round number" as 60, is not a virtue but a condition. -- And yet, a l... more Being any age, even such a "round number" as 60, is not a virtue but a condition. -- And yet, a large group of my friends have put together a collection now that I passed that numerical hurdle. I am honored and humbled.

To access it, please follow this link:

https://www.karlpolanyicenter.org/borocz-anniversary

A kelet-európai átalakulás globális összefüggései_Eszmélet116.pdf

A Hasított fa című könyv alakított a világképemen, mégpedig az államszocializmussal kapcsolatos ö... more A Hasított fa című könyv alakított a világképemen, mégpedig az államszocializmussal kapcsolatos összefoglalójával. Bár ismertem korábban a szerző, Böröcz József megközelítésében az államszocializmus vitáit, de mégis az államszocializmus vita egy szélesen vett vita, tehát igazából tényleg fontos felvenni ebben egy pozíciót. A könyv ebből a szempontból nem is azért volt érdekes, merthogy most nem valami újat nyújt vagy leleplez valamit, amit nem tudtunk volna korábban. Hanem inkább újra keretezi ezt a vitát, újra előveszi azokat a kérdéseket, amik ma is nagyon aktuálisak azzal kapcsolatban, hogy mit gondoljunk az államszocializmusról Magyarországon.

Gerőcs Tamás - Pinkasz András: Rendszerkritikai útkeresés 1989 után (Antikapitalista baloldal)

by Fordulat társadalomelméleti folyóirat and Gerőcs Tamás

Fordulat, 2018

Az Antikapitalista baloldal című kötet az Eszmélet folyóiraton belül zajló vitákon keresztül teki... more Az Antikapitalista baloldal című kötet az Eszmélet folyóiraton belül zajló vitákon keresztül tekinti át a rendszerváltás óta felhalmozott rendszerkritikai tapasztalatokat. Az elmúlt 25 év tőkés átalakulásának ciklusai és viszontagságai a baloldali antikapitalizmus szerepét és lehetőségét is meghatározták. A kronologikus ív látszólagos töréssel az 1956-os munkás-önigazgatás (újra)értékelésével zárul. A kötet egyik fontos tanulsága azonban éppen a közösségi kezdeményezések társadalmi perspektívái, amelyek a mai válság sújtotta kiútkeresésben iránymutatókká válhatnak.

Gerőcs Tamás és Pinkasz András: Magyarország az európai munkamegosztásban. A termelés áthelyezése a globális járműipari értékláncokban

by Fordulat társadalomelméleti folyóirat and Gerőcs Tamás

Fordulat, 2019

A kelet-közép-európai országok világgazdasági visszailleszkedése a hetvenes évek globális és regi... more A kelet-közép-európai országok világgazdasági visszailleszkedése a hetvenes évek globális és regionális átalakulásával indult meg, de csak a rendszerváltással és a KGST felbomlásával vált a térség a tőkés világrendszer és azon belül az európai munkamegosztás teljes részévé. Az új munkamegosztás értékláncain belüli hierarchikus szakosodás a 2000-es évekre átalakult, majd a 2008-as világgazdasági válságot követően megszilárdult. A gazdasági integrációt külső és belső tényezők együttesen határozták meg, így a nyugati, elsősorban német ipari termelési hálózatokat érintő technológiai és világpiaci változások, valamint a német ipar érdekeit szolgáló „neomerkantilista” intézmények térhódítása az Európai Unióban és annak keleti tagállamaiban. A világpiacot érintő túltermelési válság, valamint az utóbbi évtizedben az elektromos motorok által elindított technológiai változások a német járműipar átszervezéséhez vezettek, az egyre szabványosított és ezért stagnáló vagy csökkenő hozzáadott érték előállítására képes termelési folyamatokat a német járműgyártók Kelet-Közép-Európába telepítették át. A külső finanszírozástól és technológiától való függést történetileg újratermelő régiós államok, így Magyarország is részben ennek a német ipari tőkének a kiszolgálására építették fel új félperifériás tőkefelhalmozási rezsimjeiket. A magyar kormány gazdaságpolitikája ebben a rendszerben a német „neomerkantilista” modell periférikus verziójának tekinthető. Az állam az oktatáson, adózáson és munkaerőpiaci reformokon keresztül szolgálja ki a német ipari tőkeérdekeket, aminek eredményeként a centrum–periféria viszonyok újraalakulnak az értékláncok termelési hálózatainak hierarchiájában.